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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

The Embassy of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay marked his country’s Independence Day with a grand and festive reception. Held on August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague, the event drew over 200 distinguished guests from various sectors of Dutch society.

Ambassadors, chiefs of international missions, diplomats, academics, business leaders, and representatives from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with members of the Uruguayan community, all responded to H.E. Ambassador Dr. Álvaro González Otero’s invitation to celebrate ‘Día de la Independencia’—Uruguay’s National Day, commemorating its independence from Brazil in 1825.

H.E. Dr. Álvaro González Otero, Ambassador of Uruguay. National Day 2024 The Hague.

After nearly 200 years of conflict and civil unrest under Spanish and then Brazilian rule, Uruguay has emerged as a country renowned for its welcoming people, stunning landscapes, first-class meat production, and high-quality wine. In recent decades, Uruguayans have enjoyed a stable democracy, a steady improvement in living conditions, and overall well-being.

In a packed room with an animated audience, Ambassador González Otero took the microphone to thank all the attendees for their sincere affection for his people and country. He then proudly expressed:

“Two years have quickly passed since I arrived in this lovely kingdom. Since then, we have started to shift the focus of the Embassy, placing more emphasis on our bilateral relations. The Netherlands and Uruguay have more in common than people might imagine. We share international principles, landscapes, agricultural production, developed services, qualified exports, and a progressive lifestyle.

We also share strong commitments to the well-being of our citizens and visitors, the protection of human rights, environmental sustainability, progressive social policies, and significant efforts towards renewable energy and climate action. Both countries also emphasize education, democratic governance, and active participation in international organizations promoting peace and development. So, we will keep working to boost our bilateral relations.”

Uruguay National Day, August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague.
From the Embassy of Uruguay, Counsellor Pablo Bayarres, Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Hans Akerboom, Deputy Director Protocol and Host Country Affairs from the Netherlands.

Ambassador González Otero then listed some of the most relevant initiatives undertaken by the Embassy over the last few months:

Uruguayan participation in the World Hydrogen Summit 2024: Led by the Minister of Industry, Energy, and Mining, Ms. Elisa Facio, with over 50 representatives from various sectors of the public and private sectors.

Active participation in the “26th World Energy Congress.”

Cooperation Project with Delft Institute for Water Education: Since 2011, Uruguayan professionals specializing in water resources have participated in the Delft Institute program for advanced training. Initially, the program began with 40 scholarships, resulting in 37 professionals successfully completing their studies. This early success led to the program’s relocation and implementation at the Technological University of Uruguay, now featuring regional participation. The program has since had two new editions in 2022 and 2024, expanding to include 17 professionals from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. This development has transformed Uruguay into a regional hub in the field of water resource education.

Uruguay’s status as one of the 32 signing states of the Ljubljana – The Hague Convention in February 2024.

Positioning Uruguay as a potential living and working destination for Dutch farmers.

Interactions with RVO and Port of Rotterdam related to port cooperation.

Exploring and initiating new cooperation projects with Westland Municipality and Wageningen University.

Meetings with private sector actors related to agribusiness.

Preparation for the Capitan Miranda’s visit to Amsterdam: Uruguay’s school tall ship has already confirmed its participation in Sail Amsterdam 2025.

Multilateral achievements: The Embassy has made progress in multilateral areas, including ongoing contributions and work with international organizations based in The Hague: the ICJ, ICC, OPCW, HCCH, and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Additionally, a closer relationship with The Hague Academy of International Law has been pursued. Significant advances have also been made through the coordinated work of the GRULAC Group in relation to various international organizations.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General , Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Mr Arias spouse, Patricia van Oordt.

Following his remarks, Ambassador González Otero invited the audience to watch a short video about Uruguay, which made a great impression on those present. He expressed, “Uruguay is an exceptional country that has developed a dynamic and robust culture, shaped by a fascinating blend of gaucho traditions, European influences, and the unique Rioplatense spirit. Tango, folklore, candombe, and milonga are examples of its rich artistic musical expression. Uruguayan gastronomy, featuring high-quality meat, wine, and dairy products, especially the beloved ‘dulce de leche,’ delights palates and consistently wins prestigious awards worldwide.”

“The work we have done does not mean we are satisfied; we want to continue advancing in a deeper process. The bilateral relationship is already strong, but the potential to strengthen bonds in several key areas is even greater.”

The Ambassador of Uruguay, H.E. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero and the President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, Judge Graciela Gatti Santana with her husband Mr Gustavo Segovia.

The event was conceived to showcase the rich and diverse culture of Uruguay, a nation with a population of approximately 3,495,527 as of 2022.

The national anthems of Uruguay and the Netherlands were performed by the Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos. After the ambassador’s speech, the Embassy paid tribute to two influential musicians: José “El Sabalero” Carbajal and Jaime Roos, who both lived in the Netherlands. Jaime Roos settled in Amsterdam in 1978, where he played bass in several salsa, rock, and jazz groups. He had a son and remained in the Netherlands until 1984 when he returned to Uruguay.

Carbajal spent his days in the Netherlands with his wife, Anke van Haastrecht, and their two children. Anke was invited to share some special stories from their life together.

Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos.
Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez.

The enthusiastic audience enjoyed an authentic performance by talented Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez. The celebration continued with Uruguayan wine, classic savory empanadas, and dulce de leche, which delighted the crowded room and completed the great celebration.

Ambassador González Otero concluded the event by thanking his Embassy team: Counselor Pablo Bayarres, Chancellor Gustavo Morales, his assistant Juan Diego, and Martha Hernández and Sofía Anastasiou. He then led a warm toast for the people of the Netherlands, Uruguay, and the necessary and desired peace in the world.

China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

By Mariarosaria Iorio, Political Analyst

I. The post-cold war world  

International relations are nowadays characterised by major changes that started at the end of the 80s with the fall of the Berlin Wall.  Indeed, the end of the cold war was marked by the dislocation of the two main political blocks, namely the Soviet Union and the Western World. Such a dislocation resulted in the marginalization of the post-war multilateral system embodied in the United Nations, and the standstill of the multilateral trade negotiations in the late 90s in the context of the World Trade Organisation.  New lines of political thought have been facing each other since then, while reshaping the post-cold war world in a number of fragmented and variable sub-blocks of countries. 

The United States decided to put itself first by concentrating on its internal affairs, while withdrawing from international affairs.  

Europe, the old continent, looks for an efficient strategy towards autonomy from the United States.  Europe also tries, not without difficulty, to create a more cohesive internal and external political approach.  The reality is however evolving rather more towards fragmentation of Europe in favour of European National fragmented interests. Such a fragmentation is the natural consequence of the decadence of the European Institutional and collective actions to the advantage of individual Sates actions and interests.   In sum, what seemed to be a structured and coherent European Union block fighting for the promotion of its economic and political values all over the world has somehow become an alliance at variable geometry both internally and externally.  The disorganisation of the leadership results in a chaotic and unpredictable European External and Internal action. 

Thereof, the empty influence spaces left on the international relations scene has given new international actors the opportunity to emerge.  

Meanwhile, the fragmentation of the European Institutions has also impacted the EU-USA relations within NATO, and affected the security and peace sphere.  Security issues have been on and off on the European agenda.    

In this context, Russia that has lost its empire in the 80s looks now for a new power game. In spite of the disruption of the Soviet Union, Russia attempts either by influence or by force to exercise power in its ancient affiliate countries.  Russia that was supposed to be defeated with the fall of the Berlin Wall takes back its role of opponent to the Western World on the international scene at least as it concerns the international affairs philosophy.  Thus, creating a tension aimed at restoring its power in the world.   

The group of emerging and developing economies that constitute a new variable block with a large portion of population employed in agriculture have emerged as new actors in the world’s geo-political discourses.  At the head of this block on the international scene, there is China.  The shaky international leadership context has indeed given China a new space. China’s   communist past combined with its market-based economic strategy gives it a particular position.  

China is The One that can communicate to Russia. China is also The One that can have an influence on the Western economic and political scene as China owns a big part of Western Foreign Debt  

China embeds a horizontal strategy in both its trade and development policies, while producing at low wages.  Its production system coupled with its pragmatic political approach has reshaped the international power structure.  The top-down approach of the Western World faces now the competition created by the horizontal win-win approach proposed by China in both developing and industrialized countries.

Indeed, as a result of the decline of the Western World global hegemony based on market access and economic and social liberalism as a means to ensure economic growth and promote economic development, the vision promoted by China’s discourse, centred on the protection of livelihoods and local sovereign choices finds new adepts.  Furthermore, China has successfully attempted to promote a trade-off approach to international cooperation during the last 20 years.  A cooperation that does not interfere in internal affairs of partner countries as it has often reproached to the Western countries involved in international cooperation.  

