New book about Uganda highlights the role of ambassador Blaak

It isn’t common for African countries -perhaps with the exception of South Africa- to be represented in the Netherlands by an ambassador who speaks Dutch. Mirjam Blaak is the exception: born in the Netherlands, she has switched nationality and she has been representing Uganda as an ambassador since 2003. In the Dutch book ‘Oeganda onder President Museveni’ she tells her remarkable life story.

The story starts in the early 1980’s, when Mirjam Blaak, in her mid-twenties, first visits Africa as a KLM flight attendant. After graduating in International Law, Ms. Blaak took up a job in Kenya at UNHCR, the United Nations body that takes care of refugees. ‘I started working there in 1982 at the age of 26,’ Ms. Blaak recalls. ‘There were thousands of Ugandan refugees entering Kenya at that time and that is when I first heard about a young rebel leader called Yoweri Museveni. The refugees told me that he was trying to liberate Uganda from murderous regimes.’

Mirjam Blaak describes how she became sympathetic to the Ugandan refugees, some of them linked to Mr. Museveni’s rebel organization, known as the National Resistance Army. While fighting his rebellion, Museveni’s wife Janet and their children stayed in Nairobi, the city where Blaak was based. In November 1983 Kenyan security forces raided the house of Janet and the children, while they were away. The story of how Blaak helps Janet and the children flee to Sweden is then described in the book by Ms. Blaak, while Janet Museveni’s side of the story is retrieved from her autobiography.

Janet Museveni and Ambassador Blaak.

In the same month, Mirjam helped two young members of the NRA’s ‘external committee’ flee the country. Both men later became senior politicians, with one of them, Ruhakana Rugunda, currently serving as Prime Minister. Mirjam Blaak also informally established contacts with Western embassies on behalf of the NRA, showing her diplomatic skills. ‘At that time very few people knew what was going on in Uganda. When I was given a video tape showing images of the war in Uganda, I showed it to the Kenyan authorities and to diplomats, who for the first time saw video footage of Museveni.’

After five years of fighting, the NRA managed to capture the capital city of Kampala and Yoweri Museveni was sworn in as the Ugandan president in 1986. At that time, he stated that leaders who overstay in power are one of the reasons that certain countries in Africa lag behind. ‘I first met Museveni in 1985. He thanked me for helping his family leave Nairobi,’ Ms. Blaak said. ‘I was later asked to establish diplomatic contacts on behalf of the young government.’ Although Mirjam was working as a consultant at that time, she didn’t send an invoice for that. ‘I did that because I believed in the principles of the NRA.’

Mirjam Blaak maintained close ties to the presidential family and the ruling party, partly because of her relationship with the then minister of state of Defense. A few years after the couple separated Mirjam Blaak wanted to go back to the Netherlands. ‘When the president heard that, he asked me to become his ambassador. So, I gave up my Dutch nationality and was posted to the Ugandan embassy in Brussels as the ambassador responsible for the Netherlands in 2003,’ said Mirjam Blaak. Her position included being the contact person for the Hague-based International Criminal Court, which picked the then ongoing conflict in northern Uganda as a first case to take on.

Ambassador Blaak was appointed head of mission in 2012 and has since been responsible for Uganda’s diplomatic relations with the other Benelux countries and the European Union as well. In the book, the ambassador reveals how her embassy building in Brussels was suffering from a leaking roof, following years of insufficient funds for maintenance. Currently a drastic renovation of the embassy is ongoing.

Oeganda onder President Museveni

Although the book initially focuses on the positive turnaround that was caused by the NRA-after taking power in 1986, there is also attention for the increasing discontent with the current regime staying in power this long. Ugandan Members of Parliament belonging to the ruling party have adjusted the constitution twice, scrapping the maximum of two terms a president can stay in office, as well as the age limit. Mr. Museveni, now 76 years old, was reelected in disputed elections in January 2021.

‘With this victory, Mr. Museveni has extended his rule to 2026, exactly 40 years after capturing power,’ said author Arne Doornebal. ‘He is facing increasing criticism, not only because of his long rule but also because of the violent crackdown on the opposition before and after the January election. Ambassador Blaak will need all her diplomatic skills explaining these things to the EU and the governments of the Benelux,’ said Mr. Doornebal.

https://www.elikser.nl/oeganda-onder-president-museveni.htm

Second term for Moussa Faki at AU

Saturday, 6 February 2021, Addis Ababa, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia: The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union has re-elected Moussa Faki Mahamat from the Republic of Chad, as the African Union Commission Chairperson for another four-year term from 2021-2024.

The election took place during the ongoing 34th Ordinary Session of the Assembly which is being held virtually due to the containment measures instituted as a result of the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. 

Chairman Faki sought a second term mandate for the position of AUC Chairperson following the end of his first term tenure (2017-2020). The Chairperson of the AU Commission is elected by the Assembly for a four-year term, renewable once. The Chairperson of the AU Commission is the Chief Executive Officer, legal representative of the AU and the Commission’s Chief Accounting Officer. 

Faki will be deputised by Dr. Monique Nsanzabaganwa from Rwanda. Dr. Nsanzabaganwa secured the majority of votes in a highly contested position which saw two other female candidates vying for the post. Dr. Nsanzabaganwa becomes the first female to occupy the position of the Deputy Chairperson.  

The rotating presidency of the AU is currently being held by the Democratic Republic of Congo, and thus by President Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo

For further information 
https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20210206/34th-au-summit-reelects-moussa-faki-chairperson-au-commission

International Online Conference “Covid-19 pandemic in the context of humanitarian crisis: Eastern Ukrainian situation and international experience”

The Embassy of the Sovereign Order of Malta to Ukraine in cooperation with the Embassy of Croatia and the Embassy of Romania jointly organized the International Online Conference, â€œCovid-19 pandemic in the context of humanitarian crisis: Eastern Ukrainian situation and international experience”, on 4 and 5 February 2021. 

Globally, during 2020 there have been more than 90 000 000 confirmed cases of COVID-19, including almost 2 000 000 deaths. At the beginning of 2021, the number of confirmed Covid 19 cases continues to grow. Global sanitary situation is a matter of strong concern around the world.

