Tanzanian-Dutch Partnership: Advancing Sustainable Development Goals Together

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Tanzanian-Dutch Partnership: Advancing Sustainable Development Goals Together

As the world intensifies efforts to meet the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), Tanzania and the Netherlands stand as exemplary partners. Both nations share a commitment to tackling challenges such as poverty, education, and climate change, guided by a deep-seated partnership. Under the leadership of Tanzanian President Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan, Tanzania has pursued ambitious strategies for sustainable development, addressing critical areas like entrepreneurship, climate action, and healthcare. This collaborative approach leverages Dutch expertise and investment, enriching Tanzania’s sustainable development journey and fostering global progress.

Diplomat Magazine approached H.E. Ms. Caroline Chipeta Kitana, Ambassador of the United Republic of Tanzania, to talk about these relevant issues.

Ambassador Chipeta, how would you describe the current state of diplomatic relations between Tanzania and the Netherlands?

For over five decades, Tanzania and the Netherlands have nurtured strong and mutually beneficial diplomatic relations, yielding substantial social and economic accomplishments. Under the Sixth Phase Government Co chaired  by Her Excellency Dr. President  Samia Suluhu Hassan, this partnership is poised for further enhancement with a commitment centered on elevating the business environment and reinvigorating regional and global cooperation. Key areas of focus for the Sixth Phase Government encompass agriculture, livestock, green energy, tourism and hospitality, pharmaceuticals, infrastructure, mining, real estate, manufacturing, and agro-processing.

The Netherlands is among the top 10 countries with significant investments in Tanzania across diverse sectors, including agriculture, construction, and energy. Over 100 Dutch companies are active in Tanzania, with prominent players like BAM International, Phillips, Heineken, KLM, Unilever, Belast NEDAM, East West Seeds, Rabobank, Rijkzwaan, HZPC Potatoes, Shell, and DAMEN Ship. Collectively, these investments total over €300 billion in value and have generated more than 25,000 jobs.

The cordial diplomatic relations between Tanzania and the Netherlands were recently highlighted when Honourable January Yusuf Makamba, the then Minister for Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation, conducted a working visit to the Kingdom of the Netherlands from 14 to 15 November 2023. During the visit, Minister Makamba attended the Tanzania-Netherlands Trade and Investment Forum (TIF) and held a bilateral meeting with Honourable Hanke Bruins Slot, former Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

In his opening remarks at the Forum, Hon. Makamba assured Dutch investors, approximately 70 Dutch companies, of Tanzania’s advantages as an investment destination, including its strategic location, political stability, natural resource abundance, skilled young labor, and friendly business environment. He encouraged them to seize the opportunity to expand their investments in Tanzania. Since then, there has been a notable increase in the flow of Dutch companies interested in investing or expanding their business in Tanzania. In fact, since November last year, more than 13 companies have approached the Embassy seeking new investment opportunities in Tanzania.

On the margins of the Tanzania-Netherlands Trade and Investment Forum, Minister Makamba also witnessed the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation and Investment Promotion between the Tanzania Investment Centre (TIC) and the Netherlands-Africa Business Council (NABC). TIC and NABC are currently organizing a Trade and Investment Mission to Tanzania on Sustainable Agriculture, Renewable Energy, and Climate-Resilient Infrastructure, set for December 2024.

Tanzania’s commitment to the SDGs and economic development initiatives

Tanzania’s longstanding partnership with the Netherlands has bolstered its commitment to key SDGs, particularly SDG 1 (No Poverty) and SDG 13 (Climate Action). Initiatives such as the Tanzanian Startup Association (TSA) and the April 2023 Memorandum of Understanding encourage entrepreneurship by creating supportive ecosystems. Dutch backing has helped Tanzanian startups flourish, stimulating job creation and economic opportunities. The 2018 Blueprint for Regulatory Reforms is also improving Tanzania’s regulatory environment, enabling smallholder farmers and SMEs to participate inclusively.

In May 2024, the National Steering Committee for the Blueprint made a study visit to the Netherlands, where they exchanged knowledge on regulatory best practices. Their engagements included sessions with Tanzanian entrepreneurs in the Netherlands and visits to Dutch institutions like the Erasmus Centre for Entrepreneurship, which provided insights for fostering Tanzanian entrepreneurship. Meetings with the Netherlands Foreign Investment Agency (NFIA) and other organizations highlighted strategies for attracting foreign investment, essential for poverty alleviation.

On climate action, Tanzania has taken pioneering steps. The introduction of carbon trading regulations has attracted Dutch interest, notably through Rabobank’s Acorn project, which supports Tanzanian smallholder farmers in sustainable agroforestry. This initiative produces carbon credits sold internationally, aligning with SDG 13 while also supporting SDG 1 by providing additional income for local farmers.