As the developing countries leader, China positions itself as the spoke country for the poor.  As a new world powerful economic actor China plays as the guarantor of the Western Economic stability.  China positions itself as the bridge between the rich and the poor.  It is representing a different hegemonic game that only changes in its discourse, while still pursuing its own interests and influence zones.  Such a situation poses the question of the values that the international regime wants to embrace.  Indeed, this changing world results in an increased number of conflicts – be new or historical conflicts.  

The dislocation of the traditional leaders of the international relations has definitely created a chaotic and unpredictable scenario.  Chaos has in some cases been chosen as a political strategy to disrupt the post-1945 international regime. Such a disruption has benefitted new actors, and given space to new lines of thought.  These new lines of thought have attacked the existing international framework but has not yet succeeded in creating a new regime.  The increasing unbalance of power and the lack of leadership on the international political scene is risky. 

The reduction by choice of leadership of the United States has indeed resulted in the weakening of the values emerged as a result of the dramatic experience of Second World War, namely freedom of thought and freedom of speech to mention only a few.   We are now facing a much more authoritarian world with force used as a means to manage the political arena.  Dialogue seems to be a rather consuming exercise that has left its place to the use of force.  Force is no longer seen as the last option but rather the opening act for political dialogue.  Nationalism and individual interests are now at the centre of the political game. This trend is taking the world to instability and conflict.  

The peoples of the world are more and more questioning the existing system. People’s needs and expectations are not met.  The new emerged actors, such as China have given the hope of a possible change in the present international system without fundamentally questioning its rationale but rather trying to rip a slate of the cake.  

The struggle for influence among countries has not succeeded in building a peaceful and stable world. Citizens will have to face the challenge of building a new era of peace and stability worldwide.

Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

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S.E. M. Philippe Couvreur est arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982, où il a d’abord occupé le poste d’assistant spécial aux bureaux du greffier et du greffier adjoint de la Cour internationale de Justice.

Il a ensuite exercé les fonctions de Secrétaire, Premier Secrétaire et Secrétaire juridique principal, avant d’être élu Greffier de la Cour en 2000, et réélu en 2007 et 2014. Pour marquer l’anniversaire de ses débuts à la Cour, il y a 35 ans, Diplomat Magazine l’a invité à témoigner de son expérience unique au service de cette institution, des évolutions qu’il a pu y observer, et à partager le regard qu’il porte sur les changements qui ont marqué la Cour et La Haye au cours des trois dernières décennies.
Philippe Couvreur avec le Pape Jean-Paul II prise le 13 mai 1985.
Je suis arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982 — de façon aussi inattendue que j’avais entamé des études de droit treize ans auparavant (mais c’est là une autre histoire…) — pour occuper un poste temporaire à la Cour internationale de Justice. La Cour était alors la seule institution judiciaire internationale existante au plan universel. Son activité, particulièrement faible à la fin des années 1970, ne pouvait en ce temps-là guère laisser présager du succès que rencontrerait la Cour dans les décennies à venir. Mon bienveillant maître de Louvain, le professeur Paul de Visscher, fils du célèbre internationaliste Charles de Visscher, unique juge belge à la Cour, m’avait prédit des jours aussi sereins qu’heureux, écoulés à lire et à écrire des ouvrages dans la solitude des imposants murs de la bibliothèque du Palais de la Paix…
Les mémoires ont été dûment déposés dans l’affaire El Salvador c. Honduras dans la salle Bol le 1 juin 1988, l’affaire du Différend frontalier terrestre, insulaire et maritime.
En rejoignant la Cour, un frais matin d’avril, dont je garde un souvenir très précis, le jeune juriste que j’étais découvrit, non sans étonnement, une organisation de taille très modeste, le Greffe, qui en est l’organe administratif, alors composé de moins d’une quarantaine de fonctionnaires. Le fonctionnement de la Cour reposait entièrement sur cette équipe restreinte de personnel permanent, auquel s’ajoutait, selon que de besoin, un personnel temporaire pour faire face au surcroît de travaux linguistiques et de sténodactylographie lors des sessions (publiques et privées) de la Cour. Je me rappelle avoir été frappé par la personnalité haute en couleur de certains de ces traducteurs indépendants, dont la grande culture littéraire m’émerveillait. Cette structure très économique du Greffe impliquait une grande polyvalence de ses membres, et les Secrétaires de la Cour — ses fonctionnaires supérieurs — étaient appelés, en sus de leurs travaux de recherches juridiques, de préparation des documents de la Cour, et de rédaction de la correspondance diplomatique, à assumer eux-mêmes l’essentiel des tâches linguistiques (traduction et interprétation) et d’information, ainsi que la supervision de nombreuses activités administratives et logistiques.
La Grande salle de Justice, l’affaire Relative au Timor Oriental (Portugal c. Australie) Arrêt du 30 juin 1995.
Il n’était nullement rare qu’un nouveau venu comme moi ait à passer week-ends et nuits blanches au Palais de la Paix à effectuer les travaux les plus divers… allant jusqu’à imprimer et polycopier, sur de vieilles machines à stencils ronéotype, des décisions dont la Cour devait donner la lecture en séance publique le lendemain ! Dès mon arrivée au Greffe, j’ai eu le bonheur et le privilège d’être initié et associé à l’ensemble des fonctions de l’institution sous la patiente supervision de personnalités d’exception, tels que MM. Torres Bernárdez et Pillepich, alors respectivement Greffier et Greffier adjoint. J’en ai retiré le plus grand bénéfice, puisque cette immersion sans préparation dans toutes les facettes de l’activité du Greffe m’a permis d’acquérir de ce dernier une connaissance unique — de l’intérieur — et sous tous ses aspects —, un acquis particulièrement précieux au moment où j’ai été amené, bien des années plus tard, à assumer la délicate responsabilité d’en assurer la gestion au plus haut niveau. Devenir un fonctionnaire du Greffe au début des années 1980 signifiait accepter de se couler sans discussion dans un moule à tous égards exigeant, et se donner corps et âme, avec humilité et discrétion, à l’institution, sans penser à soi ni parler de soi. Depuis ces années d’initiation, j’ai été le témoin de profondes transformations de la Cour, rendues inévitables à la fois pour répondre à l’accroissement considérable de ses activités, avec la disparition du monde bipolaire qui avait relégué le règlement judiciaire à un rôle quelque peu marginal, et pour saisir les opportunités nouvelles offertes, notamment, par le progrès des technologies et de la communication. Entre 1982 et aujourd’hui, le nombre de fonctionnaires a ainsi presque triplé (il a quasiment doublé depuis l’an 2000, année de ma première élection en tant que Greffier). L’organisation du travail a été progressivement spécialisée entre les divers départements, juridique, linguistique et chargé de l’information, qui furent créés en 1997, et les services techniques. Par ailleurs, les Membres de la Cour ne disposèrent pas, pendant longtemps, de « référendaires » — ils s’y sont d’ailleurs longtemps refusés—, et l’assistance apportée aux juges en matière judiciaire était principalement répartie entre les fonctionnaires du Département des affaires juridiques.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur avec la Reine Beatrix photo prise pendant le 50 eme anniversaire de la Cour (18-04-1996).
Les cinq premiers postes de juristes référendaires ne furent obtenus de l’Assemblée générale et créés qu’en 2002, à l’issue de difficiles négociations que je me souviens avoir menées avec beaucoup de plaisir et d’intérêt ; le nombre de ces postes s’est progressivement accru, pour s’élever à quinze aujourd’hui. Les divers développements qui ont marqué le monde au cours des dernières décennies n’ont pas manqué de soulever pour la Cour de nouveaux défis. Comme c’est le cas pour toute institution, elle n’a pu les relever en faisant table rase des enseignements de son histoire ni, à l’inverse, en ne saisissant pas toutes les opportunités offertes par le temps présent. A ces différents égards, la Cour est certainement parvenue, au fil des ans, à assurer un équilibre, toujours délicat, entre changements et continuité. La continuité de la Cour est bien sûr inscrite dans son Statut, qui fait partie intégrante de la Charte des Nations Unies, et reflétée dans ses méthodes judiciaires, qui ont été très largement élaborées par sa devancière, la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, et héritées d’elle. Cette continuité historique était particulièrement présente lorsque j’ai rejoint le Greffe. Ainsi, en manière d’anecdote, divers hauts fonctionnaires alors en poste avaient eux-mêmes côtoyé, au début de leur carrière, d’anciens fonctionnaires de la Cour permanente. Tous nourrissaient à l’égard de cette dernière le plus grand respect. Il régnait d’ailleurs dans les couloirs du Palais de la Paix une atmosphère feutrée et délicieusement surannée, évocatrice de la défunte Société des Nations. Je me souviens en avoir encore utilisé maintes fournitures de bureau ! La continuité jurisprudentielle et procédurale entre les deux Cours constitue pour les Etats une garantie importante de sécurité et de prévisibilité juridiques. Cette continuité, juridique et historique, de même que l’expérience accumulée en plus de quatre-vingt-dix ans d’exercice de la fonction judiciaire, sont pour la Cour un facteur crucial de légitimité.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur vec le Roi Willem-Alexander photo prise pendant le 70 eme anniversaire de la Cour (20-04-2016).
En même temps, la Cour a eu, à l’évidence, à s’adapter aux changements du monde réel dans lequel elle opère, comme aux nécessités et opportunités nouvelles de chaque époque traversée. L’une des transformations notoires auxquelles j’ai assisté fut l’ouverture croissante de la Cour sur l’extérieur : longtemps à l’écart, à dessein, des organes politiques des Nations Unies, la Cour a souhaité se faire plus et mieux entendre de ces organes et des Etats membres. Elle a ainsi rompu avec ce qui était parfois perçu comme un « splendide isolement » au sein des Nations Unies, même si elle défend toujours jalousement son autonomie. La Cour doit en outre désormais également tenir compte des nombreuses autres juridictions, internationales ou régionales, qui ont été créées ces dernières années, et veiller, autant que possible, à assurer l’harmonie du « concert judiciaire » que permet ce foisonnement de cours et tribunaux sur la scène internationale. Davantage ouverte sur la communauté internationale et ses réalités, la Cour s’est montrée de plus en plus attentive, non seulement à sa place dans l’Organisation des Nations Unies, mais aussi à la poursuite des objectifs de celle-ci et à sa mission propre au service du règlement pacifique des différends internationaux. Des différends de plus en plus complexes, tant juridiquement que factuellement, en même temps que politiquement plus denses, lui ont été soumis. En révisant constamment, selon que de besoin, ses méthodes de travail, elle a su les résoudre rapidement et efficacement, à un coût particulièrement modeste pour la communauté internationale, tout en assurant le développement du droit. Enfin, pour conclure sur une note plus prosaïque, mais qui est loin d’être négligeable, je ne peux taire la chance que j’ai eue de connaître l’extraordinaire développement de la ville de La Haye au cours des 35 dernières années. Celle-ci offre aujourd’hui à la Cour, comme aux nombreuses institutions internationales qui s’y sont installées à sa suite, une qualité de vie et un cadre de travail uniques, qui sont très loin de ressembler à ce que j’ai trouvé en y arrivant. A l’image de l’imposante stature du Palais de la Paix où elle siège, symbole mondialement connu de la justice internationale, la Cour est une institution solidement établie. En dépit des périodes de doute ou de désaffection qu’elle a traversées par le passé, son rôle est unanimement salué au sein de la communauté internationale et le recours à ses services par les Etats n’a jamais été aussi soutenu. 35 ans après, je continue de mesurer chaque jour le privilège qui est le mien de servir au mieux de mes capacités l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies. —– Les photos dans l’article sont une courtoisie de la Cour International de Justice.