Unfortunately, it is even more dramatic in the contexts of the existing humanitarian crisis. One of these delicate scenarios unfolding in the Eastern Ukraine, which is already ravaged by six years of armed conflicts.

Representatives of the Ukrainian government, international organizations and specialists were invited to the dialogue to testify directly about the situation and exchange information. The event aimed at informing on the current epidemic COVID -19 situation in Ukraine and especially in its Eastern regions, to highlight the new criticisms and needs in the evolution of the COVID-19 epidemic in the areas, aggravated by severe humanitarian crisis. Jointly the necessary measures were highlighted and the exchange of experience between national and international guests was launched.

The discussion about the implementation of Covid-19 vaccination in Ukraine and the roadmap of possible future strategies was set.

Special thanks were given to the Swiss Institute of Cultural Diplomacy and Diplomat Magazine  for their support. 
— 
Images courtesy of the Swiss Institute of Cultural Diplomacy

Tribute to Gioconda Ubeda Rivera

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By H.E. Mr. Rodolfo Solano, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica.

The year 2020 will be a year of dark memories for Costa Rica and for all the countries in the world, suddenly shaken by a pandemic that still continues to leave a trail of deaths, layoffs, stagnation of activities and economic catastrophe.

For the Ministry of Foreign Relations and Worship this year will also be one of sorrow for the parting of valuable people who devoted to us much of their lives, with tremendous dedication, intelligence and discipline. Among them was Attorney Gioconda Ubeda Rivera, during times when she was fulfilling her position as Ambassador of Costa Rica in PanamĂĄ.

We gather to remember Mrs. Gioconda with respect and affection, and to dedicate a modest tribute to her memory.  We will also unveil a plaque in her memory, in the office of the Legal Directorate, one of the units of this Ministry that was brightly enlightened by her talent and knowledge and where she worked with great dedication and effort.

Mrs. Gioconda Ubeda was born in Jinotepe, Nicaragua, on December 23, 1959, in the home of Mr. Maximino Ubeda ArĂĄuz and Mrs. Ercilia Rivera ZeledĂłn. She came to this land when she was a child and made it her own, and gave it all. She graduated as a lawyer at the University Costa Rica, and also pursued her Master`s Degree studies in the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences.

From a very young age, she revealed a great vocation for public affairs, and participated with great enthusiasm in university and national politics.

She entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship during the first administration of Mr. Oscar Arias SĂĄnchez, and twice held diplomatic positions in commission. Later, at the time of Foreign Minister Mr. Fernando Naranjo, she took charge of the Legal Directorate of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.  First on an interim basis and then as the incumbent to the post.  Endowed with an equally quick and analytical mind, she was always eager to strengthen and increase her knowledge of  the law, she carried out this position with special dedication and a great sense of duty and responsibility. In addition to her mastery of Public International Law in general, she placed a special emphasis on the topic of Human Rights, a legal subject that she was passionate about and in which she could render notable services to Costa Rica.

In addition to fulfilling the position of Juridical Director, serving this Ministry, Mrs. Gioconda was commissioned by the President in the MesoamĂ©rica Project, Ambassador in Mexico, Vice Minister from 2013 to 2014, and Acting Minister several times, Ambassador in the Republic of Argentina and lastly, our Ambassador in Panama. In the international arena, it is worth mentioning that she was also Secretary General for the Agency for the prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (OPANAL in Spanish). She shone with her own light in all these positions, demonstrated her great professional capacity, her juridical wisdom, her negotiating talent and her inspiring drive.  

She also ventured in journalism and teaching. She was a profesor of Public International Law at the University of Costa Rica and also taught lessons at the Manuel Maria Peralta Institute.

As I highlighted when I learned of her death, Mrs. Gioconda distinguished herself by her dedication and commitment to the country and the Institution, and by her permanent fight for the defense and promotion of human rights. But today I would like to highlight that, in addition to her successful professional performance in this Ministry, in teaching and in all the other activities in which she participated, Mrs. Gioconda was characterized by a deep human sense and great solidarity with her fellow people. She knew how to earn the respect and affection of all the people who worked with her or were her students, for her cordial treatment and charisma, but above all for being genuinely interested in them, her team spirit, her conviction that loyalty and enthusiasm grow naturally when, in addition to duty, affection and understanding prevail.

She endured severe trials in life. A painful family tragedy brutally affected her in highlighting moments of her career, but far from bending and breaking her, it made her renew her fighting spirit and give herself in love and solidarity to those in need.

She was stricken by the disease when she with her usual capacity, was carrying out the position of Ambassador in Panama. She could have retired or withdrawn from office to take care of her health, but that was not in her nature, in her intensely vital character. And she parted from this world last October 21, leaving an admirable example of dedication and commitment, responsibility, love and loyalty to the country.

As I reiterate our condolences to her daughters and her husband Jean Pierre, today the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship pays tribute to Mrs. Gioconda with this symbolic unveiling of a plaque which will perpetuate her name and her contributions, but above all, in doing so we remember this extraordinary woman with respect and affection, we honor the indefatigable fighter that Gioconda Ubeda Rivera was, someone whose example is and will be an inspiration for those of us who work here.

The representation of the state of Rhineland-Palatinate in Berlin celebrates its 20th anniversary

By the State Chancellery of Rhineland-Palatinate.

Germany is a federal state, whose competences are shared between the federal level and regional (state) and local governments. The Land of Rhineland-Palatinate, located at the heart of Europe with borders to France, Belgium and Luxembourg, has two representations outside of the state. One is located in Brussels and deals with EU policies and their impact on the Land.

The second representation is located in the federal capital Berlin and plays a key role in the federal legislative process. German federalism requires all 16 LÀnder to be represented at the federal level, in order to maintain a continuous link between the different levels of government.

After German reunification it was decided to move the Bundestag, a part of the federal ministries and other institutions from Bonn, former capital of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany, or Bonn Republic), to Berlin. Shortly thereafter all LÀnder opened new representations in Berlin. The former ministerial gardens of the Weimar Republic in the centre of Berlin became home to the new architecturally impressive buildings, including the new representation of Rhineland-Palatinate to the federal government.

Today the representation lies prominently near the Brandenburg Gate and the Reichstag building. It is neighbour to the Holocaust Memorial and has been built on the former death strip flanking the Berlin Wall, which separated the German capital for nearly three decades. The foundation stone was laid by the former Rhineland-Palatinate Premier Kurt Beck and the former long-time representative to the federal government, State Secretary Karl-Heinz KlÀr.

