UN at 75 – the global right to food

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UN at 75 – the global right to food

By Steven van Hoogstraten.

An impressive TV celebration of the 75th anniversary of the United Nations was broadcasted from the Peace Palace on 24 October 2020. Many facets of the work of the worlds largest peace institution were highlighted, and the SG of the UN Antonio Guttierez spoke to us via the screen like many other guests did.  Such a broad lens was used, however,  that it hardly gave credit to the important work that is done in the Peace Palace by the highest judicial organ of the UN , the International Court of Justice. The ICJ is performing its duties of settling disputes under international law in the Hague since 1946. The lack of a live audience due to Covid made this broadcast a true TV show, the Hall of the Peace Palace being the studio. But is was certainly informative and entertaining for a large public, and a fitting tribute to the UN.

One the items was the adjudication of the Nobel Peace prize for 2020 to the World Food Program. The work of the WFP is absolutely essential to combat hunger in the world, and the prize seems more than well deserved. The Sustainable Development Goals of the UN cover  the eradication of hunger: Goal nr 2 states  boldly “Zero Hunger by 2030”. Unfortunately, at present more than 840 million people are considered to be in a situation of severe food insecurity, so the goal of Zero Hunger by 2030 is for the moment a pretty far cry. In fact the level of food insecurity is recently even on the rise, due to regional conflict and climatic disasters. All the more reason to highlight the work of the World Food Program, which provided assistance in 2019 to 100 million people in 88 countries (Asia, Africa and South America)

The Nobel Committee in Oslo awards the prize to the WFP “for its efforts to combat hunger, for its contribution to bettering conditions for peace in conflict-affected areas and for acting as a driving force in efforts to prevent the use of hunger as a weapon of war and conflict” . The Nobel Committee further noted that the link between hunger and armed conflict is a vicious circle: war and conflict can cause food insecurity and hunger, just as hunger and food insecurity can cause latent conflicts to flare up and trigger the use of violence. “We will never achieve the goal of zero hunger unless we also put and end to war and armed conflict”.

In this connection it is of interest to bear in mind that the  UN Security Council in its resolution 2417 strongly condemned the use of starvation as a method of warfare. The Security Council underlined as well that the use of starvation of the civilian population as a method of warfare may constitute a war crime. South Sudan is often cited as an exemple. So the issues of starvation and the ICC are not totally unrelated.

The right to food

There is a human right which is named “the right to food “ . Derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the right to food was enshrined in the International Covenant on Economic , Social and Cultural Rights (art 11) . At present some 170 states are parties to this covenant. The actuality of the right to food was highlighted at the World Food Summit of 1996 ( Rome), where the Heads of State and Government “reaffirmed the right of everyone to have access to safe and nutritious food, consistent with the right to adequate food and the fundamental right of everyone to be free of hunger”. The  World Food Summit pledged its politcal will to achieving food security for all.

But what does this right to food mean in reality ? It is more a policy incentive than an individual right, that is for sure. The right to food underpins the responsibilities of States to make food available at reasonable prices,  and in a distribution that may be seen as equitable. But it is not at all an individual “right to be fed”. Governments are – generally speaking –  not obliged under international law to hand out food. 

Interestingly, the European Union refrained from including the right to food in its Charter of Human Rights, now part of the EU Treaties. It is said that there was uneasiness or even fear about the legal effects of introducing such a right in a binding piece of EU legislation.

All-in all, the right to food is definitely an element of support in the world fight against hunger. If only it could be made operational, which means in some way enforceable before a court of law. That would help, but is it realistic to think in that direction ?  

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Photography by Roy Strik.

Diplomatic relations between The Netherlands and Surinam normalized

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Diplomatic relations between The Netherlands and Surinam normalized

Ramdin in Suriname with Minister Blok.

By Anton Lutter

Since the ascendance of former army leader Desi Bouterse as president of the Republic of Surinam – a former Dutch colony – relations had been strained. After the 2020 presidential elections in Surinam, Chandrikapersad “Chan” Santokhi has been elected and inaugurated on the 16th of July. Mr. Santokhi, previously Minister of Justice and Police and now Surinam’s 9th president has made it his goal to normalize the relations between Surinam and The Netherlands of huge importance considering the large contingent of Dutch inhabitants who are of Surinamese descent.

