BEIJING, Oct. 17, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — On October 14, the 2024 World Food Day Celebration was successfully held at the 798·751 Art Community. The event attracted nearly 200 participants, including representatives from Chinese government departments, international organizations, embassies, civil societies, academia, and the private sector.
2024 World Food Day Celebration.
The World Food Day (WFD), established by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) in 1981 and observed annually on October 16, aims to raise global awareness of food-related issues, promote actions to fight hunger, and ensure everyone has access to sufficient food. The theme of the WFD 2024, âRight to Foods for a Better Life and a Better Futureâ, emphasized the urgent need to transform agrifood systems to become more resilient, inclusive, and sustainable.
Three performances incorporating Chinese culture and agricultural themes presented, using art as a medium to highlight the importance of agrifood security. The image is the live shot of the Kunqu & Experimental Music Performance.
Vinod Ahuja, FAO Representative ad interim for China and DPR Korea; Zhao Lijun, Deputy Director-General of the Agricultural Trade Promotion Center at Chinaâs Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs; and Li Fujun, Director-General of the China Grain Research and Training Center attended the event and delivered opening speeches. They underscored the critical role of food security in national stability and highlighted Chinaâs significant achievements in improving food security and reducing poverty. The speakers also praised the strong collaboration between China and FAO, noting the alignment of China’s National Food Security Publicity Week with global efforts to safeguard food security.
Jiang Nan, Chairman of Beijing 798 Cultural and Technology Co., Ltd., remarked on the event that the 798·751 Community has long served as a hub for international cultural exchange, merging culture and technology while promoting green initiatives and balancing both economic and social benefits. This event, as an important part of the 798 International Art Season, further underscores 798·751’s crucial role in global cultural exchange. âJust as food requires fertile soil and careful cultivation, so does art. On the fertile ground of 798·751, we are committed to nurture new and better artistic creations by exploring the dynamic fusion of culture and technology,â said Jiang.
By Ambassador Sheikh Mohammed Belal, Managing Director of the Common Fund for Commodities.
In 1992, during the U.S. presidential election campaign, a sign in Bill Clintonâs campaign office read âItâs the economy, stupid.â It was a concise reminder that the economy, with all its complexities, was the key factor shaping the political and social landscape.
Today, on October 17, as we commemorate the International Poverty Day 2024, this concept can be expanded to the realm of commoditiesâthose essential raw materials that underpin every aspect of the global economy. âItâs commodities, stupidâ could serve as an equally fitting mantra, reflecting the critical role they play in economic stability, growth, and sustainable development.
The historical record demonstrates that, during the colonial period, Western European nations depended for their development on extraction from other parts of the world. The general logic of colonisation was to integrate the Global South into the Europe-centred world economy on terms highly unequal to the South.
Argentinian economist RaĂșl Prebisch (April 17, 1901 â April 29, 1986) was a pivotal figure in bringing issues surrounding commodities and global economic inequalities to international prominence. His ideas, particularly through his “core-periphery theory” and his involvement in the establishment of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), helped highlight the structural disadvantages faced by developing countries, especially those dependent on exporting raw commodities.
Prebisch and the Core-Periphery Theory
In the mid-20th century, Prebisch’s work as an economist led to the development of the Prebisch-Singer hypothesis, in collaboration with British economist Hans Singer. Their theory challenged the mainstream view that international trade benefited all countries equally. Instead, they argued that:
Core Countries: These are the industrialized, wealthier nations (in the Global North), which typically export manufactured goods.
Periphery Countries: These are the less-developed nations (in the Global South), which are reliant on exporting primary commodities like agricultural products, minerals, and raw materials.
The core-periphery model suggested that the economic relationship between the “core” and the “periphery” was inherently unequal. Prebisch and Singer observed that over time, the terms of trade for countries exporting raw materials (the periphery) tended to deteriorate relative to those exporting manufactured goods (the core). In other words, peripheral countries had to export increasing quantities of raw commodities to afford the same amount of imported industrial goods.
After RaĂșl Prebisch’s pioneering work on the core-periphery theory, another influential economist, Sri Lankan economist Gamani Corea (4 November 1925 â 3 November 2013), carried forward the cause of addressing global trade imbalances, particularly in the context of commodities. Corea played a pivotal role in shaping the global conversation on development and commodity trade, notably through his leadership at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and his involvement in establishing the Common Fund for Commodities (CFC). One of Corea’s most significant contributions was his advocacy for “buffer stock” mechanisms to stabilize volatile commodity prices, which became central to the CFC’s platform.
Corea recognized that many developing countries were trapped in a pattern of exporting raw commodities while importing expensive manufactured goods from industrialized nations, which left them vulnerable to price volatility and economic instability. These nations were price takers in global markets, with little control over the prices of the commodities they produced. This led to unpredictable and fluctuating revenues, which severely impacted their ability to invest in development and reduce poverty.
Coreaâs Vision and the Common Fund for Commodities
The Common Fund for Commodities (CFC), established in 1989, was born out of the ideas that Corea championed. It sought to create mechanisms that would help stabilize commodity prices, as well as provide financial support for projects aimed at improving commodity production, processing, and trade in developing countries.
The CFCâs two-tier system incorporated Coreaâs buffer stock ideas and went further by creating a first window for financing buffer stock operations and a second window to finance projects aimed at adding value to commodity production. By promoting value addition, the CFC aimed to help developing countries move beyond raw material exports and capture a greater share of the wealth generated by their commodities, thus addressing some of the core-periphery dynamics that Prebisch and Corea had highlighted.
Key aspects of the CFCâs approach under Coreaâs influence included:
Price Stability: Through the buffer stock mechanism, the CFC was expected to protect commodity-dependent economies from the volatility that could lead to severe economic downturns. Stable prices allowed governments and producers to better manage their economies and invest in long-term development.