Weather Warfare and the Future of International Law

By Ayesha Asim

For decades, weather warfare occupied a marginal yet persistent place within international security discourse, situated uneasily between military history, scientific experimentation, and geopolitical speculation. In 2026, however, amid renewed tensions in the Middle East, environmental manipulation has quietly re-emerged as a subject of legal and diplomatic concern.

Recent online claims linking rainfall patterns in Iran and Iraq to attacks on US-linked radar infrastructure revived debate concerning the potential militarisation of environmental technologies. Reports circulating across regional media and digital platforms states that rainfall increased following strikes on military radar systems associated with US operations in the Middle East. For example, The Jerusalem Post reported on viral claims that “stolen rains” had returned after disruptions to alleged weather-control operations. Similar narratives also appeared in regional commentary and online discussions following reports of Iranian strikes on radar installations in Iraq and the Gulf region.

The allegations quickly attracted public attention across the region. Yet meteorological experts and scientific authorities strongly rejected such assertions. Iranian weather officials publicly stated that military or aviation radar systems cannot manipulate large-scale precipitation systems. Independent scientific assessments similarly found no evidence supporting the existence of operational technologies capable of engineering regional droughts or storms through radar installations alone. Various news reports and fact-check investigations likewise concluded that the allegations lacked scientific substantiation.

Nevertheless, the controversy itself remains legally and politically significant. Even where claims are scientifically unsupported, their political significance reflects growing international anxiety regarding environmental insecurity and the future strategic implications of climate-related technologies.

In regions already confronting drought, desertification, and severe water scarcity, environmental vulnerability has increasingly become intertwined with geopolitical rivalry and national security concerns.

The concept of environmental manipulation as a method of warfare is not entirely new. During the Vietnam War, the United States conducted Operation Popeye, a covert cloud-seeding programme intended to prolong monsoon conditions along enemy supply routes. The operation intensified international concern regarding environmental modification techniques and ultimately contributed to the adoption of the 1977 Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques, commonly referred to as the ENMOD Convention.

Under Article I of the ENMOD Convention, states parties undertake not to engage in military or hostile environmental modification techniques having “widespread, long-lasting or severe effects” as a means of destruction, damage, or injury against another state. At the time of its drafting, the treaty primarily contemplated large-scale climatic interventions capable of producing floods, earthquakes, or other forms of environmental disruption.

Nearly five decades later, however, scientific and technological developments have complicated the legal landscape considerably.

Contemporary geoengineering proposals, including solar radiation management and large-scale atmospheric interventions, are increasingly discussed within scientific and policy circles as potential responses to climate change. Although many remain experimental, several possess dual-use characteristics, meaning technologies designed for civilian climate mitigation may theoretically acquire strategic or military applications.

International law remains insufficiently prepared to regulate this emerging ambiguity.

One major challenge concerns attribution. Unlike conventional military attacks, environmental manipulation may prove exceptionally difficult to detect, measure, or conclusively attribute to a particular state actor. Climate systems are inherently complex, and ordinary weather variability can itself generate suspicion in politically volatile environments. Under such conditions, perception may become as geopolitically consequential as scientific verification.

This dynamic is particularly visible in the Middle East, where water scarcity has increasingly evolved into a matter of national and regional security. Iran, Iraq, and neighbouring states face mounting ecological pressures arising from prolonged droughts, declining river flows, and rising temperatures. In such circumstances, narratives involving “climate theft” or foreign environmental interference gain political traction not because they are scientifically established, but because environmental stress has intensified geopolitical mistrust.

The result is a dangerous convergence of climate anxiety, information warfare, and strategic competition.

For international lawyers and policymakers, the central concern is therefore not whether present radar systems can control rainfall. There is no credible evidence that they can. Rather, the more pressing issue is whether existing international legal frameworks are capable of regulating future environmental technologies before geopolitical tensions outpace legal governance.

The ENMOD Convention itself remains limited in both scope and enforcement capacity. Drafted before the emergence of contemporary climate engineering debates, the treaty lacks comprehensive verification mechanisms and provides limited guidance regarding dual-use environmental technologies. At the same time, major powers increasingly regard technological dominance, including leadership in climate-related innovation, as part of broader strategic competition.

As climate pressures intensify globally, allegations of environmental manipulation may increasingly become instruments of propaganda, coercion, and diplomatic confrontation, regardless of whether such claims are scientifically substantiated.

What was once regarded as speculative may soon emerge as a serious challenge for international security governance.

The renewed debate surrounding weather warfare, therefore, reveals less about secret technologies controlling rainfall and more about the evolving nature of insecurity in the twenty-first century. Climate change is no longer merely an environmental issue. It is increasingly embedded within questions of sovereignty, technological governance, military strategy, and state responsibility under international law.

In that sense, future disputes over climate intervention technologies may prove far more consequential than the present controversy itself.

About the author:

Ayesha Asim, PhD Scholar in law and LLM International Law (Gold Medallist), Legal Analyst, lecturer, and with extensive experience in legal research, advisory, policy analysis and teaching. She can be reached at ayeshamalyc09@gmail.com.