At COP-28 in December 2023 in Dubai, Tanzania launched the African Women Clean Cooking Support Programme to promote gender equality and clean energy. Additionally, the government’s ten-year, $1.8 billion National Clean Cooking Energy Strategy was launched in May 2024. Co-chaired by President Hassan at a summit in Paris, this initiative raised USD 2.2 billion in financing for clean cooking solutions, underscoring Tanzania’s commitment to sustainable energy transitions.

Dutch organization SNV has contributed to Tanzania’s energy efforts, collaborating on initiatives like the Tanzania Improved Cookstoves (TICs) project, which promotes efficient cooking alternatives in rural communities. These projects directly support SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) by providing safer, sustainable alternatives to traditional cooking methods.

Healthcare partnerships between Tanzania and the Netherlands also continue to thrive. Collaborations between Kilimanjaro Christian Medical Centre (KCMC) and Radboud University Medical Center, as well as ZGT Overzee, have spanned over two decades. RadboudUMC has recently extended cooperation to Benjamin Mkapa Hospital and Muhimbili National Hospital, tackling drug-resistant bacteria, thereby supporting SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-being).

In sustainable tourism, Dutch operators like PANGEA Tours collaborate with Tanzanian projects like Rhotia Valley Resort, which supports an orphanage through tourism income. Investments like Basecamp Tanzania Eco-resorts further promote eco-friendly practices, enhancing local ecosystems and benefiting surrounding communities.

Under President Hassan’s leadership, Tanzania demonstrates a steadfast commitment to sustainable development and diplomatic relations with the Netherlands. Initiatives such as the National Clean Cooking Energy Strategy and the National Environmental Master Plan for Strategic Intervention (2022-2032) underscore Tanzania’s readiness to create a resilient, sustainable future, with the Netherlands as a key partner. Together, these efforts advance the Sustainable Development Goals, setting a benchmark for international cooperation.

Journey of a Jurisconsult

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Journey of a Jurisconsult

By H.E. Mr. François Alabrune, Ambassador of France  to the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Permanent Representative to the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and International Legal Institutions in The Hague.

The foundation of my vocation and my curiosity regarding the world has been greatly influenced by my parents. My father, who was originally from Central France and the first in his family to pursue higher education, left for Argentina in the early years of his professional career to engage in trade. He later became a diplomat and served in India, Australia, the United States, Haiti, Belgium, and Canada. My mother, who came from Northern France, also worked for the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs, in Belgium and the United Kingdom, before marrying my father. This is why I was born in Halifax, Canada.

Throughout my studies in law and political science, I had the privilege of following the teaching of two prominent Jurisconsults: Gilbert Guillaume and Ronny Abraham, who served as Legal Advisors to the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs and later as Judges at the International Court of Justice. I was fortunate to work with them, particularly when I became Ronny Abraham’s deputy. In the international law advisory activities I conducted over 20 years, particularly as a Legal Advisor to the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs for eight years, their approach to international law, which is rooted in a rigorous analysis of facts and law and a pursuit of clarity, had a significant influence on me. I was also influenced by my collaboration with other distinguished legal scholars, such as Professors Prosper Weil and Alain Pellet.

I also learned a great deal through constant interactions with legal advisors from other countries, as well as during my assignments at the Representation to the European Union in Brussels, at the Mission to the United Nations in New York, and later as Consul General in Quebec, Ambassador to the OSCE in Vienna, and then to the Netherlands. These were all unique opportunities for me to be enriched by other cultures and ways of thinking.

I began my career during a period of significant development in international law. The division of the world into two blocs came to an end, making it possible and necessary to draft numerous multilateral and bilateral treaties. I had the privilege of participating in the negotiations of several treaties, particularly in the domains of arms control, counter-terrorism, law of the sea, and international criminal law.

A  memorable experience was undoubtedly the negotiation of the Statute of the International Criminal Court, which started in 1997. Such an institution may have appeared utopian at first. Its development was an extraordinary collective adventure that required the search for original solutions, especially in order to reconcile different legal traditions. Working within the drafting committee of the Rome Conference, under the presidency of the esteemed Egyptian jurist Cheriff Bassiouni, was a truly exceptional experience.

By participating in numerous contentious proceedings before the International Court of Justice, the European Court of Human Rights, the Court of Justice of the European Union, arbitration tribunals, and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, I have been able to serve as the legal representative of my country, while also cultivating close relationships with the judges. These interactions have enabled me to understand the demands of their roles and the conditions necessary for the proper functioning of the courts.

Having been in The Hague for two years, I maintain my dedication to the advancement of international law. I appear before the International Court of Justice and closely follow its activities. I prepared and presided over part of the work of the third congress of the members of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2024. I also cooperate closely with the International Criminal Court, particularly within the framework of the Assembly of States Parties, and provide ongoing support to the Hague Academy of International Law and other international legal institutions (such as the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, the Kosovo Specialist Chambers, the Hague Conference on Private International Law, Eurojust).