Value Addition and Diversification: The CFC has been working to implement projects aimed at increasing the value added in the commodity sectors of developing countries. This included improving processing and manufacturing capabilities, which allowed these nations to earn more from their natural resources rather than simply exporting raw materials.
Financing Development Projects: Beyond price stabilization, the CFC also provided financing for initiatives that improved infrastructure, technology, and capacity-building in the commodity sectors. This aimed to improve the competitiveness of developing nations in global markets and break their dependence on volatile raw commodity exports.
Common Fund for Commodities
Where are we now?
In peer published research by few Euro-Asian researchers[1], it is stated that the South (the periphery) has still been the source of cheap labour and raw materials for the North (the âcoreâ), and a captive market for Northern manufactured goods (Davis 2002; Chang 2008). Beginning in the 1950s, economists and historians associated with dependency theory and world-systems theory argued that this relationship continues to define the global economy in the post-colonial era (Rodney 1972; Prebisch 1950; Galeano 1973; Wallerstein 1974; Frank 1967; Nkrumah 1965). Recent empirical data confirms that high-income nations continue to rely on a large net appropriation of labour and resources from the rest of the world.
In 2015, this amounted to 10.1 billion tons of embodied raw material equivalents (accounting for 50% of total consumption in high-income nations), and 182 million person-years of embodied labour (28% of their total consumption) from low- and middle-income nations (Dorninger et al 2021). Note that these figures represent resources and labour embodied not only in primary commodities but also in high-technology industrial goods such as iPhones, computer chips, cars, designer clothes, etc., which over the past few decades have come to be overwhelmingly produced in the South.
The same research further added that the net appropriation occurs because prices are systematically lower in the South than in the North. For instance, wages paid to workers in the South are on average one-ïŹfth the level of Northern wages. This means that for every unit of embodied labour and resources the South imports from the North, they must export many more units to pay for it.
Interestingly, this pattern was ïŹrst described by Adam Smith ([1776] 1981, p. 141â145), Karl Marx ([1894] 1991, p. 344â346) and Dadabhai Naoroji (1902). It was theorised more fully by Arghiri Emmanuel (1972), Samir Amin (1976) and Stephen Bunker (1985) as a process of âunequal exchangeâ, which constitutes a âhidden transfer of valueâ from South to North.
It is no wonder, then, that Adam Smith, often regarded as the father of modern economics, also emphasized the necessity of morality in his broader theoretical framework. While Smith is best known for his seminal work, “The Wealth of Nations,” where he introduced the concept of the “invisible hand” and laid the foundations for free-market economics, it is important to remember that he also authored “The Theory of Moral Sentiments”, a philosophical work that explores the ethical and moral dimensions of human behaviour.
Adam Smith’s Moral Philosophy: Balancing Self-Interest and Justice
In “The Theory of Moral Sentiments” (1759), Smith contended that self-interest could only lead to prosperous and fair outcomes if it were tempered by moral responsibility. The “invisible hand” of the market, in his view, would only work in a context where ethical behaviour and social norms were respected. Thus, Smith did not advocate for a purely laissez-faire economic system devoid of moral principles. Instead, he recognized the necessity of ensuring that markets operate within a moral and just framework, where the welfare of all participants is considered.
The Role of Morality in Commodities and Global Trade
Smithâs insights are particularly relevant when we consider the issues surrounding global commodity markets and the exploitation of resource-rich but economically poor countries, as discussed by RaĂșl Prebisch and Gamani Corea. The unequal distribution of wealth and the persistent poverty in many commodity-dependent nations reflect the failure of markets to deliver equitable outcomes. Without moral oversight, the global economic system has allowed powerful actorsâwhether multinational corporations or industrialized nations in the “core”âto exploit the “periphery,” trapping resource-exporting nations in cycles of poverty.
The Role of Institutions in enforcing âMorality.â
Smithâs ideas imply that moral behaviour in the economy is not automaticâit requires a social framework that encourages ethical behaviour. This is where institutions, such as governments, regulatory bodies, and international organizations (like the Common Fund for Commodities (CFC) and UNCTAD), play a vital role. These institutions help set the rules and guidelines that align economic activity with moral principles, such as:
Ensuring fair wages for the smallholders, workers.
Creating safeguards against monopolies and unfair trade practices.
Promoting sustainable development and responsible resource management.
By embedding morality in the institutional framework, Smith’s vision aligns with the broader goals of international efforts to address the commodity dependence and poverty traps faced by many developing countries. The buffer stock mechanism proposed by Gamani Corea, for example, reflects this moral concern by seeking to stabilize prices and protect vulnerable producers from market volatilityâa practical application of Smithâs moral insight into economic systems that sadly were deleted from the provisions of CFC long before. Ever since, the CFC struggling to remain afloat while billions of smallholders remain hungry and poor.
Conclusion: Morality as the Foundation of a Just Economy
Adam Smith’s recognition of the necessity of morality in economic life highlights that markets alone cannot guarantee justice, fairness, or prosperity. For economies to flourish in a way that benefits all participants, ethical principles must guide behaviour, both at the individual and institutional levels. This is especially true in global commodity markets, where power imbalances often lead to exploitation and deep-seated poverty, as seen in the core-periphery dynamics theorized by economists like RaĂșl Prebisch and Gamani Corea.
It was proven during the recent times when hunger profiteering by few multinationals pushed the price of necessary commodities like wheat, maize, corn, etc. to an all time high. Smith reminds us that the goal of economic activity should not just be the accumulation of wealth but the advancement of human welfare. A truly thriving economy, therefore, is one in which morality and market forces work hand in hand to create a system that is equitable, inclusive, and sustainable.