Threads of Heritage: Weaving Southeast Asia’s Living Tradition

By Roy Lie Atjam

Amsterdam, 12 May 2026 – The highly anticipated opening ceremony of the joint traditional textile exhibition, THREADS OF HERITAGE: Weaving Southeast Asia’s Living Tradition, was a captivating celebration presented by the Embassies of the ASEAN Community in The Hague. Set against the backdrop of the beautifully renovated Indonesia House Amsterdam (IHA), this exceptional venue stands out as the largest and most diverse Indonesian Promotion Centre in Europe.

Once serving as the Indonesian Consulate General Office from 1967 to 1976, the building has been reborn after almost five decades of vacancy, culminating in its inauguration in 2024 by Indonesia’s Foreign Minister, H.E. Retno L.P. Marsudi, and the Indonesian Ambassador in the Netherlands, H.E. Mayerfas.

ASEAN TEXTILE EXHIBITION

During today’s  immersive program, attendees were invited to embark on a journey of cultural exchange, walking among an exquisite array of traditional textiles from Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. The exploration was guided by the eminent textile anthropologist Dr. Sandra Niessen, whose deep understanding of the subject brought each piece to life.

She illuminated the intricate weaving techniques, revealing the rich cultural symbolism woven into each motif, and conveyed the historical significance of these treasured textile traditions that reflect the soul of the region. Dr. Niessen’s presentation was a masterclass, meticulously detailing the artistry and heritage of Southeast Asian weaving, shaped by her more than forty years of devoted research a commitment that has woven itself into the fabric of her identity.

With a background of Canadian-Dutch descent, she shared a heartfelt reflection on her yearning for Southeast Asian ancestry, adding a personal touch to her scholarly discourse.

H.E. Amrih Jinangkung, Ambassador of Indonesia to the Netherlands.

The inaugural welcome remarks were delivered by the Ambassador of the Republic of Indonesia in the Netherlands, H.E. Amrih Jinangkung. A  summary of his address follows:

It is a great honour for me to welcome you all to this special event, where we come together to celebrate and preserve one of our most precious cultural treasures: traditional textiles of ASEAN.

First of all, I would like to extend my warm congratulations to the Philippines on the successful hosting of the 48th ASEAN Summit in Cebu last week. The success of the Summit and today’s event clearly demonstrate our shared commitment to a stronger and more united ASEAN.

We all know that diversity is the greatest strength of ASEAN. This rich cultural diversity, inherited from our ancestors, is something cherish we must protect together. One of its most beautiful expressions is the extraordinary variety of our traditional textiles.

Today’s joint exhibition is a wonderful showcase of that diversity and richness. The displayed textiles come in many forms— fabrics, ceremonial costumes, shawls, scarves, and woven garments— each carrying its own unique origin and cultural meaning.

We are honored to see T’nalak from the Philippines, woven using Abaka fibers and linked to T’boli mythological traditions.

We also have the colorful H’mong Costume from Vietnam, known for its intricate embroidery with indigo dyeing reflecting the mountain cultures of northern Vietnam.

From Thailand, we see the elegance of Phaa Poom. Thai textiles are renowned for their refined silk weaving traditions, rich gold-thread embroidery, and regional patterns that once reflected royal courts and local kingdoms.

Malaysia presents Songket, textiles woven with metallic gold or silver threads that historically symbolized nobility and prestige in the Malay Sultanates. Songket weaving itself requires immense patience and skill, often taking months to complete a single ceremonial cloth.

For Indonesia, we proudly present Tenun Ikat. Allow me to share a little more about the this piece that is on display today. One of the featured textiles is called “Hinggi Kaliuda” from East Sumba. This remarkable cloth combines plants and animals motifs.

In Sumbanese culture, each motif carries profound symbolism: horses represent greatness, strength, and social status; hens and roosters symbolize unity and family harmony; prawns signify death and reincarnation; while flowers represent beauty and the continuity of life. Traditionally, such textiles were worn during important ceremonies and were considered symbols of honor and ancestral connection.

In addition to the exhibition we are enjoying here today, we were also honoured last month to witness the beautiful exhibition of Thailand’s Chut Thai(Thai National Costume), graciously led by Her Royal Highness Princess Sirivannavari Nariratana Rajakanya.

I would like to extend my warmest congratulations to Ambassador Asi and Madam for the outstanding success of the exhibition. Many of us are still captivated by the display, which continues at De Bijenkorf in Amsterdam.

Traditional textiles are much more than fabric; they represent a cherished heritage, preserved for generations. Shaped by local wisdom and cultural values, these textiles carry deep meaning through intricate motifs that tell stories of ancient myths, spirituality, and social status. Beyond ceremonial uses, traditional textiles play a vital role in our daily lives and are essential for local economies.

 From sarongs and batik to the Barong in the Philippines, they enrich our routines and culture. For many families and artisans, textile production is a labor of love and a source of livelihood, preserving valuable skills and promoting cultural sustainability. These textiles accompany us through significant life moments, making them integral to our identity.

We take pride in the international recognition of our textiles by UNESCO: Indonesian Batik (2009), Malaysian Songket (2021), and Tais from Timor-Leste (2021). We also support Thailand’s efforts to recognize Chut Thai as part of our shared cultural heritage.

In conclusion, an exhibition tour followed. Guests were invited to mingle, view textile exhibits and engage with the curators.

ICC Deputy Prosecutor Reaffirms Commitment to Justice Partnership with Colombia

The Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and the Government of Colombia reaffirmed their shared commitment to partnership, complementarity and victim-centered justice during the official visit of ICC Deputy Prosecutor Nazhat Shameem Khan to Bogotá from 4 to 8 May 2026.

During her first official mission to Colombia, Deputy Prosecutor Khan held meetings with senior government officials, judicial authorities, representatives of the United Nations, members of the diplomatic community, civil society organisations and victims’ representatives. The visit took place within the framework of the 2021 Cooperation Agreement signed between the ICC Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) and the Government of Colombia.

ICC Deputy Prosecutor Nazhat Shameem Khan during the interinstitutional roundtable with Government agencies and judicial authorities.

Deputy Prosecutor Khan described Colombia as “a leader in international criminal justice” and stressed the importance of ensuring that the country’s transitional justice process continues to deliver meaningful results for victims. She reaffirmed the Office’s dedication to working closely with all partners in line with the OTP’s Policy on Complementarity and Cooperation.

A central focus of the mission was the implementation of sentences issued by the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, following recent landmark decisions in Colombia’s transitional justice process. Discussions highlighted the importance of effective coordination among national authorities to ensure sanctions are implemented in a way that reflects accountability, public condemnation of criminal conduct, and recognition of victims’ suffering.

The Deputy Prosecutor met with Colombia’s Minister of Justice and Law, Jorge Iván Cuervo Restrepo, and expressed appreciation for the Government’s continued support of the transitional justice framework and its commitment to strengthening coordination with the JEP.

She also held discussions with Miroslav Jenča, Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Verification Mission in Colombia, as well as Claudio Tomasi, Acting Resident Coordinator in Colombia. Meetings with international partners and members of the diplomatic community underlined the importance of sustained international engagement and support for Colombia’s peace and justice architecture.

An important component of the mission involved direct dialogue with civil society organisations and victims’ representatives. These exchanges provided an opportunity to assess progress achieved, ongoing challenges and the support still required to advance accountability efforts. Deputy Prosecutor Khan reiterated the OTP’s commitment to ensuring that victims’ voices continue to shape and inform its complementarity activities.

ICC Deputy Prosecutor Khan was welcomed by the President of the JEP and its magistrates.

The visit also included meetings with Alejandro Ramelli and magistrates of the JEP, reflecting the strong ongoing partnership between the ICC Office of the Prosecutor and Colombia’s transitional justice institutions. Deputy Prosecutor Khan welcomed the progress achieved across several macro-cases and acknowledged efforts to develop restorative sanctions that include effective restrictions on liberties and rights.

Deputy Prosecutor Khan concluded her mission with a keynote address at an academic event hosted by Colombia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs on partnerships for justice. Emphasising the importance of international cooperation in addressing contemporary challenges in international criminal justice, she noted that complementarity can “build bridges” and strengthen collective efforts to deliver justice and accountability for victims.

Energy Transition and Urban Development, Interview with Thamar Zijlstra

Power, Cities and Fairness – Rethinking the Energy Transition in Urban Life

Energy rarely draws attention until it becomes a problem. It appears in rising heating bills or in the sudden arrival of a wind turbine next door. Today the energy transition is no longer distant. It is unfolding inside our neighborhoods and it is not unfolding evenly.