End of last month Minister of Foreign Affairs Stef Blok visited Surinam to be part of the 45th Independence Day celebration at the capital Paramaribo, it was the first time in 10 years that a Dutch minister visited Surinam. In August Albert Ramdin, Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Business and International Affairs of Surinam, visited The Netherlands to meet his Dutch colleague Stef Blok, both pledging to exchange ambassadors within 3 months. Mr. Ramdin a career diplomat studied social geography at the University of Amsterdam and the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Amongst other positions he has been the Assistant Secretary-General of Organization of American States. The current Dutch temporary chargé d’affaires at Paramaribo Henk van der Zwan is the designated ambassador to the Republic of Surinam.

At the moment Surinam is represented in The Hague by temporary chargé d’affaires Mr. Oquemele Denz, both countries have not exchanged ambassadors since 2017 while in 2012 The Netherlands called its ambassador back only to have had an ambassador from 2014 until 2017.

khargi en Santokhi. NRC Photographer Ranjan Stripsan.

Early November President Santokhi has nominated Rajendre Khargi, born Paramaribo in 1955, as his country’s ambassador to The Netherlands. Mr. Khargi is a journalist in The Netherlands who very recently changed his Dutch citizenship for the citizenship of his country of birth. He has been of great importance in supporting Mr. Santokhi since 2013 and working quietly behind the scenes in strengthening the relations between Surinam and The Netherlands. As a journalist Mr. Khargi worked for several news agencies amongst others being the chief editor of ANP Radio.

Furthermore, he is the chair of Diaspora Foundation Lalla Rookh and until recently chair of One World Nederland. As ambassador Mr. Khargi will be instrumental in the implementation of Mr. Santokhi’s new policy of developing the potential of Surinam’s Diaspora in The Netherlands. To that end Minister Ramdin has recently established the Diaspora Instituut Suriname (DIS). President Santokhi: “We will develop Suriname with 1 million Surinamese. With those who live in Suriname and all who are abroad. That’s what I promised and that’s what we’re doing now”.

Enough of Double Standards!

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Enough of Double Standards!

By Dr. Zlatko Hadžidedić.

Deutsche Welle recently published a comment on Bosnia-Herzegovina written by Stefan Schwarz, a renowned German politician. In this text, the author advocates a revision of the German policy towards Bosnia, proposing a change of the country’s constitution, which needs to be jointly supported by Germany and the US. According to Schwarz, the current Bosnian constitution, imposed on the Bosnians by the American ‘peacemaker’ Richard Holbrooke in 1995, amputated the country’s territory and destroyed its soul.

The Dayton operation formally saved the state of Bosnia-Herzegovina, but has dimantled its vital functions. Moreover, it has rewarded the convicted war criminals with huge parts of its territory, which is now controlled by these corrupt oligarchies as their private property, absolutely guaranteed by the international contract signed in Dayton. Therefore, says Schwarz, the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, commonly considered the most powerful woman in the world, has a great responsibility to use her power to press for a constituional order that would make Bosnia compatible with other European countries. 

A systematic dissolution, from Lisbon to Dayton

It is difficult not to agree with Mr. Schwartz in his diagnosis of the Bosnian problems. It is also difficult not to agree about the need for constitutional changes, although the author does not go into specifics. Simply, there is no doubt that the current constitution must be changed if the state of Bosnia-Herzegovina is ever going to start functioning.

For, the Bosnian state institutions are, first and formost, blocked by the existing constitutional structure, and only then by the will of the local ethno-nationalist leaders, who only take advantage of it. Yet, the point at which we, as Bosnians who remember the country’s recent past, have to disagree with Mr. Schwarz is the thesis that Bosnia’s ethnic partition was simply a result of the US-sponsored Dayton Peace Agreement. 