Here in the CFC we remain on the look out for those moral beings in The Hague and beyond to stand with the billions of smallholders and support our efforts to rebuild through the new fund-the Agricultural Commodity Transformation Fund (ACT Fund)-and the humanizing value chains concept , which we are eager to pilot.
The concept of humanizing value chains is based on the theory of benefiting smallholders and other low wage workers in ways where money will go straight to working people using technologies like blockchains, AI and other emerging technologies. The Common Fund for Commodities would like to encourage, indeed urge, relevant organisations, and persons, to explore modalities where consumers could leave a digital tip for the person who helped them to sip that steamy cup of coffee, eat that sweet chocolate or made them look so beautiful in those nice pieces of garments. We can catch the missing âmoralityâ using this humanizing value chains concept once we all speak with our dollars as conscious consumers to send poverty to the museums.
Disclaimer:
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of Ambassador Sheikh Mohammed Belal, Managing Director of the Common Fund for Commodities, writing in his personal capacity. They do not necessarily reflect the official stance, policies, or positions of the Common Fund for Commodities (CFC) or any other organization with which he is affiliated. The content is intended for informational and reflective purposes only and should not be interpreted as professional or institutional advice.
Eurojust supported this international operation, which hit a notorious mafia organisation. Investigations into the criminal organisation uncovered an elaborate scheme that was laundering money from Italy to Brazil, through several companies. The operation on 7 October led to the arrest of four suspects and the seizure of nine companies in Italy, Hong Kong and Brazil.
The suspects arrested today were involved in the mafia organisation and used extortion, money laundering and the fraudulent transfer of valuables to facilitate important mafia organisations. The main suspect in the scheme set up multiple companies in Brazil using straw men and shell companies. The companies were used to hide the criminal gains of mafia organisations from Italy.
The investigations revealed that other companies active in the property and hospitality sectors in Italy, Hong Kong and Brazil were part of this elaborate money-laundering scheme. During the operation, nine companies were seized, as well as money worth EUR 350 000.
The operation on 7 October is the second action from a joint investigation team (JIT) set up at Eurojust between Italian and Brazilian authorities. The JIT has been investigating the mafia organisation since 2022. The first operation took place on 13 August and led to the arrest of a member of a mafia family and the freezing of assets worth EUR 50 million.
The Italian and Brazilian authorities have been investigating the activities of the mafia organisation since 2022 through a JIT, set up with the support of Eurojust. Their investigations uncovered the activities of the organisation in Switzerland and Hong Kong.
The following authorities were involved in the actions:
Italy: Public Prosecutorâs Office of Palermo â District Antimafia Directorate; Guardia di Finanza â G.I.C.O. (Organized Crime Investigative Group) of Palermo
Brazil: Federal Prosecutorâs Office of Rio Grande do Norte
Eurojust and Europol supported the investigation by French and Italian authorities that led to the arrest of seven suspects and the seizure of cash, valuable goods and documentation needed for the investigation.
The international criminal group set up a well-structured organisation to counterfeit famous and exclusive French red wine, worth up to EUR 15 000 per bottle. By working with printing houses in Italy, the criminal group was able to re-create the corks and labels of famous French wineries. The forged wine was then delivered to an Italian airport and taken abroad to be sold at market value around the world by wine traders. The criminals were able to sell the bottles of the counterfeit wine, generating profits of over EUR 2 million.
The investigation started after suspicions of forgery reached French authorities. The authorities discovered that the criminal group had been running their operation from Italy. Investigations continued between the French and Italian authorities at Eurojust. To support the investigation, Eurojust ensured the execution of European Investigation Orders in Italy.
The criminal group was dismantled during operations carried out in Paris, Milan and Turin. During 14 house searches, authorities were able to seize counterfeit labels and bottles of wine, as well as computers, phones, valuable goods, (including luxury watches with a value of EUR 1.4 million), and important documentation for the investigation. Money was also seized, including EUR 77 000 in France and EUR 40 000 in Italy. Seven suspects were arrested based on their criminal activity of introducing and selling products with false markings.
The following authorities were involved in the actions:
· France: Court of Dijon; Gendarmerie Nationale (SR Dijon)
· Italy: Public Prosecutors Office Turin; Public Prosecutors Office Milan
On 11 October 2024, the International Forum titled âInterconnection of Times and Civilizations â the Basis of Peace and Developmentâ took place in Ashgabat, Turkmenistan. The event, presided over by President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, commemorated the 300th anniversary of the birth of the renowned Turkmen poet and thinker, Magtymguly Fragi. Leaders from several countries attended, including the presidents of Turkmenistan, Armenia, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Pakistan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, as well as the chairman of the Grand National Assembly of TĂŒrkiye. Additionally, heads of international organizations, government officials, scientists, cultural figures, and diplomats were present.
The forum was part of a broader series of events hosted in Turkmenistan in 2024 under the theme âThe Fount of Wisdom of Magtymguly Fragi.â Participants emphasized the enduring relevance of the poetâs works, which are rooted in the ideals of unity, humanism, and friendship. His contributions to the formation of patriotic consciousness and the spiritual and moral education of youth were highlighted as key to his lasting influence.
A significant portion of the forum was dedicated to the international recognition of Magtymgulyâs legacy. This includes the UNESCO resolution to celebrate his 300th anniversary by listing it among the organizationâs Memorable Dates and by registering his manuscripts in the International Memory of the World Register.
Images courtesy of Government of TurkmenistanÂ
Some of the key outcomes of the forum include:
Promotion of National Traditions and Culture:Â Participants emphasized the need to continue fostering interest in the younger generation regarding the national creativity and culture of different countries. They underscored the importance of popularizing national traditions and cultures worldwide.
