US Government ending sanctions against ICC

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US Government ending sanctions against ICC

The ICC welcomes the decision by the US Government ending sanctions and visa restrictions against ICC personnel

The International Criminal Court welcomes the decision by the US Government to revoke Executive Order 13928, ending sanctions against the ICC Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, and a senior staff member of her office, Phakiso Mochochoko, as well as visa restrictions on certain ICC personnel.

The Court is mindful that the United States has traditionally made important contributions to the cause of international criminal justice. The Court stands ready to reengage with the US in the continuation of that tradition based on mutual respect and constructive engagement.

In the fulfilment of its independent and impartial judicial mandate, the Court acts strictly within the confines of the Rome Statute, as a Court of last resort, in a manner complementary to national jurisdictions. The Court relies on the support and cooperation of its States Parties, representing all regions of the world, and of the international community more broadly.

From the Black Sea to the North Sea

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From the Black Sea to the North Sea

By H.E. Mr. Lucian Fătu, Ambassador of Romania to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

This March 27, one of the economic headlines in Romania, The Netherlands and Australia referred to the Nuyina icebreaker starting a trial voyage in the North Sea before being delivered to serve in the Antarctics.  The 160 meters long state-of-the-art research vessel was commissioned by the Australian Government and built by Damen Naval Romania in the Galați shipyard over a period of three years.  This is only the most recent token of the Romanian-Dutch investment and economic cooperation, and it highlights The Netherlands’ position as the strongest foreign investor in the Romanian economy by capital residence, with almost 10 billions Euro.

However, it is not by chronological order of events that I open my comments with the economic pillar of the Romanian-Dutch relations.  Their strength articulates and, in turn, is made possible by a profound convergence of values and aspirations that the two countries share at bilateral, European and international levels.  As European Union members, NATO allies and partners in regional and multilateral organizations, Romania and The Netherlands build their cooperation on a diplomatic dialogue that celebrated its 140th anniversary one year ago.

We cooperate closely on a number of important issues such as global politics, security (including cyber), trans-border crime, trade and agriculture. We coordinate our positions on the European agenda items such as the future of our continent. We are exploring better options on issues such as the EU neighborhood, climate changes or migration. The current corona crisis and the struggle to ensure a fair and far-reaching vaccine distribution at national, EU and global levels pose one of the greatest challenges, and opportunities as well, to our authorities and to the global multilateral system.  We are working together towards the most appropriate EU response to this test.

Working in The Hague, every diplomat has the unique opportunity to experience the vibrant multilateral organizations and NGO activity and to showcase their countries’ positions and goals.  Romanians have ample opportunities to do so, based on a set of values and principles we strongly believe in and have shaped our history.

My country remains committed to all efforts aimedat reinforcing the rule of law and supporting the delivery of justice.  As such, we closey follow the development of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) jurisprudence. Acquiring constructive international relations requires adherence to the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes. We thus express our hope that more countries will follow in the practice of accepting the ICJ’s compulsory jurisdiction. Romania did so in 2015. Additionally, the ever-changing landscape of international relations calls for more practitioners of international law. In this spririt, we are happy to have been one of the main supporters of the establishment of a Trust Fund for the Judicial Fellowship of the ICJ, a mechanism for sponsoring young candidates from developing countries to access the ICJ Traineeship.

As we know, the International Criminal Court (ICC) lies at the heart of international efforts aimed at fighting impunity. We acknowledge the important role of the ICC in this regard, and firmly support it in achieving its mandate.  The adoption last December of the Resolution on the review of the ICC and the Rome Statute system is of great international significance. As current members of the Bureau, we are honoured to be directly involved in all aspects concerning not only such review, but the overall activity of the Assembly of States Parties.

Another multilateral level where Romania is active in The Hague is the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), whose aim is the implementation of the Convention on the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. The Convention came into force on April 29th, 1997, and Romania was one of the 65 original signatories. All of Romania’s actions at this level reconfirm our commitment to actively contributing to multilateral diplomacy in the service of world peace.  Currently, Romania holds one of the vice-president seats at the 25th session of the OPCW Conference of the States Parties to take place between 20 and 22 April this year.

In the end of the day, it is all about people.  Romanians living in The Netherlands are a well adjusted and well respected community.  As a symbol of integrated culture and identity, a tulip named after Romanian Princess Maria Brâncoveanu was created in 2018 in Groningen, and can be admired in the garden of the Romanian Orthodox Church in Schiedam. 

Ambassador H.E. Mr. Lucian Fătu photography by Kim Vermaat.

Enhancing Understanding and Strengthening Partnership

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Enhancing Understanding and Strengthening Partnership

By H.E. Mr. Jian Tan, Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

It is a great honour as well as heavy responsibility for me to serve as ambassador of China to the Netherlands.

In my more than three decades of service in foreign affairs, I spent most of the years in multilateral development field. I worked in Geneva and New York. Yet my first posting was bilateral, in Indonesia. My previous one was ambassador to Ethiopia, the roof of Africa. So, I flowed from the highland to the lowland — the Netherlands.

Since my arrival on the Christmas day of 25th December last year, I have reached out to the government, business and academia in the Netherlands. I am quite impressed by the perseverance and openness of the Dutch people. With perseverance, they have turned the lowland into beautiful homeland; with openness, they are the driving force for multilateralism and free trade.  

Although situated on the opposite side of the Eurasia continent, our two peoples share many similarities, and the two countries have been building the “Open and Pragmatic Partnership of Comprehensive Cooperation”. There are many bright spots of this partnership and cooperation.