Young people are often told to switch off lights and travel less, while large corporations continue operating with limited constraint. That imbalance is not just frustrating – it is structurally flawed. Responsibility is being misallocated. If emissions are concentrated, then accountability must be too.

A conversation with Thamar Zijlstra, a councillor in Amsterdam West, brings this into focus. Her work highlights a core issue: the transition is not only technical. It is political and deeply social.

Low-income communities face disproportionate risks. Upgrading homes or adapting to new systems requires capital, many simply do not have. Without targeted policy support the transition reinforces inequality, instead of reducing it. Any serious framework must start with redistribution mechanisms, not just incentives.

At the same time cities need to open decision-making. Energy infrastructure – whether solar projects or district heating – directly affects daily life. Yet communities are often informed rather than involved. That approach creates resistance and slows implementation. Participation is not a bonus feature. It is operationally necessary.

Corporations remain the central actors in urban emissions. Pretending otherwise weakens policy design. Yes, individual behavior matters. But it is marginal compared to industrial output. Strong regulation, transparent emissions reporting and real financial pressure on high-impact sectors are non-negotiable.

Zijlstra also points to a more grounded layer of change. Community gardens, repair workshops and local initiatives make sustainability visible and social. These efforts build trust. Still, they are not substitutes for systemic reform. They are support mechanisms, not solutions.

Urban development adds another layer of tension. Cities must build faster, while also building greener. The real opportunity lies in designing complete neighborhoods – integrating housing, energy systems, mobility and green space from the start rather than retrofitting later.

Mobility policy shows, where clarity already exists. Electrifying cars alone is not enough. Reducing dependency on cars altogether is the more efficient path. Cities that prioritize cycling and public transport are not idealistic – they are pragmatic.

The energy transition is often framed as a technological upgrade. That is a shallow reading. It is a redistribution of power, cost and influence. The critical question is not whether the transition will happen. It is who shapes it and who pays for it.

This article is produced by Charahja van Broekhoven, Alexandra Osina, Peace Ojoma Idoko, Alexandra Lawrentiev, Taeyun Kim, Longrui Deng, Beatrise Abelkalna, Lauren van Laarhoven-Hargreaves, participants in the Bright Future Foundation, as part of the European Union’s “Participate & Promote Democracy” Youth Participation project, in cooperation with Diplomat Magazine, Embassy of the Netherlands in Armenia and young members of the Armenian partner organization Promising Youth.

Thanksgiving Mass Opens Cameroon National Day Celebrations in The Hague

On the occasion of Cameroon’s National Day, H.E. Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua celebrated a thanksgiving Mass at the Church of Our Saviour in The Hague, bringing together the Cameroonian community of the Netherlands and Luxembourg in a moment of prayer, unity and national pride. More than 900 faithful attended the celebration, praying and singing together for Cameroon and its people.

Among the distinguished guests were the Ambassadors of Rwanda, H.E. Lambert Dushimimana and Angola, H.E. Lizeth N. Satumbo Pena, as well as the Honorary Consul of Sierra Leone, who attended in support of their colleague and to draw inspiration from the Cameroonian initiative of organizing a thanksgiving Mass as part of the national celebrations.

The Mass marked the opening of the 54th edition of Cameroon’s National Day celebrations in the Netherlands. Its purpose was to give thanks for the blessings bestowed upon Cameroon and to entrust to God all the activities organized for the week-long celebrations.

The African community played an active role in both the preparations and the ceremony itself, attending dressed in elegant and colourful African attire.

In a solemn procession, Ambassador Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua entered with a delegation carrying the Cameroonian flag and later presented offerings in support of refugees, underlining the values of solidarity.

The homily delivered by Father Sjaak de Boer, Parish Priest of the Church of Our Saviour, focused on the importance of seeking and pursuing peace. Three religious songs selected by the Embassy were performed during the service, accompanied by traditional African drum rhythms.

At the conclusion of the Mass, parishioners and guests gathered to share sweets and refreshments, extending the spirit of fellowship beyond the religious celebration.

The thanksgiving Mass forms part of a wider programme of events organized by the Embassy of Cameroon in The Hague to celebrate the country’s National Day over more than one week.

On Saturday, 16 May, the Embassy will host a culinary workshop dedicated to Cameroonian gastronomy, featuring the preparation and presentation of two of the country’s iconic dishes: Ndolé and Braised Fish.

A mini football tournament will also take place at St De Whilemus, promoting friendship and inclusion through sport. The first match will oppose the men’s team of Cameroon against refugees living in the Netherlands, while the second will see the Embassy women’s team, the Amazons of the Embassy, compete against CDA United Women.

The celebrations will conclude on Friday, 22 May, with a large diplomatic reception at the Marriott Hotel in The Hague, gathering members of the diplomatic corps, economic and cultural partners, and the Cameroonian community in the Netherlands.

Congratulations to H.E. Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua on Cameroun National day 2026.

Los cuentos de Salarrué

La Embajada de El Salvador y la Asociación Hispánica de La Haya organizaron en mayo, un conversatorio sobre la obra del escritor salvadoreño Salvador Salazar Arrué, conocido como “Salarrué”. La actividad estuvo a cargo de la abogada y notaria Mirella Pocasangre de Vázquez, quien se distinguió por su emotiva narrativa de los cuentos de este prestigioso autor.

El público presente, entre ellos miembros de la Asociación Hispánica de La Haya, escritores latinoamericanos, miembros del cuerpo diplomático, de la prensa y amigos de El Salvador, llenó la sala participando activamente con preguntas sobre el autor y el léxico utilizado en sus cuentos.

Edith Bergansius, presidenta de la Asociación Hispánica de La Haya, recibió a los invitados y presentó el evento mencionando que: “La idea de tener este conversatorio sobre los cuentos de ‘Salarrué’ nació hace aproximadamente un año, cuando tuvimos una actividad similar en el Instituto Cervantes de Utrecht. Desde ese momento fijamos una fecha. Así que gracias a ustedes también, miembros de la asociación y a mis colegas del cuerpo diplomático que nos acompañan; realmente es un honor y un gusto tenerlos aquí”.

S.E. Álvaro González Otero, Embajador del Uruguay y S.E. Agustín Vázquez Gómez, Embajador de El Salvador durante la presentación en la Asociación Hispánica de La Haya.

El Embajador de El Salvador, S.E. Agustín Vázquez Gómez, presentó el evento y conversó con el público sobre las iniciativas de los embajadores latinoamericanos para promover el uso del español en los organismos internacionales.

“Particularmente, tenemos acá al embajador de Uruguay, S.E. Álvaro González Otero, quien en este período es el coordinador del Grupo de Amigos del Español en La Haya. Lo que nosotros hacemos es tratar de promover el uso de nuestra lengua en los organismos internacionales aquí representados.

En algunos lo hemos logrado con mucho éxito; en otros todavía se está trabajando. Pero les puedo asegurar que iniciativas como esta, y con la presencia del coordinador del Grupo de Amigos del Español en La Haya, estamos sembrando la semilla.

El día de hoy queremos compartir un poco acerca de El Salvador, de su belleza y de su riqueza natural que podemos disfrutar. Pero tenemos un activo mucho más importante, que es nuestra gente. Nuestra gente es muy cálida, muy amigable, muy abierta, muy dispuesta y siempre estamos de la mano para ayudar y recibir incluso a aquellos que no conocemos.

El día de hoy queremos invitarlos a todos ustedes, a través de la voz de mi querida esposa, a que podamos conocer un poco más acerca de un escritor salvadoreño del cual nosotros nos sentimos muy orgullosos. Así que, con este preámbulo, reitero nuestro agradecimiento por permitirnos estar aquí, en su casa, en la Asociación Hispánica”.

Posteriormente, dio paso a Mirella Pocasangre y a su vívida narrativa sobre Salvador Salazar Arrué, artísticamente conocido como “Salarrué”, quien a través de sus cuentos reflejó la idiosincrasia de El Salvador.

Mirella Pocasangre

“‘Salarrué’ narró la simplicidad de nuestra vida y cómo somos. Con esas historias simples y divertidas toca el corazón; es la forma en la cual nosotros vivimos nuestro día a día en El Salvador. Es un artista que, de una manera muy hábil, logró capturar la identidad del salvadoreño y hoy queremos concentrarnos en esa parte de nuestra identidad cultural. Y sobre todo conversar acerca del mejor escritor de todos, para mí. Creo que cuando escuchen sus historias también dirán: sí, es el mejor escritor de El Salvador”.

¿Quién era “Salarrué”? ¿Cuáles eran sus orígenes?