For the last six years two women have been heading the regional representation – Premier Malu Dreyer and State Secretary Heike Raab, the Plenipotentiary of the Land of Rhineland-Palatinate for Federal Affairs, for Europe, the Media and Digital Affairs.

A part from its political role the Rhineland-Palatinate’s “embassy” in Berlin, the representation can be perceived as a government institution with a wide range of tasks. It is a gateway between the Land’s capital Mainz on the river Rhine and the federal capital Berlin. It is an important meeting point for members of the Bundestag, the Bundesrat, the federal government, NGOs, citizens and other policy actors. Furthermore, it is a space for political discussions, negotiations and networking. German LĂ€nder hold the competence for broadcasting matters and Rhineland-Palatinate, as an important media site, traditionally chairs the broadcasting commission of the 16 German LĂ€nder which frequently gathers in the representation.

In addition to intensive political activity, Rhineland-Palatinate is keen to display its culture and way of life. Therefore, the representation became a well – known address in Berlin for book presentations, concerts, performances within the Berlinale festival calendar and, for example, the exhibition for caricature and political photography “RĂŒckblende“, which is well-known throughout Germany and beyond. Many centuries ago, the Romans brought the tradition of wine making to the region that today covers our state. Rhineland-Palatinate is proud to produce two thirds of the annual German wine production. The representation is an ideal place to combine politics, art, history and culture and its broad range of events is often accompanied by high quality regional wines.

In 2020 the representation of Rhineland – Palatinate celebrates its 20th birthday, an occasion which was supposed to be celebrated with an innovative event and numerous guests, partners and companions. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the representation finds itself pioneering in the realisation of a very special anniversary. Yet, with positive and creative force the series “20 Years–20 Moments” with different digital and analogue event s was created mirroring the tasks of the representation and the merits of the state Rhineland- Palatinate.

For further information 

Representation of Rhineland-Palatinate to the German Federation: https://landesvertretung.rlp.de/de/startseite/

More on Rhineland-Palatinate: 

https://diplomatmagazine.eu/?s=Rhineland-Palatinate

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Image courtesy of Staatskanzlei Rheinlandpfalz / Premier Malu Dreyer & Plenipotentiary Heike Raab

Serbia, investing in regional cooperation

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and intensifying bilateral relations with the Netherlands

By H.E. Ms. Ksenija Milenkovic, Ambassador of the Republic of Serbia to the Kingdom of The Netherlands.

Looking back at 2020, it was a year of challenges, fears and losses for the whole world. We learned how to live away from but still close to each other. We managed to transfer to the virtual sphere and function “normally” at work, in schools and at our homes. We protected our elderly and vulnerable and continued to love them and care for them remotely. However, 2020 was also a year of resilience and determination. It was also a year in which the principle of solidarity, although tested, became an ultimate value in itself.

My country Serbia faced similar difficulties and challenges like any other country in the world. Still, Serbia succeeded in preserving its economic stability and continued to grow in spite of unfavourable objective circumstances. Serbian economic growth in 2020 was above 5 per cent GDP, which is a remarkable result especially considering the overall economic climate. Our public depth remained low, even compared to more developed economies. In the year of corona, Serbia attracted 2,9 billion Euro worth foreign direct investments, which further demonstrates the high quality of the country as a desired investment destination.

While we still cannot say we emerged victorious against the virus, the first steps of vaccination in Serbia show more than promising results. Serbia commenced with vaccination of priority categories of citizens on 24 December 2020, while on 19 January 2021 en masse vaccination began. The system of registering for vaccination is fully digitalized and our citizens can choose between three different vaccines – Pfizer Biontech, Sputnik V and Sinopharm. Serbia is currently ranked second in Europe by the number of vaccines administered per 100 citizens and in total more than 500.000 citizens of Serbia to date received the first dose of the vaccine. The strategy of our president and our government to negotiate directly with the producers thus providing vaccines quickly proved to be a highly successful one. Moreover, we are part of the Covax system and Serbia in 2020 donated more than 2 million Euro to the global coalition for vaccination.

Throughout 2020 Serbia remained committed to the European integration which remains the strategic priority goal for our government. The government elected in the end of October 2020 following parliamentary elections in Serbia set the reforms in the area of rule of law as one of its six top priorities, which already resulted in a number of concrete steps and activities. Serbia accepted the new European Union methodology for accession negotiations with candidate countries and we look forward to its implementation for the overall benefit and higher quality of the accession process. While 2020 was a difficult year for the enlargement overall, we are hopeful that in 2021 we will see steps forward for all candidate countries in the region of the Western Balkans.

Serbia continued to invest in regional cooperation, with the main goal of achieving better connectivity and less obstacles for citizens and economy in the Western Balkans. An initiative by Serbia, Albania and North Macedonia known as the so-called Mini Schengen continued to contribute to creating the area of free movement of people and workers between the three countries. In a region where in the past more borders were created than lifted, the governments of three countries decided to enable movement without passports and with IDs only. Serbia is hopeful that the initiative will be accepted and joined by all in the region because it is aimed at benefiting all our citizens without exception. Serbia continued to actively participate in the Berlin process and all other initiatives created to foster regional cooperation.

Serbia is fully committed to the continuation of the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina based on the understanding that the only viable solution is a compromise and readiness of both sides not to be fully satisfied with the end result. Unfortunately, almost eight years after the achieving of the so-called Brussels Agreement its part on the creation of the Association of Serbian Municipalities has not been fulfilled by Pristina. Still, Serbia will continue to play a constructive part in the dialogue and maintain its role in securing regional stability. We are ready to explore different and creative solutions and hopefully move forward with the political dialogue under the EU facilitation.

As diplomats who are used to personal contacts and informal networking, adjusting to the new reality was not easy. However, in 2020 and early 2021 we succeeded in further developing and intensifying our bilateral relations with the Netherlands. With help and support from our colleagues from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs we continued the bilateral dialogue and jointly explored ways to continuously improve political, economic and cultural relations between Serbia and the Netherlands. In January 2021, the first bilateral political consultations were held between our two ministries, when Serbian and Dutch colleagues exchanged views on bilateral relations, European integration of Serbia, economic cooperation and other issues of mutual interest. On the Serbian side we are confident that this is the first step in building close relations and a substantial political dialogue with the Netherlands in all relevant areas.