Since the outbreak of COVID-19, leaders from China and the Netherlands have been in close contact through telephone conversations and exchanges of letters. The two governments have worked together in establishing a special cargo air bridge to ensure essential medical supplies to the Netherlands, maintaining a stable industrial and supply chain, and promoting economic recovery.

Climate change is an important area of our close cooperation. In 2019, the Global Center on Adaption based in the Netherlands set its first overseas office in China. In January 2021, China’s Vice Premier Mr. Han Zheng virtually attended the Climate Adaption Summit held in the Netherlands. China has set the goal of peaking carbon dioxide emissions before 2030 and achieving carbon neutrality before 2060. The job is hard, but our commitment is firm. The Netherlands has been a champion on sustainable development and our cooperation could make a difference in combating climate change.

Both countries support multilateralism. The Netherlands is a role model in international development cooperation. China is for North-South, South-South and Tripartite Cooperation. The two countries maintain consultations on major international and regional issues within the frameworks of the UN, G20, WTO and WHO. There are also practical exchanges and cooperation like on Mali peacekeeping and Somali anti-piracy operations. Together, China and the Netherlands could make important contribution to the international system with the UN as its core, the international order with international law as its basis, the multilateral trading system with the WTO as its corner stone.

Our bilateral trade last year, against all odds, grew by 7.8% to a historical high of 91.8 billion dollars, and Dutch export to China expanded by 14.2%. Our mutual direct investment is also larger than other EU countries. This extraordinary performance during the pandemic is a testament to the resilience and the potential of our economic relations. The sky is the limit. Last year, China was the only major economy registering a positive growth, and became the largest trading partner of the EU. This year it is projected to grow by more than 6%. More importantly, China’s reform and opening up will only be further deepened and widened.

While being optimistic, I am very sober-minded about the challenges ahead.

Both China and the Netherlands commit to protect human rights, though our approach may not be the same given the level of development. While acknowledging people’s political and civil rights, China attaches great importance to the right to development and people’s well being.

We prioritize the improvement of people’s living standard. Over the past four decades and more, China has lifted over 800 million people out of poverty, including about 100 million in the past 8 years. China has completed, 10 years in advance, the goal of poverty reduction set in the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. This is a historical achievement for China and for humanity.

We prioritize the protection of people’s life. Faced with the sudden onslaught of Covid-19, the government took quick decision to lockdown Wuhan, a city of more than 10 million people; and Hubei, a province of about 60 million people. There was no hesitation in weighing the health and the economy. Life first.

Recently there have been intensive exchanges on issues related to Xinjiang and Hong Kong. Please allow me to touch each briefly.

The Constitution of the People’s Republic of China stipulates the protection of human rights, the protection of the spoken and written languages and the preservation of traditions and customs of all ethnic groups, the prohibition on discrimination against and oppression of any ethnic group.

Over the past two decades and more, Xinjiang was plagued by terrorism and violence. Thousands of terrorist attacks have caused huge casualties and property losses. Terrorism is the common enemy to the world. The UN Action Plan to Prevent Violent Extremism points out that, poverty, unemployment, lack of education, and distortion of religious belief, among others, are causes for violence and extremism. We therefore have taken measures to address the root causes by providing education and training to those affected, help them get jobs and stay away from violence and religious extremism.

Since 2014, over 3 million people in Xinjiang have been lifted out of poverty. The Uyghur population in Xinjiang increased by 25 percent between 2010 and 2018, and doubled over the past 40 years. China is firmly against forced labour. Besides, given the quality and quantity of Chinese labour force, it just makes no sense, politically or economically, to use forced labour.

Hong Kong has enjoyed a high degree of administrative, legislative and economic autonomy since its return to China in 1997. The implementation of “one country, two systems” is a big success. Still, with the lapse of 24 years after the handover, it’s time to take stock and improve. This is especially necessary given that over the past years, the anti-China radicals in Hong Kong committed vandalism, robbery and arson. They attempted to paralyze the Legislative Council, the government, and the airport, and went so far as to call for independence.

Riots are riots, be it in Hong Kong or other places. Those moves have crossed the bottom line of “one country, two systems”. The decision of the National People’s Congress of China to improve Hong Kong’s electoral system and uphold the principle of “patriots governing Hong Kong” are in line with the Constitution and the Basic Law of HKSAR as well as the established international practices. It is a common sense that a country’s citizens and public servants in particular should love their country and observe the Constitution. “Patriots” covers a wide scope and will not drive out diversity. For sure, Hong Kong’s tomorrow will be much better.

The year 2021 marks the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Under its leadership, China has realized the task of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, and will embark on a new journey toward fully building a modern socialist country. In its newly unveiled 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025), China aims to foster a new development paradigm for high quality growth. China is focusing on achieving its development goal, including that of the climate change. China is getting more and more connected with the rest of the world, now being the major trading partner for over 120 countries and regions. In 2019, there were as many as 155 million outbound Chinese tourists. As the most populous country, China is becoming the largest consumption market in the world. China’s development is a huge opportunity for other countries.

Recently, we have heard a lot of rhetoric about decoupling, isolation, containment, even a new cold war. It seems that China bashing has become a political correct in some countries. Our goal is to meet the growing aspiration of the Chinese people for a better life. To replace any other country is never our national strategy. We export goods, not political system. It is universally accepted that there is no one-size-fits-all development model and China will continue to develop in a way suited to its own national conditions. This is a diversified world. Countries may differ in civilization, culture, political system and level of development, but no one is to be excluded or isolated.