Being an ambassador in The Hague, the capital of International Law, offers the privilege of daily participation in a legal and diplomatic community of exceptional intellectual and human qualities. I express my gratitude to its members and to the Dutch authorities for their invaluable dedication.

I am greatly honoured to have been selected as a candidate for the forthcoming elections of judges to the International Court of Justice by the French Group of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, chaired by Judge Ronny Abraham, following extensive consultations with the supreme courts, universities, and learned societies in France.

International Law faces considerable challenges, but it holds, particularly through the International Court of Justice, an increasing importance for the unity and survival of the human community. Serving this law, particularly in The Hague, is the honour of my life.

ICC Seeks Justice for Rohingya: Arrest Warrant Application Filed Against Myanmar’s Senior General Min Aung Hlaing

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ICC Seeks Justice for Rohingya: Arrest Warrant Application Filed Against Myanmar’s Senior General Min Aung Hlaing

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken a significant step in addressing the atrocities committed against the Rohingya community during the 2016 and 2017 waves of violence in Rakhine State, Myanmar. Since launching its investigation on 14 November 2019, the ICC Office of the Prosecutor has conducted an extensive, independent, and impartial investigation into the alleged crimes. After years of meticulous evidence gathering, the Office has concluded there are reasonable grounds to believe that Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Defence Services and Acting President, bears criminal responsibility for crimes against humanity, including deportation and persecution of the Rohingya.

The Scope of Allegations

The ICC alleges that the crimes against the Rohingya were committed by Myanmar’s armed forces, the Tatmadaw, with the support of the national police, border guard police, and non-Rohingya civilians. These crimes, which unfolded between 25 August 2017 and 31 December 2017, forced over a million Rohingya to flee their homes, primarily seeking refuge in Bangladesh.

Evidence and Collaboration

The application for an arrest warrant against Min Aung Hlaing is the first of its kind targeting a high-ranking Myanmar government official. This groundbreaking move is supported by a wide array of evidence, including:

  • Testimonies from numerous witnesses, including insiders.
  • Documentary evidence.
  • Authenticated scientific, photographic, and video materials.

The investigation was significantly bolstered by collaboration with various states, civil society organizations, and international bodies. Key contributors included the Rohingya community, the Government of Bangladesh, and the United Nations Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar. The Rohingya community’s unwavering commitment to justice, as well as their courage in sharing testimonies and materials, has been indispensable.

Voices from the Camps

ICC Prosecutor’s visits to the Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar underscored the Rohingya’s resilience and their call for justice. During these visits, women shared their harrowing stories, youth activists expressed their determination to contribute to accountability efforts, and men of all ages emphasized the need for justice and recognition. These interactions reinforced the ICC’s resolve to vindicate their hopes through the power of law.

Next Steps

The ICC’s independent judges will now evaluate whether the application meets the legal standard required to issue an arrest warrant. If approved, the ICC will work closely with the Court’s Registrar to facilitate the arrest of Min Aung Hlaing.

Commitment to Accountability

The ICC has demonstrated a renewed focus on this investigation by allocating additional resources and accelerating its activities. The Prosecutor’s Office remains committed to submitting further applications in the coming months, ensuring the pursuit of justice for the Rohingya community.

A Message of Hope

This milestone underscores the international community’s determination to ensure the Rohingya are not forgotten. The ICC’s work aims to uphold the principle that all people, including the Rohingya, deserve the protection of the law. As the world watches, the ICC continues to champion accountability and justice, striving to vindicate the resilience and hope of the Rohingya community.

Angola’s 49th National Day Celebration

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Angola’s 49th National Day Celebration

Theme: National Unity, Production, and Sustainable Development

By Roy Lie Atjam

The Hague, 12 November 2024 – H.E. Ambassador Maria Isabel Resende Encoge proudly hosted a animated reception to celebrate the 49th  Anniversary of the National Independence of the Republic of Angola. This event showcased Angola’s unparalleled artistic talent, a hallmark of the National Day celebrations. Attendees were treated to an engaging video that highlighted Angola’s recent developments, and the esteemed saxophonist, affectionately called Nanutu, delivered powerful performances of both the Angolan and Dutch national anthems, which received enthusiastic applause from the guests.

H. E. Ambassador Jelte van Wieren, Director of the Sub-Saharan Africa Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.

H. E. Ambassador Jelte van Wieren, Director of the Sub-Saharan Africa Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, recognized Angola’s 49th National Day and paid tribute to the national hero Nzinga for her exceptional courage and determination.