Nació el 22 de octubre de 1899 en Sonsonate, conocida como la ciudad de los cocos por su proximidad con la costa, una zona rodeada de montañas y con una tradición indígena muy marcada. Su abuelo era español.

A los ocho años fue llevado a vivir a San Salvador, la capital, y posteriormente a Santa Tecla, ciudad cercana donde estudió en el Liceo Salvadoreño. Su madre había sido escritora, por lo que desde niño estuvo rodeado de libros y de personas vinculadas al arte.

“Salarrué” consiguió una beca para estudiar en Estados Unidos cuando tenía 18 años. Estudió pintura en Baltimore, Maryland, razón por la cual siempre decía que su profesión era la de pintor.

En 1923, a los 24 años, contrajo matrimonio con la artista plástica Zélie Lardé Arthés, de padres franceses, quien fue la madre de sus tres hijas: Olga, Teresa y María Teresa.

Diplomaticos de El Salvador durante el evento.

“Salarrué” escribió Cuentos de Cipotes —como se les llama a los niños en El Salvador—, historias contadas desde el imaginario infantil, incluyendo su propio lenguaje; y Cuentos de Barro, relatos costumbristas de adultos. También escribió historias fantásticas que transportaban al lector a mundos imaginarios. Publicó numerosos libros y recopilaciones, obtuvo reconocimientos del Congreso de su país y recibió la Orden José Matías Delgado, una de las más importantes distinciones de El Salvador.

En 1975 falleció, dejando como legado sus secretos, sus pinturas y sus cuentos, que hoy continúan siendo compartidos. Mirella, entre sus lecturas animadas, contó cómo desde niña leía sus cuentos y cómo “Salarrué” se convirtió en su héroe literario.

Luego de la lectura de dos bellos cuentos, el evento continuó con una degustación de gastronomía salvadoreña.

Climate Change, Democracy and the Rising Voice of Youth in the Netherlands

Climate change is no longer just an environmental issue. In the Netherlands, where much of the land lies below sea level and agriculture dominates, it has become a democratic challenge. Rising seas and extreme weather are not abstract threats – they are reshaping communities and demanding urgent policy action. Yet the most vulnerable voices are often the quietest in political debates.

Dion Huidekooper embodies the growing influence of youth in shaping this conversation. In November 2025 he transitioned from chairing the Jonge Klimaatbeweging (Youth Climate Movement) to becoming a Member of the House of Representatives for Democrats 66. With experience as an Energy and Climate advisor at the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Climate Policy and at Energie Beheer Nederland (EBN), Huidekooper brings a pragmatic, “climate-optimist” perspective, focusing on sustainability, the circular economy, environmental policy and long-term public transport solutions. His journey signals that youth activism is no longer just protest – it is now a path to formal power.

Dion Huidekooper

The stakes are high. Climate impacts are not evenly felt. Vulnerable communities in the Caribbean Netherlands and low-lying areas across the country face immediate threats, yet their needs are often overshadowed by powerful economic interests. Dutch democracy prides itself on consensus, but this system risks leaving the people most at risk unheard, unless institutions actively seek inclusive participation.

Youth movements are filling this gap. Beyond demonstrations, young people now engage directly in policymaking, advisory councils and civic initiatives. They push for policies that look decades ahead, advocating climate goals for 2040 and 2050 rather, than short-term electoral wins. By demanding a seat at the table, they challenge traditional politics to balance immediate pressures with long-term survival.

This generational shift is not merely symbolic. It is a test of Dutch democracy itself. Effective climate policy requires that both vulnerable communities and future generations influence decision making. Youth involvement demonstrates how democratic participation can strengthen environmental action, while injecting ambition, optimism and long-term thinking into political discourse.

The Netherlands faces a defining moment. Rising seas and intensifying weather are unavoidable realities. Whether democratic institutions adapt to include those most affected, and whether young voices like Huidekooper’s shape the policies of tomorrow, will determine the country’s resilience. For his generation, the fight for climate justice is inseparable from the fight for a stronger, more inclusive democracy.

This article is produced by Lauren van Laarhoven-Hargreaves, Beatrise Abelkalna, Alexandra Osina, Taeyun Kim, Matvii Drotsyk, Veronika Martemianova, Barbara Gama, Mariam Kirakossian, Charahja van Broekhoven, participants in the Bright Future Foundation, as part of the European Union’s “Participate & Promote Democracy” Youth Participation project, in cooperation with Diplomat Magazine, Embassy of the Netherlands in Armenia and young members of the Armenian partner organization Promising Youth.

The Bahamas: 2026 Investment Outlook at the Crossroads of Tourism and Maritime Trade

By Silas Cooper

Looking ahead to 2026, the country’s economic trajectory is shaped by the convergence of tourism recovery, maritime expansion, and fiscal recalibration. For European stakeholders assessing Caribbean engagement, key considerations include macroeconomic stability, climate vulnerability, demand concentration, security perception, and infrastructure capacity. The Bahamas presents a distinctive case: a tourism-driven economy reinforced by strategic maritime positioning, close proximity to the United States, and a long-standing tax-neutral framework.

Positioned along critical Atlantic routes and deeply integrated into North American travel flows, The Bahamas occupies a unique role within the wider transatlantic economic space. As European actors seek diversified partnerships in the Caribbean, the country offers a combination of established demand, geographic advantage, and evolving fiscal discipline.

Tourism as a Structural Economic Anchor

Tourism remains the central pillar of the Bahamian economy, contributing approximately 50–60% of GDP and accounting for the majority of foreign exchange earnings. Visitor numbers have rebounded strongly in the post-pandemic period, supported by sustained cruise growth and stable stopover demand.

The country’s proximity to Florida, extensive airlift connectivity, and mature resort infrastructure continue to underpin its competitive position within the Caribbean. This dynamic reflects not short-term recovery, but structural demand rooted in geography, income levels, and established travel patterns.

Beyond hospitality, tourism activity supports a broader ecosystem of services, including marina operations, cruise-linked retail, logistics, and security infrastructure, creating layered economic value across multiple sectors.

Maritime Positioning and Atlantic Connectivity

In parallel with its tourism sector, The Bahamas holds a strategic position along major Atlantic shipping and cruise corridors. Key hubs such as Nassau and Freeport serve as important nodes for cruise throughput, container transshipment, and maritime services.

Ongoing port redevelopment and capacity expansion reflect confidence in long-term growth in both passenger and cargo flows. These developments extend the country’s economic relevance beyond tourism, reinforcing its role within regional logistics networks and global maritime trade.

For European stakeholders, this position aligns with broader interests in secure, efficient Atlantic supply chains and resilient port infrastructure.

Fiscal Adjustment and Macroeconomic Direction

Public debt rose significantly in the aftermath of Hurricane Dorian and the COVID-19 pandemic. However, recent assessments by the International Monetary Fund indicate a return to fiscal consolidation, including primary surplus recovery and improved debt management.

Although debt-to-GDP levels remain elevated, the overall trajectory has stabilized. The direction of fiscal policy, characterized by gradual adjustment and institutional commitment, suggests a framework of managed recovery rather than systemic imbalance.

This evolving macroeconomic environment reflects a broader effort to strengthen credibility and maintain investor confidence while supporting long-term growth.

Transatlantic Demand and Market Concentration

Tourism flows remain heavily linked to the United States, reflecting geographic proximity, strong transport connectivity, and longstanding economic ties. While this concentration introduces exposure to U.S. economic cycles, it also provides a stable and predictable demand base.

Short travel times and high disposable income among U.S. travelers continue to support premium positioning within the hospitality sector. Historically, this corridor has underpinned consistent visitor volumes and maritime activity, reinforcing the resilience of the tourism model.

At the same time, there is gradual scope for diversification, particularly through targeted engagement with European and other international markets.

Climate Risk and Resilience Strategy

As a low-lying archipelago, The Bahamas faces significant exposure to hurricanes, sea-level rise, and climate-related infrastructure stress. These risks are structural and must be incorporated into long-term planning and development strategies.

In response, resilience has become increasingly embedded in national policy and investment frameworks. Climate adaptation financing, infrastructure reinforcement, and sustainability-focused redevelopment are gaining momentum, supported in part by international partnerships, including those with institutions such as the World Bank.

This evolving approach positions resilience not only as a necessity, but as a defining feature of future development across tourism and maritime infrastructure.

Security Perception and Economic Performance

Security concerns, particularly in urban areas such as Nassau, continue to feature in international discourse. However, tourism data indicates that visitor growth has remained resilient despite periodic negative perceptions.

Tourism zones and major resort areas typically operate with structured security frameworks and coordinated oversight. This distinction between national perception and sector-specific performance highlights the importance of localized, asset-level analysis.