Developing countries have the right to develop, integrate into the global value chain, move up and have a place in high-tech. Of course they are required to play by the rules including respecting intellectual property rights. Alleging some hi-tech companies from China of spying without evidence is a far cry from free and fair competition. The unprecedented global challenges today require unprecedented cooperation. We aim to build a community of shared future for mankind. Climate change affects every country, virus respects no border. We are living in a global village, and share our fate in the same boat. International cooperation is the only way out.

Next year, China and the Netherlands will celebrate the 50th anniversary of the establishment of our ambassadorial diplomatic relationship. Our relations have withstood the changes in the international landscape over half a century. Our bilateral relationship is termed by our leaders as “Open and Pragmatic Partnership for Comprehensive Cooperation”. We have shared interests, no fundamental interest conflict. As ambassador, I am committed to enhancing understanding and promoting partnership.

The Netherlands is a beautiful place, the Dutch are great people. So, while working hard, I will find time to explore the country, know the people and have a good time.

Of the North Stream 2 and Trans-Atlantic Esteem, too

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Of the North Stream 2 and Trans-Atlantic Esteem, too

On the historic date of March 08th – International Women’s Day, a large number of international affairs specialists gathered for the second consecutive summit in Vienna, Austria. This leg of the Vienna Process titled: “Europe – Future – Neighborhood at 75: Disruptions Recalibration Continuity”. The conference, jointly organized by the Modern Diplomacy, IFIMES and their partners, with the support of the Diplomatic Academy of Vienna, was aimed at discussing the future of Europe and its neighbourhood in the wake of its old and new challenges.[1] 

Along with the two acting State Presidents, the event was endorsed by the keynote of the EU Commissioner for European Neighbourhood and Enlargement, Excellency Olivér Várhelyi. One of the most anticipated talks was grouped around Panel III: BREXIT AND FUTURE OF CROSS-ATLANTIC RELATIONS.

Senior researcher and geoeconomics specialist from Berlin, Matthias E. Leitner, elaborated on the New Perspectives on Geopolitics and European Energy Transition, as follows:

I chose the topic of North Stream 2 since it is very timely: project completion coincides with the waning of the “Golden Age of Gas”. In a wider geo-political and geo-economic perspective, it is helpful to remind ourselves that current polarization surrounding the mega-project is not so helpful. Are we having the right conversation about North Stream 2?

In fact, I propose that the huge challenges of European energy transition and digital transition require a wider perspective. The continent’s gas supply does not depend on Russia alone. Germany’s opportunities from utilizing North Stream 2 in the diversification of the European energy mix are a case in point. For a few years now, the unquestioned “western energy community“ from the postwar era is replaced by more competitive relations between gas producers and consumers globally, including (but not limited to) the U.S. shale gas bonanza.

Looking at this new interplay of interests amidst global challenges such as climate change holds the clues for a new dialogue on energy security and sovereignty. This dialogue, I would like to argue, could be more democratic and oriented at shared challenges, instead of exclusionist political and commercial views.

Crispation of Positions around North Stream 2

Hardly any infrastructure project on the European continent has been more controversial than North Stream 2. Debate has intensified and created “more heat than light” and I would not like to go into all the details here. There has been a flurry of reactions as the 1,230km long pipeline is about to be completed. It will double the Russian gas supply to Europe to 110 BCM.

The Project launched in 2015 became a convenient political punching ball in German domestic politics, between EU Member States especially in eastern Europe, and in the context of changing transatlantic relations. There is little shared understanding of the “Energy Sovereignty” concept and aligning with the European Energy Union. Fears of Ukraine becoming more exposed to Russian strong-arming have aggravated these tensions.

North Stream 2 was placed under U.S. extraterritorial sanctions, which generated a flurry of reports and corporate/ government evasive actions.

EU Fundamentals and German Contributions

I would like to recall that the fundamentals for Europe’s global positioning industrial development between the U.S. and China lie beyond North Stream 2. The new EU Strategic Foresight Report of October 2020 focused on the EU dual transition (digital and green energy) and China as systemic rival. The EU is keenly aware of its need to secure critical raw materials for the new green economy.

Top EU officials are clear about using a three-tier approach against Russia, instead of blanket economic sanctions: push-back against violations of international human rights norms, robust response to cyberattacks/disinformation, while preserving a modus vivendi in areas of shared interest or “limited engagement” which includes energy supply flows. Responding to Russia’s breach of legal certainty and procedures in the Navalny Case, the EU Council applied a new global sanctions regime against Human Rights violators for the first time in late February 2021. 

I would like to note that Germany can benefit from the larger Russian gas flows as a regional hub for distribution, minimizing transit risks and creating industrial synergies. Gas experts point to possible solutions which facilitate the phase-in of renewables. Germany’s declared exit from coal and nuclear energy in 2022 is not far away. Therefore, gas provides a convenient substitute in the short run and offers “cleanest in quantity”. Nurturing mutual interdependence through ‘compartmentalization’ in energy versus security policy has been Germany’s underlying principle since the North Stream 1 Pipeline was opened.

Energy Transformation Challenges – Diversification of Southern Gas Routes

EU goals of climate adaptation under the Paris Agreement by 2030 (and reaching net zero emissions by 2050) will require a monumental restructuring in the energy sector. In any future energy mix, LNG imports are also an option.

Even a more modest post-Pandemic economic recovery in the EU compared to the U.S. might depend on reliable energy supply in the form of gas. Ultimately, lasting changes in emission levels depends on changing consumption patterns throughout the economy, requiring broad systematic education in consumer habits.