H.E. Mr. Vusimuzi Madonsela, Ambassador of South Africa, H.E. Ms. Ramatoulaye Ba Epse Faye, Ambassador of Senegal, Hon Halima Yussuf Mucheke, Ambassador of Kenya, H.E. Ms. Caroline Chipeta Kitana, Ambassador of Tanzania, H.E. Ms. Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua, Ambassador of Cameroon, H.E. Mr. Diarrassouba Mifougo Youssouf, Ambassador of Cote d’Ivoire, H.E. Ms. Maria Isabel Resende Encoge, Ambassador of Angola, H.E. Ms. Isabelle Ndahayo, Ambassador of the Republic of Burundi, Ms. Omaima Alsharief, Charge d’affaires of the Sudan and H. E. Ms. Salima Abdelhak, Ambassador of Algeria.

In a commanding speech, Ambassador Maria Isabel de Resende Encoge emphasized the significance of Angola’s independence. “The proclamation of the Republic of Angola’s independence occurred during a critical juncture marked by the Cold War and considerable regional instability. This backdrop honed Angolan diplomacy, firmly establishing our commitment to respect and equity among nations, peaceful conflict resolution, global cooperation, progress, and social justice. Angola assumed the vital role of solidifying its sovereignty and demonstrating its leadership on the international stage.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Simas Magalhães, Ambassador of Brazil, H.E. Ms. Maria Isabel Resende Encoge, Ambassador of Angola, H.E. Ms. Maria Clara Nunes, Ambassador of Portugal and H.E. Mr. Zacarias da Costa, Ambassador of Angola to the CPLP in Portugal.

Today, as we celebrate Angola’s Independence Day, we also honor the Day of the Angolan Diplomat, commemorating the establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs through Decree-Law No. 1/75.

This pivotal moment empowered Angola to declare its status as an independent and sovereign state while laying the foundation for its foreign policy.

Angola National Day 2024 The Hague.

Under the decisive leadership of H.E. João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço, President of the Republic, Angola stands resolute in its dedication to strengthening democratic governance, fostering a dynamic, effective, and inclusive market economy, promoting ethical standards within our society, ensuring good governance, and vigorously combating corruption.”

Malta Renews Contribution for ICC Victims

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Malta Renews Contribution for ICC Victims

The Trust Fund for Victims at the International Criminal Court announced that the Government of Malta, a State Party to the ICC since 2002, renewed its voluntary contribution to the TFV for a total amount of EUR 20,000. This unrestricted contribution will be used to redress the harm suffered by victims of Rome Statute crimes, through reparations awards ordered by the ICC and other programs for their benefit.

“The TFV Board of Directors extends its heartfelt gratitude to Malta for its generous contribution, underscoring the importance of global collaboration in addressing the harm endured by victims of Rome Statute crimes,” said Kevin Kelly, member of the Board of Directors, representing the Western European and Other States Group. “Malta’s dedication strengthens efforts to deliver reparative justice, bringing meaningful relief to victims within harmed communities.”

The Republic of Malta has been consistently supporting the programs for the benefit of victims implemented by the Trust Fund for Victims since 2021.

H.E. Mr. Jeffrey Curmi, Ambassador of Malta to the Kingdom of the Netherlands said, “The Republic of Malta is a committed advocate of the International Criminal Court and its Trust Fund for Victims. At such a delicate junction, Malta stands firm in its support which is aimed at ensuring that the International Criminal Court will continue to provide its unique service towards the international multilateral framework by addressing the gravest international crimes and delivering justice. ”

Within this context Ambassador Curmi noted that “Malta acknowledges the importance of pursuing a victim-centered approach. As such, Malta’s voluntary contribution is primarily aimed at assisting the Trust Fund for Victims in its noble mission to deliver reparative justice by empowering victims and communities.”

The History and Impact of Japan’s Loans to China

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The History and Impact of Japan’s Loans to China

By Xia Ri, Industry Researcher at ANBOUND

1979 was a critical year for the economic, political, and diplomatic development between China and Japan. During his visit to China, then-Japanese Prime Minister Masayoshi ƌhira explicitly stated that Japan would support China’s reform and opening-up efforts. Subsequently, Japan formally began providing government development loans to China, primarily in yen. In December 2007, China and Japan signed the yen loan agreement, and 28 years later, the Japanese government officially announced that it would cease the loans to China starting in 2008.

In its entire process, Japan provided loans to China in batches, with the initial scale rapidly increasing, peaking in 2000, then sharply decreasing. Overall, yen loans show the five characteristics of high amounts, large increases, low interest rates, long repayment periods, and high cooperation.