For, Dayton was only the concluding part in the process of systematic dissolution of the country’s sovereignty, launched and sponsored by the European Union and the United Nations, and carried out by their nominated representatives, Lord Carrington, Jose Cutileiro, Cyrus Vance, Lord Owen, Thorvald Stoltenberg. This process began at the Lisbon Conference, in February 1992, several months before the outbreak of the war, having resulted with the Carrington-Cutileiro Plan, the first internationally sponsored plan for ethnic partition of Bosnia.

The very existence of this pre-war plan shows that ethnic partition was not proposed as a provisional solution for the ongoing war, as has been repeated many times ever since, including the comment by Mr. Schwarz. Rather, the war itself, with ethnic cleansing as a tool in the creation of ethnically homogenous territories out of the single territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina, served as an instrument in the physical implementation of the concept of ethnic partition.

This concept was first prescribed by Carrington and Cutileiro in 1992, and then adopted in all subsequent ‘peace plans’: Vance-Owen Plan in 1992, Owen-Stoltenberg Plan in 1993, the Washington Agreement in 1994, the Contact Group Plan in 1994, and the Dayton Agreement in 1995. Interestingly, the only concept that has been on the table in all these plans was the concept of Bosnia’s ethnic partition. No EU, UN, American or Contact Group initiatives have ever tried to consider any other option: Bosnia-Herzegovina’s ethnic partition has always been a must. Even those rare individuals who attempted to challenge the concept itself have even more rarely noticed that it had had a history that did not start in Dayton and that no alternative solution has ever been proposed.

Therefore, ethnic partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina was not a clumsy mistake made by Holbrooke and the Americans in Dayton; it has been a strategy adopted by the UN, the EU, and all relevant global powers, a strategy that has not been abandoned to the present day.   

A division of non-divisible, a transfer of non-transferable

This prolonged international consensus about the concept of Bosnia’s ethnic partition craves for identification of its authors and explanation of its broad acceptance among the most relevant global powers (which includes not only the EU and the UN, but also all individual members of the Contact Group: United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, and Russia). However, let us first take a look at the concept from a theoretical point of view. Political and constitutional theory claims that sovereignty is, above all, non-divisible and non-transferable.

What was being proposed as a ‘solution’ for Bosnia-Herzegovina, from Lisbon to Dayton, was exactly the opposite: a division of the state’s sovereignty, with a transfer of sovereignty to its three ethno-religious groups, so as to assign them parts of its territory over which they would gain sovereign control. Under these conditions, these groups have been labelled as ‘constituent peoples’ – a category otherwise non-existent in political and constitutional theory – as if they posses the primary sovereignty and thereby constitute the state of Bosnia-Herzegovina, whose sovereignty is a secondary one, derived from theirs and divided by implication.

According to the Dayton Constitution, even the last remnants of Bosnia’s divided sovereignty have eventually been transferred to the so-called Office of the High Representative, so that the High Representative has remained the only level at which sovereign decisions can be made. At all other levels, including the level of the state of Bosnia-Herzegovina, all decisions can be blocked by leaders of the three ethno-religious groups, which practically makes these leaders sovereign. Yet, the current High Representative has abandoned even these, very limited constitutional powers, so that in reality no sovereign decisions can be made above the level of ethno-religious leaders. In other words, as noticed by Mr. Schwarz, it is not their irrational nationalism that creates their blockages on the level of the state; it is the constitutional structure which deprives the state of its sovereignty.

The British ‘solution’  

Yet, who was powerful enough to reverse the universally valid constitutional principles, and why has this reversal been applied to Bosnia-Herzegovina, of all the countries in the world? After all, why this has encountered such approval by the most powerful global structures, such as the EU and the UN, as well as the most relevant individual powers, although the principles applied to Bosnia-Herzegovina are exactly the opposite from the principles upon which they are all built?

Given the presence of British diplomats in all ‘mediating’ combinations before and during the war in Bosnia, and given the fact that the concept of ethno-religious partition is a concept the British diplomacy had previously applied in the process of decolonization of India, with the consequent creation of India and Pakistan (including the secession of Bangladesh), and also in Palestine and Cyprus, one may only speculate why the British Foreign Office put the ethnic partition of Bosnia-Herzegovina among its geopolitical priorities.