The EU also receives gas from Azerbaijan via the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC) and its three trunks via Anatolia in Turkey and through the Adriatic to Greece, Albania and on to Italy. Although these gas volumes are smaller (31 BCM annually), some 10 BCM of gas are destined to southern Europe. I would draw your attention to the fact that Azerbaijan is also both gas producer and operator like Gazprom in North Stream 2. European credit financing was made available for the SGC project.

Together with Turkey’s ambition to become an “Energy Bridge” between Asia and Europe, Russian and Central Asian gas is set to become a fixture in some southern European countries. However, other more complex gas schemes involving Turkmenistan (the world’s largest holder of known gas reserves) and branch lines from Iranian gas fields have not materialized so far for a variety of reasons. 

Towards Pan-European Energy Community Dialogue

In the age of waning gas, a tendency to inter-link energy and political geostrategic and geoeconomics considerations has crowded out other approaches  among technocrats and energy experts. Energy links have become echo chambers of Cold War paradigms, often  without full understanding of new global developments. Conversely, far less attention has been given to transparency over mitigating the environmental costs, educating the end-users about the transition to a new economy.

Democratizing the discussion and establishing dialogue among labor unions and consumer associations, scientists and climate experts on gas supply, storage and conservation might be  possible. I would argue that this can provide confidence building as well as prevent instrumentalizing energy links in the short term. In a pan-European setting, the OSCE is well placed to intensify such dialogue. Under the OSCE approach of comprehensive security, this has been on the a in Vienna where we are speaking todaysince 2006.

People-to- people contacts in transboundary energy flows would help address misperceptions between major gas import and export countries. Additionally, relevant labor safety and employment standards in gas industries could be boosted in cooperation with UN Agencies such as ILO. I would like to conclude by mentioning that a common interest in upskilling the energy workforce in Europe and its neighborhood could benefit from such an initiative , which creates resilience to the huge challenges ahead in energy transition and digital transformation.      

                                                                                

Sources:

Dornfeldt, Matthias, Hoffen auf die Südschiene. Internationale Politik (DGAP Berlin März-April 2018).

Felbermayr, Gabriel, Die Blockade von Nord Stream 2. Wirtschaftswoche (5 March 2021).

Fücks, Ralf, Die fossile Großmacht und der Klimawandel. Internationale Politik/ DGAP Berlin (March-April 2021).

Lo, Bobo, La Russie et le changement climatique: entre deni et adaptation. Notes de l’Ifri (Centre Russie/NEI Mars 2021).

OSCE Secretariat, Energy Security Brochure (OSCE-OCEEA Vienna 2017).

Schmidt- Felzmann, Anke, Instrument russischer  Geopolitik. Internationale Politik (DGAP Berlin März-April 2018).

Westphal, Kirsten, Strategic Sovereignty in Energy Affairs. SWP Commentary (January 2021).

About the Author:

Matthias E Leitner, Senior Adviser/ International Coordinator with ICSVE Center Washington, DC (USA), Berlin-based Matthias Ernst LEITNER has over 20 years’ experience in international peace and security, mainly in UN and regional peace operations across Africa and in the Middle East. His professional focus is on governance/ accountability, national dialogues and coalition building as well as on project development for preventing violent extremism and radicalization. Mr. Leitner has held senior management positions with UN Special Envoy Offices. His ongoing interest is in UN reforms, peacebuilding and innovative approaches for resilience to the C-19 pandemic. His academic background from Bonn and Oxford Universities is in languages and history.

Europe in the Netherlands

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Europe in the Netherlands

The Role of the Representation of the European Commission in the Netherlands

By H.E. Mr. Didier Herbert, Head of the Representation of the European Commission in the Netherlands.

The European Commission has Representations in the 27 countries of the European Union. The role of the Representation is to be the ‘ears, eyes and voice’ of the European Commission in the Netherlands. What we do is listen, inform and report. The Embassies of the European member states in the Netherlands have similar tasks, among others, and with them, we naturally maintain narrow contacts through our regular meetings of the Heads of Missions of the EU Member states in The Netherlands.

The first aspect of our task consists in connecting with Dutch citizens and authorities at different levels on expectations and questions regarding European action. Secondly, we discuss and inform about European policy in general and important European policy topics that affect the Netherlands as a whole or Dutch regions and cities in particular. Last year, one of the main topics was about EU actions and cooperation in response to the coronavirus. Few people know how in the first months, when all borders were closed, we joined forces in the EU to bring back over a 100,000 citizens stranded outside the EU to their home country and created “green lanes” through which lorries could bring Dutch vegetables to clients in neighbouring countries.

Our work also means dispelling misconceptions in some cases. Some time ago, the newspapers reported that the EU was planning to force cat owners to keep their pets on a leash, because cats were said to be dangerous for biodiversity and for the survival of birds. There was, of course, absolutely no intention to do that – apart from whether the proposition is correct whether cats are dangerous for the survival of certain bird species. So there we clearly indicated that the Commission did not intend to submit anything on that.

In addition to listening and informing locally, we provide country-specific knowledge, analysis and advice to the President and all Members of the Commission. So that they are able to consider these elements at an early stage. Just imagine if the discussions about a common European Recovery Programme could have led so quickly to such an ambitious result had the negotiators not been aware of the expectations and sensitivities in each European country.