The first three batches of yen loans saw a significant increase in scale. The first batch (1979-1983) amounted to JPY 330.9 billion, with an interest rate of 3% and a 30-year repayment period, including a 10-year grace period. The second batch (1984-1989) was announced during Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone’s visit to China in 1984, with a loan of JPY 470 billion, an interest rate ranging from 3% to 5%, and the same 30-year repayment period, including a 10-year grace period. The third batch (1990-1995), announced during Prime Minister Takeshita Noboru’s visit in 1988, involved JPY 810 billion, a 2.5% interest rate, and a 30-year repayment period, also with a 10-year grace period.

Secondly, after the fourth batch of yen loans, the scale sharply declined after reaching its peak. The fourth batch of loans was divided into two stages: JPY 580 billion for the 1996-1998 period and JPY 390 billion for the 1999-2000 period, totaling approximately JPY 970 billion. The annual interest rate ranged from 0.75% to 2.3%, with a repayment period of 30 years, including a 10-year grace period. By 2000, yen loans peaked at JPY 2.14299 trillion, which was about three times the amount of the first batch. However, after 2001, the loan amount significantly decreased, reaching its lowest point by 2007 at only JPY 46.302 billion, a reduction of about 78.4% compared to 2000.

Finally, there were also industry-specific loans. In 1988 and 1994, the Japanese government provided China with two capital recycling yen loans, amounting to JPY 100 billion and JPY 40 billion, respectively. These loans were mainly used for industries such as textiles, electromechanical, light industry production, and raw materials for export. The development of these sectors supported China’s efforts to expand exports and generate foreign exchange. In October 2000, Japan also provided China a special yen loan with a 40-year repayment term, with a 10-year grace period, and an interest rate of only 0.95%, totaling JPY 17.202 billion.

These yen loans played a significant role in China’s reform and opening-up, driving the rapid development of the Chinese economy. This impact is reflected in the following three areas:

First, they opened the door for China to introduce foreign capital and develop its economy. In June 1979, the Chinese-foreign Equity Joint Venture Law was passed, signaling China’s official abandonment of its 1960s policy of rejecting foreign investment. This marked a shift towards encouraging foreign capital. In 1978, China’s foreign exchange reserves were only USD 167 million. In 1979, China and Japan signed the first loan agreement, which was the earliest and largest foreign government loan received by China since the reform and opening-up began. Japan was the first country to offer government loans to China, thus opening the door for China to introduce foreign capital to develop its economy.

To facilitate this loan, the Japanese government proposed and convinced other Western countries and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) to classify China as a “developing country” and include it in the list of countries eligible for assistance from developed nations. This was very helpful for China in securing funding and development aid from international financial institutions such as the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, thus accelerating China’s economic development and integration into the global economic system.

Japan was also the largest donor of government development assistance to China, with the total loan agreement amount accounting for over 60% of all foreign government loans to China. Among the 24 countries and regional financial institutions that provided government loans to China, Japan’s loans were the largest. China was the third-largest recipient of Japan’s foreign aid, following Indonesia and Vietnam. In 2006, Japan’s Ambassador to China, Keiji Ide, noted that, in terms of U.S. dollars, Japan’s aid to China amounts to USD 144.1 billion, exceeding the total aid from Germany (USD 39.6 billion), France (USD 13.4 billion), and the UK (USD 6.6 billion) combined.

Second, the loans promoted China’s infrastructure and economic development plans through valuable long-term investment funds, thereby reducing financing costs for construction. The multi-year decision approach to loans aligned with China’s five-year economic plans, effectively advancing infrastructure development in areas such as resources, energy, transportation, and communications. According to data from Japan-China Economic Cooperation, the share of yen loans in China’s fixed asset investment increased from 1.54% in 1985 to 10.41% in 1992. Through joint efforts between the two countries, a number of large-scale, long-term, technologically advanced, and capital-intensive infrastructure projects were completed across China’s provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities. By the end of 1995, the major construction projects included the expansion of the Beijing-Qinhuangdao railway, Qinhuangdao Port expansion, Lianyungang Port expansion, Qingdao Port expansion, the Tianshengqiao hydropower project, the Datong-Qinhuangdao railway construction, Beijing subway construction, Beijing water supply improvement projects, urban gas improvement projects, export base construction projects, Hainan Island development, telephone network expansion in nine provinces and cities, Beijing Capital Airport development, the Xi’an-Ankang railway project, and numerous city infrastructure projects in railways, gas, water supply, electricity, and communications. For instance, between 1991 and 1995, the Tianshengqiao Hydroelectric Project utilized JPY 4.367 billion in loans to build a 1,200 MW dam-style hydroelectric power station, extend 984 kilometers of transmission lines, and support China’s eighth Five-Year Plan and the West-to-East Gas Pipeline Project.

Furthermore, since Japan launched the transformative economic cooperation plan for China in 2001, yen loans have supported national regional strategies such as the plans for developing the western and central parts of the country. These loans greatly facilitated development in the recipient areas in sectors such as education, healthcare, and the environment, including projects like the Heihe-Beian highway in Heilongjiang, local road development in Gansu, and afforestation plans in Inner Mongolia.