In a broader perspective, it is certain that such partitions have never produced any degree of stability, as its advocates tend to claim; quite the contrary, all these parts of the world have become permanently unstable after application of the British ‘solution’ in the form of their ethnic or ethno-religious partition. Whether permanent instability along or around particular geopolitical points is one of the pillars of British geopolitics or not, remains to be more broadly explained by its historians; this is not a proper place for that. However, a more fundamental question is, why such a ‘solution’ applied to Bosnia has been acceptable to so many relevant global players, including the US, Germany and the entire EU? Probably we can never reach a clear and comprehensive answer to this question, either.

However, in this very context, a clear response is required to Chancellor Merkel’s recent claim that „Bosnia needs more empathy“: Bosnia does not need any degree of empathy – empathy is to be offered to the powerless. What Bosnia needs is that the global powers simply cease with application of double standards, and start applying to Bosnia the same principles, concepts and values they apply to themselves. Above all, that these powers give Bosnia back its innate right to sovereignty.    

About the author:

Dr. Zlatko Hadžidedić is the founder and director of the Center for Nationalism Studies, in Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina (www.nationalismstudies.org).

A Legacy That Stands by the People

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A Legacy That Stands by the People

By Don Pramudwinai, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Thailand.

 As we approach the end of this very challenging year of COVID-19, Thais around the world are commemorating our National Day on 5th December, which is also the birthday of His Majesty the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej The Great, Thai Father’s Day, and World Soil Day. All these occasions remind us of how our nation has evolved this far and what institutional forces have kept such progress moving.

Old friends of Thailand might be familiar with stories about the monarchy, whose dedication to nation-building and development are intrinsically interwoven into every chapter of our history. The royal family’s cherished commitment towards the welfare of her people was particularly recognised after the Second World War when Thailand had to gather all its strength and resources to combat poverty and maintain security.

The kingdom was then blessed with the will power to steer itself through those troubles when His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej The Great, whose name coincidentally means “Strength of the Land, Incomparable Power,” acceded to the throne in 1946 at the age of eighteen. As a constitutional monarchy, the sovereign does not wield any power beyond ceremonial duties. But the King and members of the royal family have the liberty to initiate any charitable activities and development projects and complement government efforts. Throughout the 70-year reign of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej The Great, around 4,877 royal projects in various fields were initiated to reduce development gaps nationwide.

While most projects were financially supported by the government, many of them were fully financed by His Majesty’s personal funds. When I started working at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the 1970s, these development projects were just being crystallised. I recall how Thai people keenly followed the televised reports of the King’s visits upcountry every evening. Thais valued and became familiar with images of the King holding a wrinkled, well-used map in his hands and a camera hanging from his neck, sweat dripping from his brow, interacting attentively with locals to understand their concerns and environment.

Likewise, the monarchy and the people have always had close and intimate contact, enabling both sides to develop a kinship type of relationship, rather than one of an authoritative nature. Hence, designating 5th December as Father’s Day actually originated from the genuine sentiment of the people, who cherished their beloved King as a father figure — a pillar of strength one could always rely upon when in need. Indeed, it was during the turbulent Cold War years that His Majesty led his people through some of Thailand’s most challenging times. An important point worth noting is that it has been customary for the monarchy to stand with the people and to improve their wellbeing.

For instance, I remember that it was also in the 1970s that Her Royal Highness Princess Srinagarindra, the grandmother of His Majesty the present King, established two foundations for community development. The first is the Mae Fah Luang Foundation under Royal Patronage, initially founded as the Thai Hill Crafts Foundation to create livelihoods and generate income for ethnic minorities in Northern Thailand. The second is the Princess Mother’s Medical Volunteer Foundation, established in 1974, the year I joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The Princess paid frequent trips to remote villages, taking with her a medical team to treat any sick or injured persons during her visit. This is important because in certain remote areas of the country, access to public health services was quite limited. Stateless people living along the border areas were given treatment just the same. The Foundation is a living testament to her community spirit and non-discriminatory community service in public health which has carried on until today. Not long after in 1976, Her Majesty Queen Sirikit The Queen Mother set up the SUPPORT Foundation to preserve traditional handicraft techniques and promote them as supplementary sources of income for farmers who have spare time after harvest.