How to involve Dutch citizens

We engage with citizens in several ways – we are active on social media, we organise trips and events, and we work together with our network of Europe Direct Information Centres throughout the country. Citizens’ dialogues and visits to various cities and provinces are also a fixed element of the Representation’s menu. In recent years, for example, the Commission and the Representation have organized a large number of citizens’ dialogues. A Commissioner, often Executive Vice-President Frans Timmermans, comes to visit one or multiple places in the Netherlands. For example, we went to Emmen, Breda, and Leiden to talk to citizens about European policy.

That gives you a good sense of what is going on in the Netherlands. I see it as part of my job to regularly visit various provinces and cities. Coming here in 2019, I intended to go to all the Dutch provinces; I still have that intention and I am planning to do so as soon as restrictions will ease. In The Hague, you only have one view of the Netherlands. As Brussels is not representative for Belgium, Paris not for France and Madrid not for Spain, I think it is essential to learn more about different aspects of the Dutch country and culture.

Our diversity is a plus in Europe. But explaining why and what we do together in the EU is equally important: in that vein, I want to draw your attention to the bi-lingual (Dutch and English) newsletter on the latest European policy developments, which we send out on Friday every week. People can register via this link.

H.E. Mr. Didier Herbert, Head of the Representation of the European Commission in the Netherlands.

What is next on the agenda for the Representation?

Due to the corona crisis, some of our priorities temporarily moved to the background – health was the main priority for all of us the last months – but we are now also changing our focus towards the recovery after the pandemic. But essential issues, such as global warming have not disappeared.

We managed to come to an unprecedented agreement on NextGenerationEU: based on the National Reform Plans that each country will draw up, this instrument should help to repair the economic and social damage caused by the pandemic. As well as catering for future challenges:  this important Programme is to help ensuring a sustainable and inclusive recovery that promotes the green and digital transitions.

We furthermore look forward to the start of a vast exercise agreed on by all European countries, the European Parliament and the Commission. The aim is to reach out and engage with citizens in a wide-ranging debate on how they see and what they suggest for the future of the European cooperation project in the coming decade and beyond. We hope many Dutch people will participate and join this Conference on the Future of Europe.

About the author:

Didier Herbert,  started his career in business and law and went on to spend the vast majority of his career working for the European Commission in Brussels. After being Director for Internal Market & Competitiveness and Chairing the Regulatory Scrutiny Board of the European Commission, he is now serving as Head of the Representation of the European Commission in the Netherlands.

Media and risk: definition and perception

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Media and risk: definition and perception

By Anastasiia Pachina

Despite the attempts, that humanity is making to protect itself and predict possible options for the development of its future, despite the high costs of health care and safety, increase in life expectancy and constant improvement in all of these areas, our society remains risky. At the end of the 20th century, the sociologist Ulrich Beck already defined our society as risky (Beck, 1995). In the modern world, even inaction can bring its own risks.

Two approaches to defining risk

There are two main approaches to defining risk. The realist approach comprehends “risks” in scientific and technical terms. The premise of this approach is the possibility of calculating the risk and its consequences, where the risk is the result of the probability of occurrence of the hazard and the scale of its consequences (Bradbury, 1989). Risk is the product of probability and hazard. It is defined as an objective fact of the surrounding world, as a danger that is calculated independently of sociocultural processes.

The sociocultural approach determines risk as a socially constructed attribute that is dependent on processes within society. It implies that social perception and our values ​​go hand in hand with the definition and evaluation of risk. Even objective indicators and risk assessments are accompanied by subjective judgments and opinions. Media as a subsystem of society also has some influence on the construction of risk.

Media and risk perception

With the advent and popularization of media, the speed of information dissemination has significantly increased. Accordingly, the transfer of information about risks is accelerated. News about a catastrophe in a certain country in a matter of hours and sometimes minutes spreads all over the world. Media not only accelerate but also bring information about possible risks closer to us. An incident that happened many kilometers away from us is already perceived as something real and very close to us. The amount of information also plays an important role. The more information the media provides, the stronger the effect it has on risk perception (Wahlberg, Sjoberg, 2000). The more news we receive about a particular problem, the more we perceive it as to be real and the more real the risk is.

On the other hand, the media does not cover all events. The media is a public arena, which has its own carrying capacity (Hilgartner, Bosk, 1988). Since public attention is a scarce resource, there are limitations to the issues that the media can cover. Problems constantly compete for attention. This dynamic process opens up new issues that require our attention, and allows us to forget about others for a while. The agenda is changing; events are replacing each other, which means that the danger of other risks and threats comes to the forefront.

I don’t think that a couple of years ago, many people would have imagined life during a pandemic. The threat of terrorist attacks, natural disasters or another economic crisis seemed more real. We can only wonder and try to predict what awaits us in the future, what risks await us and how quickly they spread around the world, including through the media.

References

Beck, U. (1995). Ecological Politics in an Age of Risk. London: Polity Press.

Bradbury, J. A. (1989). The policy implications of differing concepts of risk. Science, Technology, & Human Values, 14(4), 380-399.

Hilgartner, S., & Bosk, C. L. (1988). The rise and fall of social problems: A public arenas model. American journal of Sociology, 94(1), 53-78.

Wahlberg, A. A., & Sjoberg, L. (2000). Risk perception and the media. Journal of risk research, 3(1), 31-50.

About the author:

Anastasiia Pachina

Anastasiia Pachina  is a Sociologist at Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic.

Things that bring you joy

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Things that bring you joy

By Alexandra Paucescu

‘Take your dreams seriously‘… ‘Make yourself proud’… ‘Choose happy’… these are just a few of the words that I usually see on her social media, sharing optimism on a daily basis.