Third, it accelerated the rapid development of China-Japan economic and trade relations. After the 1980s, the two countries’ economic and trade relations evolved from simple import-export trade to comprehensive economic cooperation, which included bilateral trade, the change of Japan’s government development aid policy to China, direct investment, and intergovernmental financial cooperation. During this decade, leveraging Japan’s government-to-government financial cooperation with China, bilateral trade between the two countries grew from around USD 10 billion in 1981 to USD 20.282 billion in 1991, an increase of over 100%.

During this period, trade between the two nations experienced sustained and rapid development overall. Moreover, direct investment from both countries also saw a significant rise, leading to the first surge of private Japanese investment in China. According to data, between 1979 and 1985, the investment amounted to USD 1.23 billion; from 1986 to 1990, total investment reached USD 1.29 billion. Although these investment surges were mainly focused on China’s Special Economic Zones and were smaller in scale compared to later investments, they were crucial in opening up direct private investment between the two countries and played a significant role in developing China-Japan economic and trade relations. Later, due to political factors and the Asian financial crisis, China-Japan trade experienced several setbacks. In 1990, bilateral trade declined significantly; from 1994 to 1996, growth slowed notably compared to previous years, and negative growth occurred in 1998. However, overall, China-Japan trade continued to rise, from USD 12.927 billion in 1990 to USD 66.167 billion in 1999. In the 21st century, the development of China-Japan economic and trade relations accelerated rapidly, showing characteristics such as mutual dependence, increasing deepening, a mutually beneficial structure becoming more evident.

At the same time, Japan’s increasing dependence on China surpassed China’s dependence on Japan. This made an important contribution to China’s economic development. Meanwhile, Japanese investment in China continued to grow. In 2002, Japanese investment in China remained high, with an agreement amount of USD 5.3 billion and an actual investment of USD 4.19 billion. By the end of 2002, the total agreed investment from Japan to China had reached USD 49.53 billion, with actual investment amounting to USD 36.34 billion.

All in all, the 28 years of Japanese loans had a significant impact on China’s reform and opening-up, opening the door for it to introduce foreign capital and develop its economy, promoting infrastructure and economic development plans, and accelerating the rapid development of China-Japan economic and trade relations. Therefore, a proper understanding of these loan aids is crucial for China to effectively manage and advance its relations with Japan.

RoboCop29

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RoboCop29

The recent (nomadically arranged Climate event called Review Mechanism – Conference of the Parties to the UN FCCC, or shortly) COP – this time the 29th, hosted by Azerbaijan – showed once again how the natural process of climate change is being misused as an instrument of political and techno-economic dominance and deeper psychologisation of developed countries over developing world.

Nature does not change. Change, as a cosmic constant, is a nature itself. Still, even Heraclitus understood, that this force is never eruptive or destructive (explosive, combusting and polarising), but eternally gradual and constructive; holistic, inclusive and implosive. Look up the evening skies and this backbone of night above us: That will be the exact way how entire clockwork of universe functions.

Hence, Climate change is an intrinsic, cyclical process that takes place over millions of years. Our planet went through significant climatic variations long before the emergence of modern civilization – from ice ages to warm periods. All credible scientific data shows that the Earth’s temperature has changed dramatically throughout its geological history, even without any human influence.

Although Homo Sapiens undoubtedly has its impact on the troposphere, it is fundamental to understand that human activities are still sequesterable part of the Earth’s eco-system. Nature has exceptional self-regulatory mechanisms that maintain equilibrium despite various changes and periodic disruptions. For example, varying CO2 levels throughout the geomorphologic history of planet, and its relation to the growth size properties and quantities of Earth’s biota, etc.

Despite these well-established facts, the developed countries, which have built their wealth and posture on carbonics over the past 200 years, are now trying to impose expensive and often untested ‘green technologies’ all over the world, using the climate change as an excuse. Ultimately, these ‘novel technologies’ would require a new financial and technology-transfer exposure and dependency for the poor of South vis-à-vis North.

De-psychologisation of issues, de-monopolisation of technologies  

Thus, the promised 300 billion dollars a year for the developing (and LDC – the Least Developed) world – as ‘won’ in Baku – is not a solution, but yet a new form of economic dependence. (Although the group of Vulnerable-77 – including Small Island Nations – vocally demanded 500 billion per annum.) A new market of beforehand patented technologies under the control of handful multinational corporations is being created, while ignoring the fact that nature itself is the best at regulating climate processes.