Global Reach of Magtymgulyâs Work:Â The availability of translations of Magtymgulyâs works into numerous languages and their publication in many countries was applauded. There was strong support for expanding the printing and publication of collections of his poetry and selected works. Participants also discussed the potential for publishing an âEncyclopedia of Magtymguly Fragi,â which would compile research conducted by scholars on the poetâs literary heritage.
Cultural Preservation:Â The forum underscored that deepening international cooperation in the study and dissemination of Magtymgulyâs works would play a crucial role in restoring and preserving cultural heritage and spiritual values.
A Global Cultural Contribution:Â Magtymguly Fragiâs poetic legacy was hailed as a monumental contribution from the Turkmen people to world culture. His works remain an enduring source of humanism, patriotism, and respect for universal values.
International Collaboration on Cultural Events:Â Participants reaffirmed their commitment to supporting various events dedicated to Magtymgulyâs work, including international scientific conferences, round tables, literary evenings, and exhibitions.
Strengthening Cultural Dialogue:Â The forum stressed that promoting Magtymguly Fragiâs works fosters comprehensive cooperation between states. Cultural dialogue in this area strengthens friendship, mutual understanding, and the enrichment of diverse cultures. The participants agreed to continue supporting initiatives that encourage further development of cooperation in this field.
A Global Legacy
The forum provided a platform for discussing how Magtymguly Fragiâs works transcend borders and resonate with the universal values of peace, humanism, and cultural unity. It also highlighted the importance of ongoing efforts to celebrate and study his literary contributions, which have the potential to inspire current and future generations around the world.
As the forum concluded, it became clear that Magtymguly Fragi’s influence continues to shape not only Turkmenistan’s cultural identity but also the global discourse on unity and shared human values.
On 4, 5 and 6 November, The College Hotel will be the inspiring venue for Protocol Internationalâs engaging three-day open subscription training course. The aim of this programme is to provide a comprehensive understanding of international protocol, management of VVIP visits, diplomacy, negotiation techniques, intercultural dialogue, and strategic stakeholder engagement, while each module links theory to contemporary best practices.
At the end of his diplomatic career, Karel van Oosterom will reflect on his extensive experience with international relations, high-level events, sensitive negotiations, as well as ceremonial pump and circumstance. Most recently, he served as Ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and right before that as Dutch Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York. Karel will share all kinds of personal experiences and anecdotes at various geopolitical stages.
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âThere are decades where nothing happens, and there are weeks where decades happen.â â Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
By Corneliu Pivariu
This quote seems very fitting for the historical period we are living through, especially in the Middle East. The question in the title is more rhetorical, with the answer being known to almost everyone who is well-informed.
Only a few days have passed since the commemoration of the Hamas terrorist attack on October 7, 2023, which resulted in the deaths of over 1,200 people and the kidnapping of around 250 Israeli citizens. These are the largest Israeli losses since the 1948 war.
From October 2023 to the present, Israel has killed more than 42,000 Palestinians in Gaza, destroyed the region’s infrastructure, and caused the exodus of almost 2 million people. Although they claim to have killed over 15,000 Hamas fighters and destroyed thousands of tunnels, the Israeli army has not yet managed to completely annihilate Hamas or eliminate its military force, despite inflicting significant losses. Insufficiently confirmed reports suggest that Israel has lost nearly 900 soldiers in the current conflict in Gaza.
In fact, I believe the current Israeli leadership would like to completely eliminate the Palestinians from Gaza as a first step toward further diminishing the possibility of creating a Palestinian state, while also taking control of hydrocarbon reserves in the continental area of the Mediterranean Sea.
Israel has continued its actions to eliminate the threat of attacks on its territory by executing decisive strikes on Lebanese Hezbollah, managing to eliminate the entire political-military leadership of the organization, including its leader of over 30 years (since February 1992), Hassan Nasrallah, through highly targeted bombings between September 27-30, 2024. Earlier, on September 17 and 18, 2024, pagers and other communication devices belonging to Hezbollah leadership members exploded, for which Israel did not officially claim responsibility. These operations are a significant success for Israeli intelligence services, once again demonstrating their ability to penetrate key levels of leadership among their enemies, including in Iran.
At the beginning of October 2024, Israel launched a ground operation in southern Lebanon, declaring limited objectives, which caused a massive exodus of the Lebanese population from the area, fleeing to Beirut and other parts of Lebanon, including Syria.
According to publicly available data, Israel has so far lost over 20 soldiers in these operations but has succeeded in destroying some of Hezbollah’s military targets, including a tunnel that crossed the Israel-Lebanon border slightly into Israeli territory.
The Israeli army drew the necessary conclusions from the 2006 conflict in southern Lebanon when it suffered significant losses in its fight with Hezbollah (over 120 soldiers, 20 tanks, and other equipment). The organization used the opportunity to create an open-air museum (The Resistance Museum in Mleeta, southern Lebanon), which is used not only for propaganda but also for recruiting new followers.
However, we cannot forget that in 1982, Israel’s troops reached Beirut, but this did not mean it could eliminate the threat from its northern border. As a result, the Israeli leadership should be more creative and find a solution other than a military one.
While military eliminating Hamas from Gaza may appear to be an almost completed objective, I believe that eliminating Hezbollah from Lebanon is an unrealistic goal, and the Israeli leadership certainly knows this, despite Prime Minister Netanyahu’s recent appeal to the Lebanese: “I tell you, Lebanese people, free your country from Hezbollah so this war can end.”