‘Everyone has a story to tell’… indeed, let’s discover hers!

Olga Tapiola or ‘Madame EU’ as she is called in Bangkok, where she is currently living with her husband and stepson, is a complex and inspiring woman. She is originally from Ukraine but married a Finnish career diplomat who now represents the European Union in Thailand.  Turning into a ‘trailing spouse’ did not come easy. She could grasp the substance and representational parts as she initially studied international relations and political economy and worked as a policy expert for a number of years.

  • Olga Tapiola, photography by Sommart Puengjudoom

Her greatest passion of all is psychology, which she studied later on in life and practiced. ‘I am particularly fond of group psychology, especially my favourite method called psychodrama. It has a beautiful dynamics; I am fascinated about the way groups interact and work. I am curious about people and love to discover their stories. In Thailand, I had the chance to conduct groups for parents of children with developmental and behavioural special needs, as a volunteer for a local NGO. It gave me so much joy.’

‘The world is dark enough, there are so many challenges, it is only up to us to find the light in ourselves and others’ she says, and then I remember another one of her beautiful Instagram quotes ‘The secret to life is knowing how to make the bad times good and the good times unforgettable’.

But life is not always as perfect as on Instagram … she sometimes misses the greenery and the four seasons in Europe, she misses her extended family and people she called friends for many years and are now living thousands of miles away. She is no stranger to human pain and challenges through her therapy work.

  • Olga Tapiola by YSIS Co.

She tells me: ‘home is where I am now, in this moment, with my closest family. In order to succeed, a diplomatic couple needs to build a strong partnership between the spouses, with support going both ways. The second important thing is to have something which brings you joy, something that lights you up, while your diplomatic partner is going to the office. There is so much beauty in this world, so many fascinating people who are waiting to be discovered. One just needs good company and a supportive shoulder.’

She also runs a support group for ambassadors’ spouses in Bangkok. Although it was not intended as a therapy group, it offers safe space to the spouses to share their news and talk about challenges without being judged. It serves as a platform to discuss ideas and simply get support from likeminded friends. She says: ‘Being a diplomatic, and in particular an ambassador’s spouse, is a great privilege and at the same time a big responsibility. More can be done to help spouses both enjoy their lives and be able to support their diplomatic partners’. Her latest discussion paper, still unpublished, looks at the potential and challenges of ambassadors’ spouses in the 21st century.

While being an ambassador’s spouse often takes a large part of her time, COVID-19 lockdown allowed her to rediscover another old and forgotten passion: painting.

‘Trust the magic of new beginnings’…

‘I have taken painting classes for three years, back in Ukraine and had exhibited my work before, both in Kyiv and in Brussels. But during the lockdown, I was lucky to reconnect with my inner artist. I found a new routine which was very fulfilling’.

Her paintings are beautiful, full of colour and inspire the same optimism that she transmits through her words.

‘Things That Bring You Joy – is the title of my space where I exhibited two subsequent collections of paintings in Bangkok. When asked to name this space, I remembered my father’s favourite phrase – “Whatever you do, always do things that bring you joy”. Indeed, I saw that many times in life: when you do what you like, and, if your heart is fulfilled, everything else follows. Being able to do so is a privilege that I really appreciate.’

‘The process of painting, colours, time spent in my studio – bring me infinite joy right now. I like to escape my diplomatic bubble and express myself in a different way.  My art is about happiness – happiness of small things, joy of small steps – that can help us overcome all the difficulties. I listen to my heart and paint out what’s in it right now. Nature, feelings, moments, I get inspiration from everywhere.’

Because of her, psychology and art met. Her wisdom and professional experience merged with her artistic inspiration and create beauty every day.

‘Never give up on your dreams’ she says. ‘Let joy be your heart’s name’

_________________

Main picture Photography by Natalia Garbu.

About the author:

Alexandra Paucescu

Alexandra Paucescu- Author of “Just a Diplomatic Spouse” Romanian, management graduate with a Master in business, cultural diplomacy and international relations studies.

She speaks Romanian, English, French, German and Italian,  gives lectures on intercultural communication and is an active NGO volunteer.

The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Diplomacy

Diplomat Magazine
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The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Diplomacy

Need for reforms and adjustments !

By Roy Lie Atjam.

As has been the case in many sectors of public and private life, diplomacy has also been affected by the coronavirus pandemic. The virus has spread all over the world from Alaska to the remote Andaman archipelago and beyond with tremendous consequences. The high-level meetings of the 75th session of the United Nations General Assembly in September 2020, was a video messages spectacle of leaders delivering pre-recorded video presentations. There was certainly no room for boring and unstimulating presentations.

Foreign Ministries without any doubt will learn vital lessons from the pandemic. Consular services, for instance, have surpassed most other business at embassies worldwide in 2020. Consulates played an important role in assisting their citizens by steering them through a world replete with pandemic restrictions. Besides, consular work facilitates opportunities to interact closely with the diaspora. 

Due to lockdowns, curfews and other restrictive measures, diplomatic functions such as receptions, conferences, seminars, book launchings and the like have been scaled down and have been reorganized via Zoom conference or other digital platforms. These new measures have served as an avenue for the diplomatic community to pivot and continue networking and explore business opportunities. Additionally, the pandemic has prevented diplomats from gathering in person to celebrate their respective National Days.