Serbia is approaching its National Day celebrated on 15 February, the date which bears a special historical symbolism – it is the day when Serbia got its first modern constitution in 1835, the so-called Sretenje Constitution named after an orthodox christian holiday celebrated on the same day. More importantly, the Sretenje Constitution marked an important step in regaining Serbian statehood and its full independence.

We may not be able to celebrate our National Day this year the way we are used to in the diplomatic circles. And although we will miss dearly all our colleagues from the broad diplomatic community in the Hague, the entire staff of the Embassy in Serbia wishes you to be well and safe and we hope to see you all in the “Serbia house” in the Hague next year.

Chronique d’une Ă©pidĂ©mie Le Corona 19

Par Mariarosaria Ilorio, analyste politique.

Un Ă©vĂ©nement effrayant se rĂ©pandit au printemps 2020 en partant de Chine, les premiers cas y avaient Ă©tĂ© dĂ©tectĂ©s en janvier 2020 dans une ville chinoise, la ville de Wuhan. La Chine, lointaine gĂ©ographiquement, Ă©tait de façon improviste si proche par la maladie. 

Au dĂ©but de la pandĂ©mie, l’incrĂ©dulitĂ© sur la possibilitĂ© que l’épidĂ©mie arrive en Europe a prĂ©valu. Les individus en parlaient dans les couloirs et dans les rues. En quelques semaines la mort est arrivĂ©e en Europe. La crise Ă©pidĂ©mique est ensuite devenue crise Ă©conomique mondiale.   

En dĂ©but mars 2020, nous Ă©tions au bureau et dans la confusion des rĂ©unions annulĂ©es et organisĂ©es et puis renvoyĂ©es : la tension montait sans savoir pourquoi
 Je sentais la fibrillation: quelque chose allait changer rapidement. Les messages se firent de plus anxiogĂšnes, et parlaient de possible changement de façon de travailler.  Puis l’annonce officielle: le Coronavirus, maladie mortelle prenant les voies respiratoires, Ă©tait dĂ©sormais arrivĂ©e en Europe.

L’Italie a Ă©tĂ© le premier pays touchĂ©, ensuite l’Espagne, la France, le Royaume Uni (qui avait niĂ© au dĂ©part ĂȘtre touchĂ© par une telle pandĂ©mie et annonça que les britanniques devaient de prĂ©parer Ă  perdre des personnes chĂšres), et puis petit Ă  petit toute la planĂšte a sonnĂ© au son de l’épidĂ©mie. 

La pandĂ©mie s’est rĂ©pandue dans le monde entier

D’abord, les personnes ĂągĂ©es, ensuite aussi les plus jeunes, et puis toute catĂ©gorie d’ñge Ă©tait dĂ©sormais en danger, selon les annonces officielles. La mort par pandĂ©mie a ainsi fait sa rĂ©apparition en Europe. 

Les Ă©poques des Ă©pidĂ©mies qui semblaient dĂ©sormais lointaines sont revenues dans notre quotidien avec de nouveaux mots d’ordres.  Confinement, distance sociale, masques, morts, hygiĂšne, se laver les mains, restez chez vous, crise Ă©conomique, chĂŽmage massif, pauvretĂ©: une malĂ©diction qui ramĂšne l’humanitĂ© entiĂšre au cƓur de sa vulnĂ©rabilitĂ© et de sa fragilitĂ©. 

Une expérience inattendue

  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© les pandĂ©mies.
  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© la production destinĂ©e Ă  la santĂ© publique.
  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© la coopĂ©ration et la collaboration entre  les peuples vivant sur le continent. 
  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© la solidaritĂ© entre citoyens.
  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© ses infirmiers et ses mĂ©decins.
  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© les Ă©quipements sanitaires.
  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© ses ainĂ©s dans les maisons de repos.
  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© de produire ses produits alimentaires de base.
  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© ses pauvres.
  • L’Europe avait oubliĂ© la solidaritĂ© et l’entre aide entre Etats. 
  • L’Europe s’est oubliĂ©e.

J’ai vĂ©cu cette expĂ©rience de confinement puis avec un esprit d’expĂ©rimentation et d’observation des rĂ©actions humaines en situation de crise. Le spectacle a Ă©tĂ© Ă©mouvant, attristant et rĂ©voltant Ă  la fois. Je m’explique.  

Au dĂ©but de l’épidĂ©mie il y a eu l’incrĂ©dulitĂ© de la part des europĂ©ens: dans l’inconscient collectif « une telle pandĂ©mie ne pouvait exister en Europe Â».

Le déni

La mort est entrĂ©e dans les discours et dans tous les esprits, mĂȘme les plus cartĂ©siens. IntĂ©ressant voir la peur de la mort et l’inquiĂ©tude de la perte de contrĂŽle rentrer de plus en plus dans le quotidien des europĂ©ens.

Peuples dĂ©sormais habituĂ©s Ă  l’illusion de tout contrĂŽler ou Ă  avoir l’illusion de tout contrĂŽler. MĂȘme les PrĂ©sidents les plus rĂ©calcitrants ont du accepter l’évidence: la santĂ© des citoyens devaient passer avant l’activitĂ© Ă©conomique.  Difficile choix.

Les dirigeants comme dans un sursaut de luciditĂ© se sont rendus Ă  nouveau compte que sans citoyens en bonne santĂ©, il n’y avait pas d’économie.

Aux questionnements hĂ©sitants: 

Santé des citoyens ou activité économique?

Confinement pour protĂ©ger la santĂ© publique ou continuation de l’activitĂ© Ă©conomique europĂ©enne et mondiale?

Le vrai dilemme entre santé publique et activité économique

Depuis des annĂ©es, nous avions en tant que observateurs politiques exprimĂ© le regret de la tendance de l’Europe et des USA Ă  libĂ©raliser les services de santĂ© et en laisser la gestion Ă  des  acteurs privĂ©s. Nous avions Ă  maintes reprises fait noter que les services de santĂ© n’étaient pas des services comme les autres et que la vision libĂ©rale des services de santĂ© Ă©tait un non sens. 