Effective security integration remains a central component of sustaining confidence and ensuring operational continuity within key economic zones.

Infrastructure Capacity and Growth Pressures

Rising visitor volumes and expanding cruise operations have increased pressure on ports, airports, utilities, and urban infrastructure. While this presents operational challenges, it also reflects underlying demand strength.

Managing this growth will require continued investment in capacity expansion, modernization, and sustainability. Areas such as port development, transport systems, marina infrastructure, and energy integration represent important avenues for future development.

In this context, infrastructure pressure signals economic momentum, provided it is matched by coordinated planning and investment.

Strategic Outlook

The Bahamas occupies a distinctive position at the intersection of tourism-driven liquidity and maritime connectivity. Its role within Atlantic travel and trade routes, combined with ongoing fiscal adjustment and resilience planning, reinforces its relevance in a shifting global economic landscape.

For European partners, the country offers a platform for deeper engagement in sectors linked to infrastructure, sustainability, and services supporting international mobility and trade.

The Bahamas does not present a risk-free environment. However, it offers a combination of structural demand, geographic advantage, and policy evolution that distinguishes it within the Caribbean. As global attention increasingly turns toward resilient infrastructure, sustainable tourism, and secure maritime networks, The Bahamas is positioned to remain an important node within both regional and transatlantic systems.

About the author
Silas Cooper is Honorary Consul of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas in the Netherlands, focusing on economic diplomacy, bilateral relations, and strategic investment engagement.

Embassy Seminar on Dutch Labor Law 2026 Edition

By Roy Lie Atjam

The Hague, 22 April 2026 – Russell Advocaten and Diplomat Magazine, in collaboration with Leonardo Royal Hotel, successfully hosted the 2026 edition of its annual Embassy Seminar on Dutch Employment Law for embassies and consulates in the Netherlands.

With decades of experience assisting diplomatic missions with legal matters, Russell Advocaten welcomed more than 90 participants, including ambassadors, deputy heads of mission, and HR officers.

The seminar, held from 9:30 to 12:00, followed by a lunch, was led by Mr. Jan Dop, LL.M., specialist in Employment Law, together with Reinier W.L. Russell, Managing Partner of the firm. Their presentations focused on the practical application of Dutch labour law for diplomatic missions, helping embassies better understand local legal obligations concerning locally hired staff in the Netherlands.

The conference addressed important issues including employment law, dismissal procedures, employee illness and sick leave obligations, personnel policies, handbooks and codes of conduct, employee participation, and works councils.

The lawyers also explained the legal responsibilities of employers regarding sick employees, including the mandatory involvement of the Arbo/company doctor and the financial consequences of non-compliance.

Particular attention was given to Dutch regulations concerning employee illness, including the principle that, in general, an employee cannot be dismissed during the first two years of illness. Through practical examples and interactive discussions, the seminar provided participants with a clearer understanding of complex Dutch labour regulations applicable to diplomatic missions.

Mr. Dop and Mr. Russell were assisted by four additional lawyers from Russell Advocaten, who answered numerous questions from participants and commented on specific cases raised during the seminar.

Beyond its legal value, the seminar also provided an excellent opportunity for representatives of diplomatic missions to exchange experiences with colleagues in a professional and discreet environment.

Coffee break at Leonardo Royal Hotel. Dutch Labor Law seminar for diplomats 2026.

Russell Advocaten Diplomatic Desk and Diplomat Magazine also shared the seminar notes and presentation materials with all attendees following the conference. Participants with additional questions or specific legal matters are invited to contact Russell Advocaten and its Embassy Desk specialists for further assistance regarding Dutch employment and labour law applicable to diplomatic missions in the Netherlands.

The Normalization of Dysfunction: Between Administrative Failure and the Erosion of the Social Contract

Case Study: Curtea de Argeș

“It is not crises that destroy a society, but the habit of living with them.”


By Major General (Two Stars) (retd) Corneliu Pivariu

In the analysis of major geopolitical transformations, there is a tendency to prioritize large-scale conflicts, strategic decisions, and rivalries between powers. Much less frequently examined are those slow, seemingly marginal processes which, over time, erode the internal structure of states. Yet history shows that major strategic weaknesses do not emerge suddenly; they accumulate quietly within societies[1].

The recent situation in Curtea de Argeș[2]—where a significant community faced prolonged disruptions in the supply of potable water—offers a relevant case study[3]. Not because of its uniqueness, but because it reflects a broader dynamic: the transformation of dysfunction from exception into norm.

From Administrative Incident to Systemic Symptom

At a strictly technical level, situations such as interruptions in water supply may have multiple explanations: infrastructure works, management deficiencies, lack of investment, or insufficient coordination between institutions[4]. In the vicinity of the Vidraru dam[5], such factors can generate real disruptions.

The problem arises, however, when risks are known, preventive measures are absent, and solutions are delayed or not implemented[6].

At this point, we are no longer dealing with a simple incident, but with a dysfunctional operating pattern that extends beyond the specific case and points to a systemic failure.

Institutional Failure: Between Incompetence and Inertia

The most robust explanation for such situations is not conspiracy, but rather a combination of structural factors:

  • fragmentation of institutional responsibilities
  • lack of a culture of anticipation
  • political prioritization of other domains
  • absence of real accountability for failure[7]

Vidraru Lake and the Curtea de Argeș water crisis (2025–2026)
Contrast between the technical reality of a planned intervention on strategic hydropower infrastructure (Vidraru Lake—full versus drained) and its perceived impact on the local community (queues for drinking water in Curtea de Argeș), in a context marked by delayed response, deficient communication, and structural vulnerabilities.

Source: open-source images (for illustrative purposes)

These elements generate a specific type of vulnerability: the state does not fail spectacularly, but slowly, repeatedly, and predictably.

Societal Response: Adaptation, Not Resistance

One of the most relevant aspects of such situations is not only the dysfunction itself, but the population’s reaction to it. Instead of sustained mobilization, there often emerges a combination of adaptation to substandard conditions, reduced expectations, and withdrawal into the private sphere.

This behavior should not be simplistically interpreted as passivity, cultural resignation, or deliberate manipulation. Rather, it results from well-known social mechanisms that emerge when citizens are repeatedly exposed to administrative failures, unmet promises, and the absence of visible consequences for responsible institutions[8].

1. Civic Fatigue

After repeated exposure to local crises, deficiencies in public services, and delayed institutional responses, the community’s capacity to react diminishes. Citizens begin to perceive dysfunction not as an intolerable exception, but as a reality they must live with. This fatigue does not eliminate dissatisfaction, but transforms it from civic energy into individual frustration.

2. Lack of Trust in Collective Action

When people no longer believe that protest, formal complaints, public pressure, or civic participation can produce change, the motivation for collective action declines. The problem is no longer just a lack of resources, but the loss of belief that institutions can be compelled to respond. At this point, the social contract is affected at its core: the citizen continues to bear the costs of the state, but no longer believes in the state’s ability to fulfill its basic obligations[9].

3. Pragmatic Adaptation

In the absence of credible institutional solutions, individuals seek private ones: personal water reserves, informal networks, withdrawal from public engagement, acceptance of improvisation as normality. While rational at the individual level, this adaptation becomes harmful at the collective level. It reduces pressure on institutions, fragments community solidarity, and transforms a public problem into a series of unequal and vulnerable private solutions.

Thus, the societal response does not confirm the existence of a “social engineering experiment,” but indicates something deeper: the weakening of civic reflexes and the reduced capacity of communities to transform dissatisfaction into institutional correction[10].

The Internal Social Fracture: A Strategic Vulnerability

From a geopolitical analytical perspective, such phenomena cannot be reduced to simple administrative dysfunctions. They represent manifestations of an internal fracture affecting the fundamental relationship between state and citizen.

This fracture does not emerge suddenly, but is gradually constructed through the accumulation of episodes in which the state fails to perform its basic functions, while citizens adjust their expectations accordingly. Over time, the relationship becomes imbalanced: citizens’ obligations remain, but the state’s capacity to provide essential services becomes uncertain.

Concretely, this internal social fracture manifests through: the weakening of trust between state and citizen, diminished social cohesion, fragmentation of community solidarity, and the emergence of individual coping strategies that replace collective solutions.

In the long term, these processes generate direct strategic consequences. First, they reduce mobilization capacity in times of crisis, as citizens no longer perceive the state as a legitimate and effective actor. Second, they limit societal resilience—the ability to absorb shocks and return to normality. Third, they affect the credibility of the state, both internally and in relation to external partners.