Interesting to note that no one can escape video conferencing, not even the Queen of England. Last week HM Queen Elizabeth II took time out of her busy schedule to join a Zoom conference to discuss matters relating to science, technology and space travel. The virtual conference was part of an event to celebrate British Science Week which was held from 5th -14th March 2021. The event celebrated the role played in society by science and aims to inspire a new generation of British scientists. The monarch was joined by space scientist Dr. Maggie Aderin-Pocokc, Professor Caroline Smith and schoolchildren from Thomas Jones Primary for the virtual presentation.

No need to give up in despair, digital diplomacy is not the end of diplomacy, rather, it is the re-discovery of diplomacy! Because of the coronavirus, diplomats can interact without meeting face-to-face. Digital diplomacy is now perceived as a medium of diplomacy and involves the use of various digital platforms and features of communication in the exchanging of ideas. Diplomacy had to change and the role of the ambassador continues to change accordingly.

The pandemic and you

There is no doubt that the pandemic has had an impact on your life for over a year now, right?  Why not try beating the pandemic fatigue by making the best of your current circumstances. Using your time wisely can help you to stay positive and avoid excessive worry. Rather than focus on what you can no longer do, look for ways that you can take advantage of your current situation. For example, are there projects that you now have time for or hobbies that you can now pursue? Can you spend more time with your family and friends?

The COVID 19 pandemic has impacted diplomacy and the lives of diplomats. You may wonder, will digital diplomacy be the way of the future? Well, take courage, sooner or later the pandemic will peter out and life will go back to (a new) normal. Nevertheless, there will be some changes in the diplomatic sphere.

About the author:

Roy Lie Atjam is Diplomat Magazine’s editor.

View from Latvia: Is the EU Failing us?

Diplomat Magazine
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View from Latvia: Is the EU Failing us?

By Eugene Matos De Lara.

On the historic date of March 08th – International Women’s Day, a large number of international affairs specialists gathered for the second consecutive summit in Vienna, Austria. This leg of the Vienna Process event titled: “Europe – Future – Neighbourhood at 75: Disruptions Recalibration Continuity”. The conference, jointly organized by four different entities (the International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies IFIMES, Media Platform Modern Diplomacy, Scientific Journal European Perspectives, and Action Platform Culture for Peace) with the support of the Diplomatic Academy of Vienna, was aimed at discussing the future of Europe and its neighbourhood in the wake of its old and new challenges.

Among other notable speakers there was also a prominent EAF Lawyer of Latvia, Andrejs Pagors. His polemic, but very constructive views and suggestions contributed to the greatly mesmerising flow and outcome of the central conference’s panel. Central to his address was the question: A political bias and economic wellbeing – is reconciliation between the two possible? Following lines are his contribution to this highly successful Vienna Process event:

Latvia, like the rest of Europe, is experiencing the consequences of the Covid 19 (C-19) measures, which directly affects the economic state of the country and regions.

Small and medium-sized businesses are especially affected, for which the government has not yet developed a system of assistance, and the criteria for assistance do not allow all enterprises to apply for assistance from the state.

It should be noted that the crisis in Latvia did not begin in March 2020, but at the end of 2019. The drop in GDP was associated with a drop of transit and production sectors. A crisis or an epidemic has become the perfect cover for the lack of an economic development plan for the country.

The inadequate and purely concepted economic conduct of the government has led to the fact that the economic crisis will continue, and a more powerful wave awaits us, experts say. The government was not ready for the second wave of C-19 and the third wave is approaching for which we are not ready again.

Latvia is unique in that we are not trying to apply restrictive measures to save businesses that work in other European countries, but we come up with our own illogical measures that do not work, and we see that the number of cases is growing. Correct and logical measures will help to return to normal life, and this will allow the business to work productively and develop.

In all countries, except for Latvia, the government tried to support and prevent a drop in consumption of the inhabitants of their country, thereby supporting production. In Latvia, an unfortunate measure to ban trade in a number of goods led to the closure of production, which ultimately reduced tax revenues to the state treasury by 18.5%.

White flags at shopping centers symbolize a decrease in turnover and that the safety factor is running out. Enterprises that, due to restrictions, were unable to sell seasonal goods, did not receive working capital to purchase new goods. The government was slow to realize the opportunity to support the business by allocating money for working capital that could be used to pay off rent and pay utility bills.

A political bias and economic wellbeing – you can not have both

At the same time, the current authorities did not take any measures for state economy or rejection of non-priority projects. If we compare with other countries, the reduction of government officials began everywhere. In Latvia, the number of officials has not been reduced, even with a decrease in the amount of work. From every 1 euro of tax paid to the treasury, 0.15 euro is spent on the maintenance of the state apparatus.

At the same time, during the C-19 measures, Latvia turned out to be one of the leaders of the sanctions policy that was deadly for business. For 30 years Russia and Belarus have been using Latvian ports. And objectively for central Russia, Belarus, our three leading ports of Ventspils, Riga and Liepaja are more profitable than the Russian Ust-Luga. The tariffs are 25-30% lower, the speed of cargo clearance is faster.

However, the result of many years of anti-Russian rhetoric was Russia’s refusal to work with Latvia. The Kremlin used the administrative resource, and the goods went bypassing the Baltic countries. At the moment we have lost banking business, transit and trade with our neighbors Belarusians and the Russian Federation. Consequently, the economy became hostage to politics. There was hope for China. Moreover, scientists are sounding the alarm and note the slowdown of the Gulf Stream, which could nullify all the efforts of Russia and China on the northern sea route.