Hezbollah is deeply involved in Lebanon’s political and social life (it holds about 10% of the parliament seats, and this number would likely be higher if the confessional political system did not exist in Lebanon); along with the Amal movement, it is the main political force in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah has developed a social policy that has gained and continues to secure the support of a large portion of Lebanon’s Shia population. Iran’s financial support for Hezbollah, apart from military aid, is estimated at around 900 million dollars annually.
We are approaching the 100th anniversary of the creation of the state of Israel, a period during which we have witnessed various military conflicts in the Middle East, none of which have led to lasting peace in the region. Ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, one of the main causes of war in the area, can be achieved through the two-state solution, even though this option seems increasingly unfeasible in Israel, and despite all the difficulties in adopting this solution.
Is the normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel a step towards resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? Very little to not likely at all; such hope is a misunderstanding of how things unfold in the Middle East and a disregard for history.
We are at a point where a possible escalation or war between Iran and Israel looms, with dangers not only for peace and stability in the Middle East but also with the potential to spread through its intersection with the war in Ukraine and other events that could be triggered by state and supranational forces towards a Third World War, which many authors believe has already begun.
Who wants peace? Most likely, many of those who do not hold political-military decision-making power. Why has peace not yet been achieved? The answers are many and complex; each of those who have a deep understanding of the region and international affairs can formulate their own opinions.
Presentation at the International Conference “Integration and Interdependency of the Middle East Region in the Light of Political, Security, and Economic Transformation” â Bucharest, October 10, 2024
AD Ports Group is a leading global maritime and logistics company, based in Abu Dhabi. The company has recently acquired a majority stake in Tbilisi Dry Port, and we believe our readers would be keen to learn more about this project and its importance for Georgia and the wider region.
Alexander Kaffka, editor-in-chief of Caucasian Journal: Dear Abdulaziz, welcome to our journal. Let’s begin with your project in Georgia and then explore a broader international perspective. Your company has become the majority owner of Tbilisi Dry Port (TDP), which is scheduled to commence operations this October. For many readers, the term “dry port” might seem contradictory. Could you please explain what a dry port is and what types of operations will you be initiating this autumn?
Abdulaziz Zayed Al Shamsi (AZA): Certainly. A dry port is sometimes referred to as an inland port. The Tbilisi Dry Port (TDP) is an intermodal terminal directly connected by road and rail to a seaport. TDP is a custom-bonded terminal with procedures in place to ensure customs duties are levied and paid, and it is rail-connected. Itâs a logistics hub that can move containers, vehicles, and other goods for distribution and storage. TDP is an excellent fit for AD Ports Group. Not only does TDP represent a major step in our strategic expansion along the Middle Corridor between Asia and Europe, but it is also centrally positioned. TDP offers direct westward rail links to TĂŒrkiye and Georgiaâs ports of Poti and Batumi. To the East, TDP connects with ports located along the Caspian Sea via a railway corridor to Azerbaijan. We have said that we expect to be operational in Tbilisi in Q4, when TDP begins its activities as a regional transit hub for manufacturers, shippers, and consignees moving all types of goods.
Your beautiful country is, like the UAE, also going through a period of rapid growth and change.
AK: How would you summarize the benefits this project brings to Georgia? And, by the way, is this your first endeavor in the country?
AZA: TDP is AD Ports Groupâs first activity in Georgia, but not in Central Asia. We have been strategically building our presence along the Middle Corridor over the last two years. We are working closely with governments in the region to support their development plans to increase opportunities for economic growth, leveraging our know-how and sharing our expertise. Given Georgiaâs central location in the Caucasus, TDP is a critical next step in strengthening our presence along the Caspian Sea-Black Sea corridor, and in aligning with our growing maritime and logistics assets in Central Asia and TĂŒrkiye. We are the majority shareholder in TDP with a 60% stake. With AD Ports Group, one of the fastest-growing integrated trade, transport, logistics and industrial development companies, Georgia gains access to our global network and supply chains in more than 50 countries to grow volumes through Tbilisi. Not only will Georgian products gain more efficient, cost-effective access to world markets through our network, but we aim to capture significant future trade volumes in Tbilisi by leveraging the growth of the Middle Corridor.
AK: Your company seems to have extensive projects in Kazakhstan, ranging from infrastructure to vessels and railways. Are there similar plans for Georgia or neighboring South Caucasus countries?
AZA: We are constantly evaluating opportunities around the world, and this is also true in Central Asia. We tend to seek opportunities that complement our operations and enhance our growing global ports, maritime and shipping, logistics, and industrial development networks, as well as those that bring innovative digital solutions to our Group.
The Middle Corridor is expected to experience considerable growth in container volumes… Because of its position at the center of the Middle Route, Georgia plays an important role in the development of this route.
AK: I understand that projects in Georgia and Kazakhstan are part of the Middle Corridor, the shortest trade route between Asia and Europe. We had discussed the Middle Corridor at length in the interview with the World Bank Regional Director. What is the significance of the Middle Corridor for UAE, and for your company in particular?
AZA: Building critical mass along the Middle Corridor is a priority for AD Ports Group. As your readers may be aware, this route is regarded as the shortest trade route between Asia and Europe, covering approximately 7,000 km, and typically requiring a journey of 10 to 15 days. Thatâs significantly shorter than the other alternatives that currently make up the bulk of East-West trade. The Northern Corridor covers about 10,000 km overland, requiring 15 to 20 days, while the Southern Ocean Route spans approximately 20,000 km, requiring a sea voyage of 45-60 days. Because of this natural advantage, the Middle Corridor is expected to experience considerable growth in container volumes, with the potential to reach 1.9 million Twenty-Foot Equivalent Units by 2040 [A Twenty-Foot Equivalent Unit (TEU) is a standard measurement used in the shipping industry to quantify cargo capacity – CJ]. The UAE is one of the worldâs fastest-growing economies, and AD Ports Group, as I mentioned, is one of the fastest-growing trade, transport, and logistics companies. Because of its position at the center of the Middle Route, Georgia plays an important role in the development of this route.