Bien avant l’épidĂ©mie de Coronavirus, de nombreuses voix s’étaient levĂ©es pour attirer l’attention de l’éventuel dĂ©sastre qui nous attendait. 

Personne ne pouvait imaginer que le Corona 19 dĂ©barque dans nos maisons, dans nos sociĂ©tĂ©s nous laissant dĂ©munis dans l’urgence de la mort qui ne regarde personne en face et qui ne se pose pas la question de la pertinence de son action.

Une Ă©vidence s’est posĂ©e Ă  moi: la dĂ©shumanisation de l’Europe avait Ă©tĂ© en marche depuis longtemps sans que les citoyens en soient conscients. 

Pris dans le jeu de la compĂ©tition et de l’enrichissement, les europĂ©ens avaient perdus de vue le sens de leurs choix politiques et Ă©conomiques.

L’Europe et ses dirigeants nationaux avaient Ă©pousĂ© la doctrine Ă©conomique libĂ©rale fondĂ©e sur l’individualisme, la course Ă  plus d’argent, moins de services d’intĂ©rĂȘt gĂ©nĂ©ral et surtout: l’encouragement Ă  l’intĂ©rĂȘt personnel contre l’intĂ©rĂȘt gĂ©nĂ©ral. 

Pendant la pandĂ©mie, l’Europe a montrĂ© encore une fois ses divisions, ses faiblesses, ses intĂ©rĂȘts nationaux, son manque de fĂ©dĂ©ration et a donnĂ© aux pays membres, en particulier aux pays du Sud de l’Europe l’impression qu’il y avait dĂ©sormais une Europe officiellement Ă  deux vitesses : UNE Europe du Nord qui se sent trĂšs sure d’elle-mĂȘme ayant gagnĂ© sur tout les fronts depuis la seconde guerre mondiale ;  et UNE Europe du Sud qui serait Ă  la traine et Ă  laquelle l’Europe du Nord fait remarquer ses faiblesses.

J’ai pensĂ© Ă  la division Nord-Sud du monde, entre pays riches et pays pauvres, et Ă  la division Nord-Sud en Italie, le Nord riche (l’Europe et les Etats Unis) et le Sud pauvre: la gĂ©ographie serait-elle un facteur de dĂ©terminisme social et Ă©conomique, comme thĂ©orisĂ© dans nombreuses thĂ©ories politiques? 

Comme si en quelques sortes ayant Ă©tĂ© virulente en Italie, la  pandĂ©mie serait venue « punir Â» un pays dĂ©jĂ  en grandes  difficultĂ©s Ă©conomiques depuis des dĂ©cennies. 

Cette pandĂ©mie serait venue donner Ă  l’Italie le coup final.

L’Europe serait ensuite venue pour la redresser en utilisant le MĂ©canisme Ă©conomique de stabilitĂ© (MES).   

Surprenant

En Ă©coutant les discours des jours qui ont suivis la pandĂ©mie, j’ai notĂ© quelques expressions qui m’ont Ă©tonnĂ©e: « temporary solidarity Â» « the mafia is waiting for the EU funds. Â» 

Il y aurait donc une solidaritĂ© europĂ©enne « temporaire Â» sur laquelle il ne faudrait pas conter sur base continue et Ă  long terme.  La solidaritĂ© des pays du Nord serait donc temporaire et conditionnĂ©e par des contreparties qui pourraient casser l’Europe en deux, notamment des crĂ©dits avec des intĂ©rĂȘts Ă  faibles taux. 

Déboussolant

Et puis, pitiĂ© !  

Tout ce dĂ©bat rappelle la diatribe sur la coopĂ©ration internationale entre prĂȘts et subventions de l’aide au dĂ©veloppement. 

Le Nord du monde qui endette le Sud du monde

La remise de la dette. A nouveau des prĂȘts Ă  taux faibles qui augmentent la dette existante et ainsi de suite.   

Pour ce qui est de la mafia qui attendrait les fonds europĂ©ens, il est temps de clarifier que les organisations mafieuses se sont dĂ©sormais lancĂ©es dans la finance et dans l’investissement et le recyclage en Europe et dans le monde.

Ces organisations peuvent en distribuer de l’argent !  Vite et de façon ciblĂ©e, notamment en finançant les segments les plus pauvres de la population. En somme, les organisations mafieuses peuvent « s’occuper Â» vite et bien des segments de la population « oubliĂ©s Â» par le gouvernement italien.     

Au fur et Ă  mesure de la crise, il s’est dessinĂ© une Europe Ă  deux vitesses 

MalgrĂ© la crise mortelle ayant touchĂ© les pays du Sud d’abord et du Nord ensuite, l’Europe a montrĂ© au monde que la solidaritĂ© n’était pas une valeur sociale et politique fondatrice, mais plutĂŽt une valeur « temporaire Â» Ă  laquelle faire appel Ă  gĂ©omĂ©trie variable et Ă  certaines conditions.  

Incroyable

En pĂ©riode de confinement, de mort, de dĂ©cisions Ă©conomiques difficiles, l’Europe a pris des mois Ă  discuter sans arriver Ă  un acte fort de prise de dĂ©cision.

Etonnant

La dynamique est devenue chaotique.

Les intĂ©rĂȘts nationaux ont repris le dessus avec les stĂ©rĂ©otypes qui vont avec.

Dommage

Au-delĂ  des questions techniques, cette expĂ©rience a mis en exergue l’idĂ©e stĂ©rĂ©otypĂ©e que les pays du Nord de l’Europe se font fait des pays du Sud de l’Europe. 

Dans les discours officiels, il en ressort une mĂ©fiance Ă©vidente pour la gestion des fonds europĂ©ens de la part de l’Italie, en particulier, mais aussi de l’Espagne. 

J’ai Ă©tĂ© Ă©tonnĂ©e d’entendre que les Ministres se seraient soit disant mis plus ou moins d’accord sur les mesures de « solidaritĂ© Â» Ă  prendre, comme le SURE (pour les chĂŽmeurs), le Fonds spĂ©cial pour les entreprises et le MES pour l’Italie (et l’Espagne), un MES qui serait « sans conditions Â» avec une ligne destinĂ©e uniquement aux dĂ©penses de santĂ©.   Mais, sans arriver Ă  une action rapide.