China has a well-known project – “One Belt – One Road”, it is also called the “New Silk Road”. Beijing was ready to work in both Latvia and Estonia. However, following in the wake of American policy, the Chinese were not allowed to enter the Baltic. And now, after the breakdown of the EU-China investment agreement due to the Uyghur agenda, there is no need to wait for investments from China. Hence, due to political problems, port complexes – just few years ago still among the most promising in the Baltics, is now threatened.

At the municipal or city level, the situation is the same as on the state level. Let me use as an example my own birth city: Jelgava (Mitava), 800 years of history and development. Where 20 years ago minibuses of the European level were produced and one of the largest sugar factories worked.

At the end of the 90s, the RAF plant with 4,000 employees was liquidated, and in 2006 the Jelgava “cukurfabrika” was liquidated, which produced sugar for the whole country and for export, gave jobs and developed agriculture, which was engaged in the cultivation of sugar beets. The political elites made concessions to the EU in exchange for positions and places in the Brussels apparatus. Now, Latvia buys sugar in Denmark. In 2010, a major investor in the production of railroad cars came to the city, but again political interference prevented the start of large-scale production in the city, although the amount of financial injection into the city was equal to the entire annual budget of the city. This time, the investor was from neighboring Estonia. But politics intervened here too.

Rocky 2020 showed us that things are not changing for the better. In addition to the war of sanctions with Russia and China, the “war of vaccines” was added. At the same time, the old national political establishment continues to live according to the principle “the state is us”, prioritizing its own interests, and not the country’s economy. I note that the C-19 measures have demonstrated the weaknesses of the EU. Recently, the European Commission diversified the procurement of vaccines returning it onto the Member States level – each country has the right to purchase it independently.

What will than happen next? If the EU cannot resolve important issues, maybe we, the EU states, need more autonomy in economic matters, in the implementation of national projects, too. And in the change of political teams that turned out to be inadequate to effectively tackle the mounting C-19 induced socio-political and economic crisis.

About Author:

Eugene Matos

Eugene Matos de Lara, publisher of the academic journal Border Crossing, he is an International Private Law specialist of the University of Ottawa, Canada.

No EU Green Deal without balanced approach to Energy and Transport

Diplomat Magazine
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No EU Green Deal without balanced approach to Energy and Transport

By Audrey Beaulieu.

On the historic date of March 08th – International Women’s Day, a large number of international affairs specialists gathered for the second consecutive summit in Vienna, Austria. This leg of the Vienna Process titled: “Europe – Future – Neighbourhood at 75: Disruptions Recalibration Continuity”. The conference, jointly organized by four different entities (the International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies IFIMES, Media Platform Modern Diplomacy, Scientific Journal European Perspectives, and Action Platform Culture for Peace) with the support of the Diplomatic Academy of Vienna, was aimed at discussing the future of Europe and its neighbourhood in the wake of its old and new challenges.[1]  

The event was probably the largest gathering since the beginning of 2021 for this part of Europe.

Along with the two acting State Presidents, the event was endorsed by the keynote of the EU Commissioner for European Neighbourhood and Enlargement, Excellency Olivér Várhelyi. Besides discussing the strategic neighbourhood and the Union’s approach to it, underlaying leitmotif was deliverability of the Union’s ambitious New Green Deal for Europe. Numerous panellists (nearly all of the Conference’s Panel II and III) warned that there will be no success in the EU Green Deal without balanced and politically unbiased approach to Energy and Transport.

The problems of the port complex and the creation of new traffic flows in northeastern Europe, raised by the numerous speakers of the Conference on March 8th are relevant for the whole of Europe. The loss of the Baltic countries of Russian transit, the connection, first of all, not with the pandemic, but with the desire of Russia to deprive the Baltic countries of income within the framework of the sanctions war. Rising unemployment and the closure of port facilities will necessitate more funding for these countries from Brussels, and politically could be an economic and political victory for Moscow.

At the same time, officially, Russia’s actions regarding the refusal to use the Baltic ports are not part of the anti-European sanctions and, of course, the issue could be partially resolved in favor of the Baltic States with the appropriate will of all parties to dialogue.

In parallel, Eastern Europe is an object of interest for China, within the framework of its “one belt, one road” project, and this transport corridor simply does not have enough Russian resources either in the Arctic or in a small section of the Russian Baltic. Businesses willing to work with China are not happy with Brussels’ refusal to conclude a financial agreement with China, the signing of which is linked to the human rights situation in China.

At the same time, it is obvious that China will not make concessions to either the EU or the US on this issue, but economic ties with it are important for Europe. Is a unified approach to Chinese investments in the EU and Chinese transport projects through the territory of Russia possible? This is the question that must be resolved for the early recovery of the pandemic-stricken economy in Europe.

Discussions around Nord Stream 2 are primarily of a political nature, exacerbating relations within the EU. Attempts to disrupt this project are no less dangerous for central Europe than for Russia itself, which will find other ways to sell its resources.

The discussions around Nord Stream 2 are primarily political in nature, thus aggravating relations within the EU and, in fact, splitting the single European camp, indirectly playing into the hands of the Kremlin. Attempts to disrupt this project are no less dangerous for central Europe than for Russia itself, which will find other ways to sell its resources.

All this necessitates the emancipated and indigenous, pan-European recalibration of politico-military but also of the economic relations based on reciprocity and unbiased, non-preferential approach. For the EU and Europe as whole this remains the question of all questions – point of failure or success in delivering to its future generations.  

About the Author:

Audrey Beaulieu of the University of Ottawa (Globalization and Intl Development Department), specialised in Public and Private International law, international development and global politics.

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