Mr. Abdulaziz Zayed Al Shamsi, Regional CEO of AD Ports Group (United Arab Emirates).
AK: Following up on my previous question, could you provide a brief overview of your company and the role of AD Ports Group in the UAE and globally?
AZA: AD Ports Group is based in Abu Dhabi, the capital of the United Arab Emirates, and the company is owned 75.42% by ADQ, an Abu Dhabi holding company and strategic investor. We were founded in 2006, and over the last three years have gone through a rapid global expansion through inorganic acquisitions, such as TDP, and organic growth from our growing ports, maritime and shipping, logistics, economic cities and free zones, and digital innovations businesses. We currently generate an increasing share of our group revenue outside of the UAE, and that share is rising as we acquire new assets in more than 50 countries on six continents. Our company went public in 2022, and our shares are traded on the Abu Dhabi Securities Exchange. We have top credit ratings and have been repeatedly recognised in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region for our commitment to business excellence, excellence in corporate social responsibility (CSR), and sustainability through our environmental, social, and governance (ESG) standards.
AK: Just a few days ago, UAE media reported remarkable economic growth figures. UAE exports in the first six months of 2024 have already equaled the total annual output of 2019, the pre-COVID year. How do you envision your country’s position within the next few years, perhaps five years from now?
AZA: While I am a proud Emirati, I canât speak for the government or for any economic growth figures or forecasts. Of course, I am aware of our countryâs robust GDP growth, and that is a credit to our wise leadership, whose vision, foresight, and guidance are the roots of our success. As a representative of AD Ports Group, my goal is to promote collaborative business relationships wherever we do business relationships that mutually benefit the UAE and its business partners in countries such as Georgia.
AK: In our interview with your Ambassador to Georgia, H.E. Ahmed Ibrahim Alnuaimi, he confirmed that the UAE is the largest investor from the Gulf region in Georgia and views it as a strategic partner. Just days after our publication your company announced the purchase of TDP. What can be done, in your view, to make Georgia even more attractive to investors from the Gulf?
AZA: Georgia is an attractive investment location for AD Ports Group because of its strategic location along the Middle Corridor and its fast-growing economy. According to the World Bank, Georgiaâs economy grew by 9.2% in May! So, your beautiful country is, like the UAE, also going through a period of rapid growth and change. Together, I think the UAE, Georgia, AD Ports Group, and TDP, have a bright future ahead of us.
AK: AD Ports Group has undertaken major steps in expanding its global footprint organically and through acquisitions, can you please elaborate on the significance of the Groupâs expansion?
AZA: AD Ports Group is one of the fastest-growing enablers of trade, industry, and logistics, our international footprint increased dramatically, following the integration of Spain-based Noatum Logistics, a global provider of integrated ports, maritime, and logistics services with a presence across 27 countries, and a series of ports, terminals, maritime and shipping agreements in global markets including Georgia, Jordan, Egypt, Pakistan, Republic of Congo, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which more than doubled our revenue and extended our global reach to 50 countries.
We remain eager to build up on this momentum, to facilitate trade and enhance connectivity amongst global markets while contributing towards our partners’ development plans, and cementing Abu Dhabiâs leading position as a global trade and logistics hub.
AK: If there is anything that you would like to add for our readers, the floor is yours.
AZA: I can only add that I look forward to visiting your country again soon, and I look forward to a successful collaboration between AD Ports Group and our investment partners at TDP in Georgia.
During a joint mission to Timbuktu, Mali, with representatives from the Malian government, the International Criminal Court’s Trust Fund for Victims, along with its partners, has delivered a significant portion of the collective reparations’ measures mandated by the ICC in the Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi case. This initiative marks the beginning of the final phase of the reparation process, which is set to conclude in December 2025. The measures include the establishment of a memorial, the reconstruction of a mausoleum, an extension to the municipal museum, and various heritage protection initiatives.
The erection of this monument is the result of extensive consultations carried out with all eight neighborhoods of the city and the diaspora in Bamako since August 2021 by CFOGRAD, an implementing partner of the Trust Fund for Victims in Timbuktu, in accordance with the Reparations Order rendered by the ICC Trial Chamber VIII on 17 August 2017. In this decision, the Chamber recognized that the crimes committed by Mr. Al Faqi Al Mahdi had caused moral harm to the community, prompting a community based commemoration measure.
Handcraft workshop supported as part of economic reparations measures.
In March 2023, the communal commemoration committee set up to this end decided, in addition to the creation of this monument, to add a room to the Timbuktu municipal museum dedicated to the mausoleums. The room was officially handed over on October 4, 2024 and will house its own exhibition, contributing to the educational transmission of the city’s cultural and religious heritage.
Among the collective reparations decided by the judges was the restoration of the heritage destroyed in 2012. A significant portion of this had already been rebuilt since 2012. The Trust Fund for Victims also took charge of rebuilding the mausoleum of Sheikh Mohamed Mahmoud Al Arawani, which had been completely destroyed and was handed over to his descendants on 3 October 2024.
Heritage protection measures carried out by UNESCO, a partner of the Trust Fund for Victims, included the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the boundary walls of the Sidi Mahamoud Ben Omar Mohamed Aquit and Sheikh Sidi El Mokhtar Ben Sidi Mouhammad Al Kabir Al Kounti cemeteries which house several mausoleums, as well as the tree planting at the Three Saints and Alpha Moya cemeteries. These initiatives were delivered on the same day to the city authorities and aim to protect the mausoleums in the future and allow the community to enjoy its heritage.
Inscription at the base of the Louha memorial.