Effrayant

La solidarité temporaire

La mort entretemps a fait son cours. Une « solidaritĂ© temporaire Â» serait aussi Ă  la base des mesures discutĂ©es par le Conseil de l’Europe. Concept intĂ©ressant la « solidaritĂ© temporaire Â» : il mĂ©rite quelques lignes de rĂ©flexions. 

La solidaritĂ© europĂ©enne ne pourrait donc pas durer « Ă  l’infini Â». Donc une solidaritĂ© limitĂ©e dans le temps serait tout ce que l’Europe peut se permettre.

Pourquoi ?

Est-ce que cette dĂ©finition de solidaritĂ© temporaire voudrait dire que les europĂ©ens ne se sentent pas unis dans le mĂȘme destin ?   

Les liens entre peuples europĂ©ens ne seraient donc pas organiques ? 

Si tel est le cas, quel serait alors le facteur commun de l’Union europĂ©enne ?

Le marché

Nous serions de nouveau dans la dichotomie entre marchĂ© et solidaritĂ©. 

Si la solidaritĂ© n’est pas une valeur unifiant les europĂ©ens qui restent donc dans leur individualisme, quelle autre valeur pourrait ĂȘtre portĂ©e dans la construction sociale pour qu’il se justifie une action commune dans cette crise sanitaire et Ă©conomique ?

La coopĂ©ration, vue comme l’ensemble des actions tendant Ă  prĂ©server l’intĂ©rĂȘt gĂ©nĂ©ral ? 

Quel serait l’intĂ©rĂȘt gĂ©nĂ©ral dans ce cas ? 

L’intĂ©rĂȘt gĂ©nĂ©ral serait celui de la continuation de l’Union europĂ©enne comme processus d’intĂ©gration des peuples et des Etats. 

Cet intĂ©rĂȘt gĂ©nĂ©ral doit ĂȘtre reconnu par les Etats membres de l’Union qu’ils soient au Nord ou au Sud.

Pourquoi ?

Parce que si l’Union n’est pas obligĂ©e d’ĂȘtre solidaire, elle ne survivra pas Ă  la compĂ©tition interne et au manque de coopĂ©ration.  La situation actuelle doit nous faire rĂ©flĂ©chir Ă  l’intĂ©rĂȘt gĂ©nĂ©ral europĂ©en au-delĂ  des intĂ©rĂȘts nationaux.

La valeur argent et l’intĂ©rĂȘt national sont au centre de la sociologie europĂ©enne et mondiale 

Je comprends mieux pourquoi les discours mĂ©diatiques ont du parler des « hĂ©ros Â» et le magazine « TIME Â»  a mis en premiĂšre page les photos des « hĂ©ros Â» de cette crise sanitaire, notamment les infirmiers et les mĂ©decins.

« HĂ©ros Â» 

Aurions-nous besoin de « hĂ©ros Â» si nous avions gardĂ© en Italie et en Europe le cap tendant Ă  valoriser et Ă  investir dans les secteurs de la santĂ© publique ?

Aurions-nous besoin d’importer des masques et des ventilateurs, si nous n’avions pas rĂ©duit les dĂ©penses de santĂ© car considĂ©rĂ©es inutiles ? 

Je pense qu’il n’y a pas besoin de « hĂ©ros Â» : il y a besoin de personnel sanitaire et d’infrastructures de santĂ© en mesure de faire face Ă  la crise sanitaire, en soignant les personnes ĂągĂ©es et les personnes fragiles.     

Pourquoi avons-nous eu besoin de « héros » ?

Pourquoi avons-nous dĂ» arrĂȘter des secteurs entiers et confiner tout un pays ?  

La rĂ©ponse que je donne est que le systĂšme de santĂ© italien, comme ceux des autres pays europĂ©ens touchĂ©s par la crise, a Ă©tĂ© mis Ă  mal par des annĂ©es de dĂ©sinvestissement systĂ©mique initiĂ© dans les annĂ©es 80 et qui a continuĂ© dans le temps.  

Ce dĂ©sinvestissement a laissĂ© un systĂšme sanitaire au minimum indispensable ne prĂ©voyant pas de crises de l’ampleur que nous avons vĂ©cu au printemps 2020 et qui continue encore en 2021. 

Nous applaudissions sans aucun doute nos « hĂ©ros Â» des balcons. Mais avec le recul, il conviendra de s’interroger sur ce qu’il faudra changer, une fois passĂ© ce cap de l’urgence sanitaire. 

En somme, la crise sanitaire a fait ressortir les maux de la  sociĂ©tĂ© europĂ©enne et mondiale. 

L’évident conflit entre santĂ© publique contre Ă©conomie capitaliste.  

L’investissement dans la santĂ© publique est un une composante de l’activitĂ© Ă©conomique durable.   

From Sadat to Saddam: The Decline of American Diplomacy in the Middle East

By David J. Dunford, Reviewed by Albadr SS Alshateri.

David Dunford was a long-serving US diplomat whose career in the Foreign Service spanned 1966 to 1995. His book chronicles his experience in the Middle East, from his 1981 appointment as head of the economic section at the US Embassy in Cairo to his time as ambassador to the Sultanate of Oman.  After retirement in 1995, Dunford was recalled several times to serve in Egypt, Iraq and South Korea.[MOU1] 

Dunford attributes the decline of American diplomacy to the rise of the national security state after the trauma of 9/11. He contends that a “new generation of law enforcement and intelligence officials,” who had not had the experience or respect for diplomacy, came to lead their respective organization. Worse even, how by 2014 the “surveillance state was criminalizing ordinary diplomacy”.

The question that irks the author is how, despite unrivaled preponderant power, the US was not able to do better in its diplomatic achievement. Accordingly, the book uses the author’s “personal experiences to illuminate the reasons why” the US has not fared better.

Dunford outlines three purposes for writing this book. First, the uniqueness of diplomacy as a profession; second the meaning of decline of diplomacy to a professional diplomat; third, to show the young men and women who are interested in joining the Foreign Service what diplomacy is and what it means to be a career diplomat.