In this sense, the internal social fracture is not merely a social issue, but a strategic risk multiplier[11].

Beyond Conspiracy: The Real Risk

Interpretations that attribute such situations to “social engineering experiments” are, in most cases, expressions of deep distrust in institutions and the need to find a coherent explanation for repeated dysfunctions. While they may have media impact and emotional mobilization potential, they risk shifting analysis away from structural causes toward hypotheses that are difficult to substantiate.

The real danger does not lie in a hidden, centralized plan, but in a far more banal—and therefore more difficult to counter—process: the normalization of dysfunction[12].

This process emerges[13] when problems persist without clear institutional consequences, responsibility is diffuse and difficult to assign, and public reaction remains limited or fragmented. Under these conditions, dysfunction is no longer perceived as a deviation from the norm, but as part of everyday normality.

Implications for Romania

Cases such as the one analyzed indicate a trend which, if not corrected, may have cumulative effects on the functioning of the Romanian state. At first glance, this appears to be a local issue related to water management. In reality, such episodes reveal the vulnerability of an institutional architecture where preventive planning is weak, accountability is diffuse, and public communication becomes reactive rather than anticipatory.

The first implication is the decline in trust in institutions. When basic services become unreliable, the citizen no longer perceives the state as a guarantor of everyday order, but as a distant, slow, and often incapable structure.

The second implication is the acceleration of internal and external migration. Communities facing fragile public services, degraded infrastructure, and lack of predictability become less attractive for residence, investment, and economic development.

The third implication concerns the state’s capacity to implement complex public policies. A state that struggles to manage basic services will face even greater difficulties in areas requiring strategic coordination: energy transition, critical infrastructure, civil defense, societal resilience, crisis management, or effective absorption of European funds.

In this sense, the Curtea de Argeș case should not be viewed as a local anomaly, but as an indicator. It shows what happens when physical infrastructure, administrative capacity, and social trust deteriorate simultaneously.

Societies do not degrade only through major shocks, but also through the gradual accumulation of accepted dysfunction. When citizens become accustomed to the absence or fragility of essential services, and institutions are no longer compelled to perform, the social contract begins to erode.

The Curtea de Argeș case is relevant precisely because it cannot be reduced to a simple malfunction, a punctual error, or an isolated technical explanation. It concentrates three vulnerabilities: insufficiently managed critical infrastructure, fragmented institutional responsibility, and limited societal response. Together, these describe a pattern of dysfunction that can be replicated across other areas of public life.

In a world marked by geopolitical competition, economic pressures, energy crises, and strategic instability, the resilience of a state is not measured only by military capabilities or external alliances. It is also measured by its capacity to maintain essential services, anticipate risks, and preserve citizens’ trust in institutions.

The real question is not whether such situations are the result of a hidden plan, but whether society and the state still have the capacity to correct them before they become the norm.

Because in the absence of that capacity, dysfunction is no longer an exception—it becomes a rule of operation.

Brașov, April 27, 2026


[1] National Institute of Statistics (INS), Public Utilities Infrastructure in Romania. Data series on water supply and sewerage, Bucharest, annual editions 2018–2024. Highlights major disparities between urban and rural areas and systemic vulnerabilities in water infrastructure.

[2]  Curtea de Argeș is a municipality located in southern Romania, in Argeș County, with a population of approximately 25,000–30,000 inhabitants (according to recent estimates). The city has major historical significance, being one of the first capitals of Wallachia in the Middle Ages and home to important heritage sites such as the Curtea de Argeș Monastery. Functionally, the city and its surrounding area depend significantly on regional water and energy infrastructure, including systems associated with the Vidraru dam.
Relevance in context: highlights the direct impact of infrastructure dysfunctions on a medium-sized urban community with regional importance.

[3] The potable water supply crisis in the municipality of Curtea de Argeș began in early November 2025, when the quality parameters of water supplied through the public network started to exceed permitted limits, leading to usage restrictions for the population. Although water supply was not completely interrupted on a constant basis, the distributed water was, for most of the period, unfit for consumption and used only for domestic purposes, with occasional episodes of total interruption. The situation affected approximately 30,000–50,000 inhabitants in the municipality and surrounding areas.
Remedial works on the water treatment infrastructure effectively began on March 27, 2026, more than four months after the onset of the crisis, with an estimated completion date of July 15, 2026. These data highlight not only the prolonged duration of the dysfunction but also the latency of structural intervention, suggesting deficiencies in anticipation, coordination, and institutional response, characteristic of the process of normalization of dysfunction analyzed in this study.

[4] Court of Accounts of Romania, Public Report on the Administration of Public Utility Services, Bucharest, 2022. Identifies recurring deficiencies: lack of preventive investments, poor management, and diffuse institutional responsibility.

[5] The Vidraru dam and hydroelectric power plant represent one of Romania’s most important hydro-energy developments. The Vidraru hydropower plant was commissioned on December 9, 1966, and utilizes the hydro-energy potential of the Argeș River over a sector of approximately 28 km, between Cumpăna and Oiești, exploiting a total head of 324 m. The installation has a capacity of 220 MW and an average annual production of approximately 400 GWh, while the reservoir has a total volume of around 465 million m³, of which 320 million m³ represent usable volume.
Relative to Romania’s net electricity production in 2025, estimated at approximately 49.3 TWh, Vidraru’s average annual output represents about 0.8% of national production; in terms of instantaneous power, its 220 MW may account for several percent of actual output within the National Energy System, depending on time and demand conditions.
The refurbishment of Vidraru has been pursued through multiple procurement procedures since 2016, with the contract awarded in July 2024 for approximately €188.38 million to an international consortium consisting of Electromontaj SA (Romania), Končar – Generatori i Motori (Croatia), and Litostroj Power (Slovenia). The project does not aim to increase installed capacity, which remains around 220 MW, but to modernize hydromechanical and electrical equipment in order to improve efficiency, reliability, and lifespan. In this context, annual electricity production may increase marginally, estimated at 5–10%, depending on hydrological conditions.
The total duration of the works is approximately five years, with completion estimated for 2028–2029. The controlled emptying of the reservoir began on August 1, 2025, with an estimated completion date of February 28, 2026, marking the first full emptying since 1974. According to Hidroelectrica, the operation was necessary for interventions on hydromechanical equipment and bottom outlet structures.
Public discourse has included opinions suggesting that certain works on such infrastructure could be carried out in stages or without complete reservoir drainage; in the absence of comprehensive publicly available technical documentation on alternative solutions considered for Vidraru, this hypothesis should be treated with caution, yet remains relevant for evaluating planning quality and institutional communication.

[6] Image usage note: The images used in this material serve an illustrative and analytical purpose. They originate from open public sources or materials distributed in the public domain. Copyright belongs to the legal rights holders. In the event of justified requests regarding their use, the author is available to provide explicit attribution or remove the images.

[7] World Bank, Romania – Systematic Country Diagnostic Update, Washington, D.C., 2023. Highlights governance deficits and limited administrative capacity as major factors behind public service inefficiency.

[8] OECD, Government at a Glance: Romania, Paris, 2021. Indicates low levels of institutional trust and administrative performance below the European average;
European Commission, Rule of Law Report – Romania, Brussels, 2023, signals structural issues regarding administrative efficiency and accountability mechanisms.

[9] Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States, Harvard University Press, 1970. Foundational theoretical model: citizens respond to dysfunction through “voice” (protest) or “exit” (withdrawal/adaptation);
Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action, Harvard University Press, 1965. Explains the difficulty of collective mobilization in the absence of direct incentives;
Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, Simon & Schuster, 2000. Describes the erosion of social capital and its impact on civic participation.

[10] Eurobarometer, Public Opinion in the European Union, editions 2022–2024. Indicates low levels of institutional trust and civic participation in Romania compared to the EU average.

[11] Freedom House, Nations in Transit – Romania, 2023, highlights stagnation in institutional reforms and weakening accountability mechanisms;
Stanford Social Innovation Review, “The Era of Relational Intelligence,” 2023. Relevant for the concept of social cohesion and the relationship between trust and institutional functionality.

[12] RUSI, State Resilience and Societal Cohesion in Hybrid Conflict, London, 2022, correlates societal cohesion with states’ capacity to withstand crises;
EUISS, Resilience in the EU: Strategic Implications, Paris, 2022, introduces the concept of “societal resilience” as a security component.

[13] Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, Yale University Press, 1968—central argument: instability arises when social mobilization exceeds institutional capacity;
Francis Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2014—explains institutional degradation through political capture and administrative inefficiency.