â The restoration of this heritage, both the mausoleums and their immediate surroundings, is a relief and a response to the harm caused by its destruction and desecration. As descendants of Alpha Moya and members of the Timbuktu community, my family and I are now at peace with our family history and the history of our town, especially as we have participated in every stage of the reparations and our observations have always been taken into consideration ,â said Mr. Sane Chrfi, head of family and descendant of Alpha Moya.
Community participation in the Louha memorial inauguration ceremony.
In response to the consequential economic loss resulting from crimes for which Mr. Al Faqi Al Mahdi’s was convicted, the Court’s judges also ordered that socio-economic measures be taken to mitigate the impact on the city’s population. In this context, the CIDEAL Foundation, also a partner of the Trust Fund for Victims, is supporting 42 projects, selected from nearly 150 after a participatory process, for a total of 273,000,000 XOF (around 417,000 EUR). Eleven projects aim to strengthen social cohesion, four to protect the environment, one to promote cultural heritage, and 23 to support productive sectors. These projects were officially launched during the mission and will run until December 2025.
â The delivery of these collective reparations to the Timbuktu community marks an essential step in the implementation of the reparations decided by the judges in this case. Following the completion of individual reparations in June 2024, the final phase of this process now begins, with measures to support economic activity. By December 2025, this reparations program initiated by the Trust Fund for Victims in 2019 is scheduled to be completed ,â said Mrs. Minou TavĂĄrez Mirabal, Chair of the Board of Directors of the Trust Fund for Victims.
Iran’s bombardment of Israel on 1 October 2024, with approximately 180 projectiles, including many ballistic missiles, marked a clear shift toward direct confrontation between the two regional powers, Iran and Israel. This contrasts with the indirect ‘proxy wars‘ waged since 7 October 2023, through pro-Iranian militias, particularly the Palestinian Hamas movement, Lebanese Hezbollah, and the Houthi movement in Yemen. According to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, the attack came in response to Israelâs assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in central Tehran on 31 July 2024, and Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah on 27 September 2024.
This attack differs from Iranâs earlier strike on 13-14 April this year, as it was twice as intense. In this operation, Iran used ballistic missiles, unlike the April attack, where mostly drones and cruise missiles were employed. Most of the missiles in the April strike were conventional rockets, which took at least two hours to reach their targets in Israel, except for a few ballistic missiles. In contrast, in the latest attack, the rockets took only 15 minutes to hit their targets in Israel. For the first time, Iran deployed its hypersonic missile âFattah,â capable of speeds 15 times faster than the speed of sound and with a range of up to 1,400 kilometres. This is only the second time such missiles have been used, with Russia deploying them first in the Ukraine war.
The activation of the Lebanese front
There is a well-known saying attributed to Lenin that âthere are decades where nothing happens, and weeks where decades happen.â This saying has never felt more true than during this fateful September, which began with the explosion of thousands of pagers used by Hezbollah, followed by the assassination of Iranâs key ally in the region, Hassan Nasrallah, in Beirut. These dramatic developments triggered a series of questions: What is Iranâs true role in the conflict? Will Iran avoid a direct confrontation with Israel? Is Iranâs support for its Middle Eastern allies enough to counter Israelâs superior military machine? Could Iran be willing to sacrifice its allies in exchange for a stronger position in its nuclear negotiations with the West? Many questions are being raised about the nature of the relationship between Tehran and pro-Iranian militias in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen.
Since the outbreak of the Hamas-Israel conflict on 7 October 2023, Hezbollahâs stance has been clear – to support the Hamas movement in the war by opening the northern front, thereby exerting military, economic, and psychological pressure on the Israeli army. However, the warfare on the northern front over the course of the year was governed by the ârules of engagement (ROE)â[2]. Both sides largely stuck to these rules, with Israeli planes bombing Hezbollah bases in southern Lebanon and Hezbollah responding with rocket attacks on Israeli military bases in northern Israelâblow for blow, according to the rules.
The assassination of Nasrallah disrupted the long-standing “deterrence” policy that has consistently shaped the complex dynamics between Israel, Hezbollah, and Iran. Iran spent decades building Hezbollah, not just as one of its key proxies, but also as a critical element of the Islamic Republicâs defence doctrine. It is estimated that Hezbollah holds around 150,000 missiles and several thousand drones, all acquired with Iranâs help over more than a decade. Hezbollah has served as Iranâs “insurance policy” against any Israeli attack on its nuclear facilities.
In response to this series of strikes, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stated at the United Nations on 25 September 2024, that Hezbollah is “fully capable of defending itself and of defending Lebanon and the Lebanese people.”[3] Meanwhile, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, speaking at the UN General Assembly, condemned Israel’s war in Gaza and warned that its attacks on Lebanon could not simply go unanswered. He adopted a more conciliatory tone compared to his hardline predecessors, avoiding rhetoric about eliminating Israel as the Islamic Republic’s greatest enemy. The Iranian president added that Israel seeks to drag Iran into a war, adding that “Iran is ready to de-escalate tensions with Israel and lay down arms if Israel does the same.” This statement drew criticism from some rigid conservatives close to Iranâs Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei concerning his remarks about easing tensions with Israel.[4]
Iran has found itself trapped in the web of regional alliances it has spun itself to secure external protection. Both Iran and Israel are ensnared in a downward spiral of violence, and it is currently impossible to predict to what extent and how far this conflict might spread. In any case, Iran is now in a defensive position, as its alliance system has been shaken by the defeats of Hamas and Hezbollah, thus diminishing its credibility as a regional power. As a result, Tehran felt compelled to retaliate with these missile strikes on Israel.