Fast forward to my ambassadorial postings in the 1990s through to the 2000s and beyond, I had many opportunities to celebrate royal contributions to national development. One of the most memorable occasions was the UNGA’s resolution to declare 5 th December as World Soil Day, to highlight the importance of healthy soil for sustainable development and commemorate His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej The Great’s advocacy in this field. Agriculture was a favourite subject for him since it is so vital for our people’s livelihood.

Thailand nowadays has changed immensely from the time when I was a junior diplomat. Economic growth in the last three decades has elevated the country to the upper middle income echelon, and has urbanised the lifestyle of most Thais and the way they perceive the world. State mechanisms have matured, becoming more effective in addressing the grievances of the people. Thai people are more self-dependent, better educated, and have access to opportunities for better prospects in life.

In the fast-changing world where human touch seems to be dominated by virtual interactions, many people have forgotten how the monarchy has stood up for Thai people through thick and thin, and now often take the monarchy for granted. Some, including the more confident and expressive younger generations, are not even certain how to relate the institution to their daily lives, as they did not grow up, like my generation, to experience how the monarchy was directly involved in improving the livelihood of Thai people and Thailand’s status in the international arena.

Don Pramudwinai, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Thailand.

Nevertheless, in such times, the monarchy has always remained steadfast in its conviction and has never stepped back from assisting the people, often quietly, while expecting nothing in return. Last year the world saw the ceremonial grandeur of the Coronation of King Rama X, or His Majesty King Maha Vajiralongkorn Phra Vajiraklaochaoyuhua. In his Oath of Accession, he pledged “to treasure, preserve and build on our heritage…..for the great enduring good of the people.” His Majesty has never forgotten the solemn commitment of continuing the royal practice to help and empower the Thai people to be self-reliant. His Majesty has supported the royal initiatives of his royal parents and other members of the royal family in numerous endeavours.

Many are focused on promoting sustainable development, therefore contributing to Thailand’s achievements in the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). For example, since 1978, His Majesty has strategically inaugurated 21 Somdej Phrayuparaj Hospitals in the most remote areas of -3- the country, where they were most needed. More currently, His Majesty made significant donations of medical equipment during COVID-19, supporting SDG 3 on good health and well-being.

On education, His Majesty set up the Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn Scholarship Foundation, which has provided scholarships for 1,764 students to receive proper education from high school to bachelor’s degree. This corresponds to SDG 4 on quality education. His Majesty’s projects are a reflection that sustainable development can only be attained through a community-wide team spirit and concerted efforts to improve society. To transform this vision into action, he launched the Royal Initiative Volunteer Project to engage the people in public service activities. Such activities strengthen the bond within communities and remind us of how Thai communities throughout history and around the world have always come together to overcome hardships.

The monarchy has been a guiding beacon and stabilising force in Thailand for eight centuries. As some critics have stated, monarchies hold institutional memories of tradition and continuity in ever changing times. They undeniably remind a country of its unique traits and identity, facts that can often be forgotten in the swiftly changing currents of politics. In a volatile and complex world, we are in constant need of inspirational strength of stability to keep our feet on the ground, so that we will not be too easily blown away by the winds of uncertainty. The monarchy is, of course, one of these invaluable institutions that has stood the test of time and serves as an enduring link between our inspirational past, our dynamic present, and our promising future.

The Ambassador of Costa Rica, H.E. Mr. Arnoldo Brenes Castro

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The Ambassador of Costa Rica, H.E. Mr. Arnoldo Brenes Castro

H.E. Mr. Arnoldo Brenes Castro is the newly appointed Ambassador of the Republic of Costa Rica to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, he presented his credentials to His Majesty Willem Alexander King of the Netherlands, on December 2, 2020. He is coming to The Hague with decades worth of experience.