Nature conservation – to say understanding the intrinsic self-regulatory designs, is a key. But, this calls for the multilateral and all-stake-holders approach founded on real scientific facts, not on politically motivated or profit-driven myopic agendas. Global South have a right to economic progress (so-called Right to Development, and Right to Link Trade to Development as fundamental achievement of the UN through UNCTAD final acts decades ago). The imposition of expensive technological solutions and limiting access to cheaper energy sources and solutions directly hampers developing world.

It is particularly worrying that the natural processes of climate change are being used as an excuse to create new financial, technological, even psycho-social control mechanisms.

Sustainable environmental protection necessities reasonable management of natural resources and respect for fundamental laws of nature (intrinsic processes), not expensive, psychologised and monopolised technological intervention that disrupts the self-regulatory mechanisms of nature.

/The very same, simple efficient accessible and affordable, principle should be applied to our medicine: Real health protection assumes reasonable consumption of organic food and respect for natural intra-body processes, and not expensive and harmful chemical (or similar artificial) interventions that can disrupt the intrinsic self-regulatory mechanisms of our body./

It is time to rethink the current approach to climate change (alarmism for exclusivity and monopolisation purpose), and architect a model that will truly serve nature conservation, not the interests of large corporations and (few related circles of influence, concentrated within the several) developed countries. We need a system that will respect intrinsic and indigenous designs, and enable sustainable development for everyone, without creating new forms of politico-economic subordination.

After all, holistic and all-inclusive is a mechanism that nature itself uses when creates, preserves and enhances. Eruption, polarisation, exclusion collisions are rare occurrences when our nature is about to destruct and eliminate.  

Consequently, instead of fighting natural climate cycles, we should rather focus on protecting our environment from provoked encouraged and extended armed conflicts, from unjust distributions of eruptive asymmetries, from over-exploitation and over-production and to it related pollutions of all sorts velocities and spectres, while respecting the right of all peoples and generations to learn, develop and prosper.

The 3M principle, as easily quantifiable SD matrix is beautiful in its simplicity: maximum good, for maximum spices (not to forget: continents, nations generations and classes too) over maxium period of time.

The new Bandung of 1955 is needed today. This spirit that engaged South for the first time in history, and soon after gave a birth to the NAM (Non-Aliened Movement) could be the right answer at the right time. (Neither of the present formats fits: G-7, G-20, BRICS.) Strong and powerful block of Climate ‘alarmists’ must be faced with the New Bandung, NAM, or to say Climate ‘realists’, block of a raising yet not coherent South.

Climate Change and sustainability are planetary issues that require our universal response. Instable and unjust international order, as such, is more of a problem generator than of a solution provider. Our developed world can hold its might – but Global South has its Right.

About the author:

Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

Prof. Anis H Bajrektarevic is chairperson and professor in international law and global political studies, Vienna, Austria. He is the first European university professor to introduce Sustainable Development as the obligatory subject at the tertiary level institution in the EU (almost 25 years ago). Professor’s main research interests are focused around geopolitics, energy and technology. His 10th book ‘JHA Diplomacy’ is scheduled for release later this year in New York.

 

Uruguay’s Elections and Its Upcoming Changes

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Uruguay’s Elections and Its Upcoming Changes

On Sunday, November 24, Uruguay faces a critical moment in its democratic history as voters prepare to decide between two distinct visions for the country’s future. 

This second round of presidential elections pits the ruling Coalition led by Álvaro Delgado against the Frente Amplio’s YamandĂș Orsi, offering citizens a clear choice between continuity and change.

The ruling Coalition, backed by current President Luis Lacalle Pou, champions a centrist approach to governance with incremental reforms and increasing development. The coalition led by Álvaro Delgado confirmed that the country experienced significant advancements in various critical areas during their mandate. 

They highlighted notable improvements in education, with increased access to quality learning opportunities and innovative reforms aimed at reducing disparities. In the area of security, they reported enhanced measures that successfully curbed crime rates and bolstered public safety. 

The coalition also pointed to the growth in national wealth and economic stability, underpinned by robust policies that encouraged investment, job creation, and sustainable development. 
Meanwhile, the Frente Amplio (FA), a left-leaning coalition, promises transformative policies with a clear socialist orientation. Polls show a narrow margin between the two sides, underscoring the importance of undecided voters in determining the outcome.

Campaigns and Strategies

In the days leading up to the election, both camps have relied heavily on grassroots outreach. The Frente Amplio has mobilized its base through “door-to-door” campaigns, while the Coalition has embraced its own version, the “timbrazo” strategy, emphasizing personal connections with voters. The shared emphasis on direct engagement reflects Uruguay’s tradition of organized and militant political activism.

Both Delgado and Orsi have ramped up their public appearances and speeches. Delgado has focused on highlighting divisions within the Frente Amplio, particularly on sensitive issues like Social Security, while also presenting himself as a candidate of dialogue capable of broadening the Coalition’s appeal. Orsi, on the other hand, has steered clear of major media engagements, concentrating instead on painting a vision of a government built on consensus and understanding.