Escalation within the rules of engagement and mutual deterrence
According to analysts, the current escalation is unfolding within the bounds of the rules of engagement and mutual deterrence and is unlikely to escalate into a wider regional conflict. In all these strikes, Iran has refrained from targeting key strategic sites in Israel, such as airports, ports, power plants, or the Dimona nuclear reactor. There is no doubt that, prior to both attacks, there were indirect communications with Washington concerning their nature, scale, and timing. Tehran informed Moscow of the scope of its strikes, allowing the U.S. and Israeli sides to be notified through international intermediaries.
Israelâs potential response to the Iranian strike
In the aftermath of the attack, Israel promptly issued threats to respond by targeting Iranâs nuclear or oil facilities. Its air force had been preparing for this scenario as early as 2022. Israel views Iran as an existential threat because of its nuclear program and has repeatedly warned it would destroy the Bushehr nuclear plant. In late May 2022, Israel conducted exercises for this situation, deploying 100 fighter jets and submarines. However, Israel faces significant challenges in carrying out such a mission against Iran, as this would not resemble the operation to destroy Iraqâs Tammuz nuclear reactor in June 1981, where 16 F-16s were used. This time, such an operation is nearly impossible.
Among the preparations Israel began in 2019 was the acquisition of F-35 aircraft with larger fuel tanks, allowing them to carry out strikes on Iran without relying on refuelling tankers, thus completing the mission without requiring mid-air refuelling.
However, an F-35 fighter with larger fuel tanks will not be able to carry enough bombs to strike heavily fortified targets, and, in addition, it will lose some of its stealth technology to avoid detection by Iranian radars. Other aircraft, such as the F-16s and F-15s, will need to refuel, putting them in a very vulnerable position against Iranian radar systems.
The United States is not backing an Israeli strike on Iran, as the Pentagon does not have precise intelligence on the air defence systems Iran possessesâwhether they are Russian-made S-400s or other systems manufactured domestically. It stands to reason that any nation capable of producing ballistic and hypersonic missiles, like Iran, can also develop advanced air defence technologies.
The Pentagon is keen to prevent its advanced F-35 jets from being shot down over Iranian soil, fearing a repeat of the 1999 incident when an F-117 Stealth fighter was brought down over Serbia, with its secrets falling into the hands of China and Russia. The Pentagon was forced to halt production of those aircraft and replace them with the more modern F-35 program. The Pentagon also has a bitter history with Iran, dating back to November 2019, when Iranian air forces shot down an RQ-4 Global Hawk drone using their domestically produced âSevom Khordadâ system, despite the droneâs cutting-edge technology.
Tehran, on the other hand, has conveyed a clear message to Israel through intermediaries,[5] warning that any military attack will be met with a harsh and unconventional response, involving the destruction of Israel’s critical civilian and military infrastructure. Given the speed and effectiveness of Iranâs ballistic and hypersonic missiles, one question remains – if Israel attacks Iran with F-35 fighter jets and succeeds, Iran will respond with an unconventional strike on military and civilian airports. Will Israeli fighter jets then find suitable runways in Israel to land on upon their return? Meanwhile, Israelâs threat to launch powerful military strikes against Iran remains merely a media ploy. It is possible that Israel will respond in a more limited way, using long-range missiles that could target non-strategic areas without causing fatalities. This was the case with Israelâs 19 April 2024 strike on the area around the Iranian military airbase near Isfahan.[6]
Resolving the Palestinian issue â the key to regional security and stability
Since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, Iran has aspired to become the dominant power in the region. To achieve these historical ambitions, it has embraced the Palestinian cause and the rhetoric of Israel’s destruction as a means to this national goal. Tehran has provided financial and military support to various resistance groups against Israel, particularly Hamas and Hezbollah, the Houthi movement, and other Shia militias in Iraq and Syria, forming the “axis of resistance.” Israel must understand that it cannot destroy Iran, but bringing an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would remove Tehran’s main leverage and eliminate its ability to use the Palestinian issue as a political tool for regional dominance.
Since the founding of Israel, every U.S. administration has supported an Israeli-Palestinian peace based on a two-state solution. Over the past three decades, the United States has attempted to mediate an agreement between the two sides but has largely failed, mainly because neither side is willing to make the concessions demanded by the other. Although the U.S. has never given up and has consistently urged both sides to compromise, it has never wavered from the principle that a two-state solution remains the only practical option. Israel, in particular, must understand that no future U.S. administration is likely to change this stance.
Despite a growing belief among Israelis that the two-state solution is no longer viable, there is no other sustainable option to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Many Israelis have been misled by the false narrative that a Palestinian state would pose an existential threat to Israel, whereas, in reality, Israelâs national security lies precisely in the creation of a Palestinian state, with full cooperation between the two sides on issues ranging from the economy to national security.
Israelis and Palestinians have become increasingly intertwined, making territorial separation virtually impossible. There are about three million Palestinians in the West Bank, more than two million in Gaza, and two million in Israel. Meanwhile, there are more than 700,000 Israelis in the West Bank, including 230,000 in East Jerusalem. The total number of Israeli Jews is approximately equal to the total number of Palestinians across all three areas, each around seven million. Under no circumstances will either side be able to eradicate the other or attempt ethnic cleansing in any form, including through violence.
Whatever the outcome of the escalation or a future war between Iran and Israel, the root cause of the conflict will remainâthe Palestinian issue. There is no doubt that peace and stability in the Middle East, which would ensure safety and security for the regionâs countries and peoples, as well as for Israel and the Jewish people, begins with the establishment of a Palestinian state.
Ljubljana/Washington/Brussels, 8 October 2024
Published by IFIMESÂ – International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies, based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, has a special consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council ECOSOC/UN in New York since 2018, and it is the publisher of the international scientific journal “European Perspectives.”