Mr. Brenes Castro began with a background in law. He became a Licensed Attorney and Notary Public in 1991 when he graduated from Law School at the University of Costa Rica, which is situated in his hometown, San Jose. While completing his degree, he simultaneously worked at a private legal practice with a focus on Immigration and Commercial Law. He then pursued further education at the University of Essex and earned a Master of Arts in Theory and Practice of Human Rights in 1994. It is most likely here that he developed his passion for human rights.

Throughout the 1990s, Mr. Brenes Castro was active in various institutions while maintaining his devotion to civil rights and peace. This included being a consultant and later professor at the University for Peace of the United Nations. The Master’s Program in Human Rights and Peace Education and the Master’s Program in Sustainable Environmental Tourism and Peace Promotion are some of the programs he taught. In addition, he was the Program Officer and Coordinator of the Security and Demilitarization Program at the Arias Foundation for Peace and Human Progress from the mid-to-late-1990s. At the end of the decade, he was also the Director of the Study on the Quality of the Attention to the Public of the National Police, which was contracted by the Government of Nicaragua.

From 2000 onwards, Mr. Brenes Castro joined Costa Rica’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship. His interests expanded to International Relations, International Security, and International Law, which would be reflected in his career for the next twenty years. He became involved in many legal cases and projects, including being a counsel and advocate in the case concerning the “Dispute Regarding Navigational and Related Rights” between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and the case of “Certain Activities Carried Out by Nicaragua in the Border Area,” to name a few.

In addition, he was involved in various commissions over the years, either as a member or coordinator. These include the International Law Advisory Commission, the Foreign Service Evaluation Commission, and the Technical-Scientific Advisory Commission on the Extension of the Continental Shelf of Costa Rica. He took up all these positions while being an advisor to the Minister. In late 2020, Mr. Brenes Castro embarked on his first mission abroad as Costa Rica’s Ambassador to the Netherlands and Permanent Representative to the OPCW.

Aside from his aforementioned roles, Mr. Brenes Castro is also the author and editor of many publications. He began writing as soon as he graduated from law school and has released over a dozen books and articles altogether. Some of his books include The Leadership Challenges of Demilitarization in Africa and Un Llamado A La Responsabilidad [A Call to Responsibility]. His collection of articles consists of Some Juridicial Considerations Regarding the Declaration of Human Responsibilities for Peace and Sustainable Development, and Soldiers as Businessmen: The Economic Activities of Central America’s Militaries, among others.

In honor of his contributions and efforts thus far, Mr. Brenes Castro has received various distinctions. He was bestowed Knight of Magistral Grace in 2001 by the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, of Rhodes, and of Malta. In 2012, he was granted the title of Associate by the Instituto Hispano-Luso-Americano De Derecho Internacional – a scientific association dedicated to international law. He is currently a member of the Permanent Court of Arbitration for the 2019-2024 period.

Mr. Brenes Castro is fluent in Spanish and English and has some proficiency in French.

Upon taking up his current position as Ambassador, his excellency is pleased to continue fostering the vigorous political, economic, and cultural relations between Costa Rica and the Netherlands. Both countries place heavy importance on protecting the climate and the environment, which can bring them “international challenges.” However, this is also shared solidarity that is currently needed in the face of global threats from climate change.

The diplomat community in The Hague sends a warm welcome to Ambassador Brenes Castro and wishes him all the best in his new term.

UAE appoint Climate Change Envoy

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UAE appoint Climate Change Envoy

Sunday, 29 November 2020, Emirate of Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates: The cabinet of the UAE government appointed Industry and Advanced Technology Minister of State as well as Director-General and CEO of Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) Dr Sultan bin Ahmed Al Jaber as a ‘Special Envoy for Climate Change’. 

Dr Al Jaber, who holds a PhD in business and economics from Coventry University in the UK. Likewise he is Chairman of Abu Dhabi’s renewable energy company known as Masdar, and UAE National Media Council. 