Dunford’s first post in the Middle East was Cairo, where he arrived in the summer of 1981. Unbeknownst to Dunford, who lacked any experience in Egyptian or Middle Eastern Affairs, a crisis was brewing in the host country. Four months after his arrival, President Sadat was gunned down by his own military officers during a military parade commemorating the October War.

The US Embassy in Cairo went into crisis mode to figure out the consequences of the assassination. Egypt weathered the storm, and the assassination was not a harbinger to a coup. The embassy’s biggest worry turned out to be how to organize the high-level US delegation to the funeral services for the fallen US ally. In one of the book’s anecdotes, the only crisis was seating Henry Kissinger next to an American teenager who had once been a personal guest of Sadat. Kissinger protested that he “hadn’t traveled several thousand miles to sit next to a bleeping kid”.

Egypt was the cornerstone of US foreign policy in the Middle East during Dunford’s tenure. When the author finished his tour in Egypt in 1984, he served as director of Egyptian affairs at Foggy Bottom. From his perch in Washington, DC, he managed the relationship with Cairo. He saw his job mostly as crisis management, including the 1985 seajacking of the Achille Lauro by Palestinian terrorists who shot and threw overboard a wheelchair-bound elderly Jewish American, Leon Klinghoffer.

The author provides a wider context for the violence that besets US policy in the Middle East, including Israel’s occupation of Arab lands and the invasion of Lebanon. Under the Reagan administration, “The pro-Israel lobby was at the height of its power” and would have attacked the administration for suggesting “moral equivalence between Arab terrorism and Israeli actions”.

At Dunford’s next assignment was deputy chief of mission (DCM) in Riyadh. The lack of an ambassador there put him in charge of one of America’s largest embassies. An early diplomatic tussle arose over Washington concern about the Saudis purchasing Chinese intermediate ballistic missiles that could reach Israel. The Saudis, however, persuaded Reagan that Riyadh needed those missiles, to the dismay of the Department of the State.

Dunford resumed his DCM role when Chas Freeman, perhaps one of the best diplomats in the US foreign service, was appointed as ambassador to Saudi Arabia. Although Freeman foresaw Saddam’s invasion of Kuwait and conveyed his thoughts to State, Washington was consumed by the dissolution of the Soviet Union and paid little attention to the unfolding events in the Middle East. Sure enough, Saddam crossed the borders with Kuwait on the morning of August 2. The Middle East finally got Washington’s attention.

Of particular note is how much Secretary of State James Baker wanted to keep the diplomats at arm’s length and retain policy in his inner circle during the crisis. After the war ended, Ambassador Freeman “had put plenty of thoughts on paper but ideas originating outside Baker’s tight circle were not welcome”.

The last post for Dunford as a professional diplomat looked more like a reward than a chore, given Oman’s low ranking in Washington’s regional pecking order. Budget cuts under Bill Clinton eliminated the meager financial aid ($15 million per annum) to Oman; it was up to the ambassador to face the consequences.

In the concluding chapter, the author tackles the subject of the decline of US diplomacy. By decline, Dunford means the political leadership has utilized diplomacy less than the military and economic options. “We have used military force extensively since 9/11 attack and the results have been, at best, disappointing”, he declares.

The trauma of September 11 was one factor, but Israel was another. The author argues that James Baker weakened regional bureaus, particularly the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, because he believed the officers there were “sympathetic to Arab positions and not sufficiently supportive of Israel”.

Dunford points to two other factors contributing to what he perceives as the decline of American diplomacy. First, the propagation of political appointments, special envoys, and representatives that replaced career diplomats deprived the US of professionals and experts on the various regions. Second, leaks of diplomatic correspondence and conversations made foreign leaders cagy about expressing their concerns to US diplomats.

Ambassador Dunford is a dedicated professional and the book – albeit marred by a few errors and typos — is an expression of devotion for his vocation. Unfortunately, despite the title, the book reads more like a memoir of the author’s long experience as a diplomat in the Middle East than an account of the decline of US diplomacy.


 [MOU1]He was recalled twice for service in three countries?  How does that work?

This article has been published November 2, 2020 in Modern Diplomacy. https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2020/11/02/from-sadat-to-saddam-the-decline-of-american-diplomacy-in-the-middle-east-book-review/

The woman with a hundred faces

By Alexandra Paucescu

Life often makes surprising twists, takes you to places you never expected and puts you in certain situations that will force you to go far beyond your limits and your comfort zone.

Diplomatic life is certainly one that fits this definition. What do you do, how do you cope with all the challenges and pressure? How do you find inner resources to redefine yourself over and over again? To many, this is a tedious matter
 to her it came naturally, as a chain of situations and opportunities, which highlighted her multiple facets.

Slovakian born Monika Kapralikova is a woman with a hundred different faces and talents, which she naturally and modestly displays. One can only be amazed talking to her
 and I certainly was. For the whole time of our discussion, I kept wondering myself: ‘Where does she get all the energy from?  How does she do all that?’

The intellectual woman who studied history and cultural studies at Comenius University in Bratislava, got her PhD and had a brilliant academic career, was swept away by her Spanish husband and, as she confesses herself, ‘in love, you often act, not think’
 so she joined his nomadic diplomatic life and started her own lifetime adventure: Vienna, Madrid, Prague…

‘The first few years I fully immersed myself into motherhood, so I slowed down the pace and enjoyed family life’ she says.  But, as often happens with highly accomplished and active women, she soon realized she needed more, something to define herself outside being a partner and a mother, something to give her pleasure and satisfaction. And that is in fact what triggered her many talents being revealed.

She worked for different cultural projects (International Festival DivadelnĂĄ Nitra in Karlovy Vary), volunteered for causes she held dear and started writing.

Book release.

Her academic background seemed to help and in 2017 she published her first book, ‘Beyond the province borders’, a cultural history of the period between the two World Wars in former Czechoslovakia and the life of the poet and editor Jan Smrek. The book was highly appreciated and won the prestigious ‘Egon Erwin Kisch Prize’ in 2018.

Being present as a speaker (2018) and then as an organizer at TEDx conferences in Bratislava came as a natural result of the attention the book received and as a recognition of her good work and talent, both as a writer, speaker and organizer.

TEDx Bratislava as presenter.

Did she stop there? Of course not! In 2019, another book followed. This time it was ‘Water drops on the rock’, a collection of 50 stories about women from different fields and backgrounds, who lived in former Czechoslovakia, from 19th century till today.