The electoral debate, though eagerly anticipated, failed to sway large numbers of undecided voters. Its rigid, highly structured format limited meaningful exchanges between the candidates, leaving many voters feeling that the event lacked substance. This dynamic has reinforced the perception that voters remain largely entrenched in their political preferences, with only a small margin still up for grabs.

Key Challenges

A significant question hangs over the roughly 34,000  who cast blank or null votes in the first round. These voters could prove decisive in a tight race. Analysts suggest that some may be swayed by the high stakes of this runoff, while others might abstain again, reflecting disillusionment with both options.

Regardless of the outcome, the next government will face an immediate challenge: the need for dialogue and negotiation. Recent history, including 15 years of Frente Amplio rule and five years of Coalition governance, has been marked by deep political polarization and limited cross-party collaboration. Both sides acknowledge the necessity of bridging this divide to ensure effective governance.

What Lies Ahead

As Uruguayans prepare to cast their votes, the nation stands at a defining juncture. Will it embrace the bold reforms promised by the Frente Amplio, or will it opt for the continuity and cautious pragmatism of the Coalition? The answer will not only shape the country’s policies but also test the flexibility of its democratic institutions in navigating an increasingly divided landscape.

The final days of this campaign are critical. Both Delgado and Orsi must mobilize their bases, win over the undecided, and convince blank voters of their vision. What remains clear is that every vote counts in this closely contested race.


Mr Al Hassan sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment

Diplomat Magazine
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Mr Al Hassan sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment

Today, 20 November 2024, Trial Chamber some of the charges brought against him of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed between early May 2012 and 29 January 2013 in Timbuktu, northern Mali. The sentence may be appealed before the ICC Appeals Chamber by either party to the proceedings.

Judge Kimberly Prost, Presiding Judge, read a summary of the Chamber’s decision. She highlighted that the sentencing phase is an important milestone in this trial. This stage of proceedings also underscores the importance of accountability, acknowledgment of the harm caused to the victims and the international community’s commitment to condemning the serious crimes committed in this case.

To determine the sentence, the Chamber assessed the gravity of each of the crimes, including the degree of Mr Al Hassan’s participation and intent, as well as the presence of any aggravating and mitigating circumstances, and Mr Al Hassan’s individual or personal circumstances.

The Chamber took into account the mitigating circumstances, namely the minor actions of Mr Al Hassan to assist the civilian population in 2012-2013 and his cooperation with the Prosecution at the investigation stage. The existence of these mitigating circumstances should not be understood as lessening, in any way, the gravity of the crimes that were committed, including the impact they had on the victims. In particular, the Chamber considered that this joint sentence is proportionate to the serious gravity of the crimes, namely the crimes of persecution, torture, other inhumane acts, cruel treatment, outrages upon personal dignity, mutilation and sentencing without due process.

The time spent in detention by Mr Al Hassan in accordance with an order of this Court, from 28 March 2018 to 20 November 2024, will be deducted from the sentence. The Chamber rejected a Defense request to deduct additional time spent by Mr Al Hassan in detention in Mali since 21 April 2017.

Italian Delights

Diplomat Magazine
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Italian Delights

By John DunkelgrĂŒn

On November 16th, in ‘Het Spaanse Hof”, a stylish, originally 16th century, building in the center of The Hague, the ambassador of Italy, H.E. Mr. Giorgio Novello and nine others were invested as Knights of the Dutch chapter of the Ordine dei Cavalieri del Tartuffoe dei Vini di Alba by Willem Hokken, president of the Dutch chapter, and Mateo Ascheri, Gran maestro of the order.

The new knights were accepted into the Dutch chapter because of their love for and efforts to promote Piedmont’s delicacies, such as its great wines and food, especially the white truffles of Alba. Mr. Hokken added that their interest in preserving the region’s traditions and culture was of special importance.

In an introductory speech, Mr. Novello showed his knowledge of and familiarity with the region with insight and wit. The ambassador has more international academic credentials than most university professors, but here, he showed that his knowledge and interests extend far beyond the worlds of diplomacy and academia.

Soprano Sophie Collin

The evening coincided with the 9th Settimana della Cucina Italiana nel mondo, the worldwide week of Italian cuisine, an event that was recognized and honored by the dinner that followed the ceremony. It was enlivened by several Rossini arias, beautifully sung by the soprano Sophie Collin, and expertly accompanied by Aliya Ishakova. Sr. Tomasso Ghidini from ESA (The European Space Agency) added to the evening with an explanation of the development of ‘space foods’, the foods for astronauts. It was a fascinating exposĂ© of the lengths to which the engineers at ESA have to go to develop foods and materials to be used in space, even using the exoskeleton of Stenocara beetles.

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