‘I co-authored this book, together with eight other writers and I am especially proud of it, as it is a family book with multiple moral aspects. It also teaches us that not only high achievers are worth mentioning!’ 

Indeed, that is something which especially children nowadays should learn and understand, easing the pressure of an often too demanding society!

She now works on two more books and also discovered her other artistic talent: she became part of a Spanish theatre group in Vienna, called ‘Soles del Sur’ (Southern Sun).

‘We usually have two productions per year, but because of the pandemic, we were forced to limit our performances. But I enjoy it immensely, it gives me so much pleasure and it is yet another way to express my artistic nature’.

Life is now full for Monika. She has ambitious projects, a nice family, two lovely young children who speak five languages already (‘a linguistic laboratory’ as she jokes about the situation) but who feel the pressure of this life as Third Culture Kids and react in their own ways to this reality, which will surely shape and influence their adult life.

Monika Kapralikova.

‘You can never be too prepared for moving, at least at the emotional level. It is always a struggle, a road to constant reinvention. I had, at the beginning, my own prejudices about the diplomatic life and the role of spouses, and it was a long process of acceptance, I didn’t want to be one of ‘those women’. But in time, I found my way, my role, I discovered also the benefits of diplomatic life, I’ve met wonderful and compassionate women and learned to face the reality: that everything in life is temporary and all problems will eventually be solved.’

Of course, being a foreign born diplomatic spouse could only add up to the difficulty of adjustment.  As she is now preparing to move ‘home’ to Madrid, she tells me ‘I feel like I never really go home. I am always a foreigner. Even when we move to Spain, to me it is like another foreign posting. It is like I live Homer’s mythical story of Ulysses, always on the way home to his beloved Ithaca, but never reaching it’.

I listen to her words and I can’t hide my amazement at this woman’s many facets. She tells me she also used to sing jazz in her younger years and, as if it wasn’t enough: she takes swims in the Danube, even now, at 0 degrees Celsius in winter time, along with a few other equally brave women. It is an exercise that proves strong will and determination, for sure, but she says: ‘I live by the golden rule ‘Better be tired to death of doing things, than dying with regrets you’ve never done it at all!’

Monika Kapralikova, swiming in the Danube in winter time.

It certainly seems that she has done a lot so far
 and she still has a whole life of adventure in front of her… so world, be prepared
 Monika is coming!

Main picture Monika Kapralikova with her husband at OECD charity ball.

About the author:

Alexandra Paucescu

Alexandra Paucescu- Romanian, Management graduate with a Master in Business,  studied Cultural Diplomacy and International Relations.

She speaks Romanian,  English,  French,  German and Italian. Turned diplomatic spouse by the age of 30, she published a book about diplomatic life, writes articles and also gives lectures on intercultural communication.

Kazakhstan – success story after 30 years of independence

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By H.E. Ambassador Dauren Karipov, Head of Mission of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the Federal Republic of Germany.

Kazakhstan gained its independence from the Soviet Union on 16 December 1991 and received international renown for voluntarily closing the Semipalatinsk Nuclear Test Site and renouncing the world’s fourth-largest nuclear arsenal, which it had inherited from the USSR. In the three decades since, the ninth-largest country in the world has asserted itself as an economic powerhouse, aiming to join the ranks of the world’s most-developed countries by 2050.

Many experts would agree that the country is already well on its way, having seen an impressive post-independence 15-fold increase of GDP per capita, from $700 to $10,500, and being ranked 25th for investment attractiveness in the World Bank’s most recent Doing Business report.

Located in the heart of Eurasia, Kazakhstan maintains a strategic partnership with Russia, including within the Eurasian Economic Union, as well as with the USA and China, and maintains traditionally close relations with all of its neighbors. Relations with the European Union have been traditionally strong, as recently seen with the entry into force of the EU Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with Kazakhstan.

Since the establishment of their diplomatic relations in February 1992, Kazakhstan and Germany have engaged in close political dialogue, investment cooperation, and cultural exchanges. These ties are reinforced by the “living bridge” made up by ethnic German immigrants from Kazakhstan living in Germany, as well as ethnic Germans residing in Kazakhstan.

Nur-Sultan City.

Kazakhstan currently ranks 51st among Germany’s trading partners, accounting for 80% of all trade conducted with the Central Asian republics. Over the past decade, Kazakhstan has received over $3.8 billion of German direct investments, 90% of which target our country’s manufacturing industry.

The Kazakh government has adopted a new preferential regime tailored for German investors, which includes tax breaks, preferences, and provision of land and infrastructure. A special governmental working group headed by Kazakhstan’s Deputy Prime Minister has been tasked with providing prompt, high-level assistance to Kazakh-German investment projects.

Kazakhstan possesses tens of trillions of dollars worth of mineral deposits, including zinc, tungsten, silver, lead, chromite, copper and gold. The country has the world ninth-largest proven oil reserves, as well as abundant reserves of coal and uranium, which it leverages in order to gain access to high-tech technologies for its digitalization efforts.

Kazakhstan has rekindled its historical role as the main connecting link on the modern iteration of the Silk Road, transforming itself into the region’s largest business and transit hub for people and goods traveling between Europe and Asia. By 2025, the amount of cargo traveling through Kazakhstan will grow 1.5 times to 30 million tons per year.

The Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel and Kazakhstan President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev.

Kazakhstan is well on its path towards democratic transformation. Recently adopted legislation has halved the registration barrier for creating political parties, introduced a 30 percent quota for including women and youth on electoral party lists, created an institution of parliamentary opposition, and established a notification procedure for holding peaceful meetings and demonstrations. A number of new laws related to strengthening the protection of human rights, children’s rights, the election of local governmental administrations, and the lowering of the threshold for parliamentary elections will be introduced into national legislation this year.

Speaking before the newly elected Lower House of Parliament (Mazhilis) on January 15, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev announced a third package of democratic reforms to further improve the quality of life and provide new opportunities to the populace.

The results of past thirty years of development give us reason enough to be proud of Kazakhstan’s achievements. Ensuring a worthy and prosperous future will require hard work of every Kazakh citizen, and we remain steadfastly confident that our nation’s creativity and unity will transform this goal into reality.