An advocate for clean energy, Al Jaber has held several positions and advisory roles on issues related to energy, economics and sustainable development. 

For further information 
UAE Cabinet: https://www.uaecabinet.ae
Biography: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sultan_Ahmed_Al_Jaber

Anne-Marie Descôtes awarded an ‘Ambassadrice de France’ rank

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Anne-Marie Descôtes awarded an ‘Ambassadrice de France’ rank

Wednesday, 25 November 2020, Paris/Berlin/London, European Union: The President of the French Republic, Emmanuel Macron, and the Council of Ministers at the initiative of Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian announced the appointment to the rank and dignity of ‘Ambassadrice de France‘ of the incumbent French top envoys in Germany, Anne-Marie Descôtes as well as to Catherine Colonna in the United Kingdom. 

The rank of ‘Ambassadeur/Ambassadrice de France‘ is attributed intuitu personæ to career diplomats belonging to the corp of minister plenipotentiaries, normally yet not exclusively, for those having reached the ‘hors classe‘ status. The latter is the case for Ambassador Colonna currently serving in the UK, whereas Ambassador Descôtes in Germany hitherto was classed as Minister Plenipotentiary of the 1st class. 

Ambassadeurs de France can be appointed as diplomatic advisers for the government upon issuance of a decree decided in a Council of Ministers at the initiative of the Foreign Affairs Ministry, or to achieve special missions accorded to them by the Foreign Ministry at large. 

Anne-Marie Descôtes (b. 5 December 1959) represents France in Germany since June 2017, whereas her colleague Catherine Colonna (b. 16 April 1956) serves in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland since 2 September 2019. Alongside Ambassador Sylvie Bermann, they are the only three female holders of the rank Ambassadrice de France. 

For further information 
French Presidency’s decree in Council of Ministers: https://www.elysee.fr/emmanuel-macron/2020/11/25/compte-rendu-du-conseil-des-ministres-du-mercredi-25-novembre-2020

French Embassy in Germany: https://de.ambafrance.org/Biographie-de-Mme-Anne-Marie-Descotes, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anne-Marie_Descôtes
French Embassy in the UK: https://uk.ambafrance.org/Biographie

Ambassadeur de France: https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ambassadeur_de_France

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Picture by Ambassade de France en Allemagne – Ambassadeur Anne-Marie Descôtes and Henri Estramant, Diplomat Magazine’s Diplomatic Adviser.

Royal Dutch Horse Carriage Take Indonesian Ambassador To Hand Over Credentials To HM The King of Netherlands

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Royal Dutch Horse Carriage Take Indonesian Ambassador To Hand Over Credentials To HM The King of Netherlands

Arriving at the Palace, the Indonesian Ambassador inspected the palace guards. The tunes of the national anthem, Indonesia Raya echoed along with Ambassador Mayerfas’ steps towards the palace to submit letters of credential to the King of the Netherlands, HM Willem-Alexander.

Indonesia’s ambassador Mayerfas and spouse.

Ambassador Mayerfas conveyed the warm greetings of President Joko Widodo to the King and his appreciation for the visit of the King and Queen of the Netherlands to Indonesia in March 2020. The visit resulted in a US $ 1 billion business commitment in the fields of health, maritime, agriculture and water management.

Besides discussing bilateral relations between the two countries, Ambassador Mayerfas also expressed his hope to strengthen cooperation in the economic field. Also, cooperation in dealing with pandemics and post-pandemic economic recovery is an issue raised by Ambassador Mayerfas.

 After handing over the credential to the King, the Indonesian Ambassador presented credential to the Director-General of the OPCW (Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons)on Thursday, November 26, 2020, in The Hague.

H.E. Ambassador Olivier Jean Patrick Nduhungirehe Presents Credentials to His Majesty King Willem-Alexander of the Netherlands

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H.E. Ambassador Olivier Jean Patrick Nduhungirehe Presents Credentials to His Majesty King Willem-Alexander of the Netherlands


Rwanda’s Ambassador to the Netherlands H.E. Olivier Jean Patrick Nduhungirehe, who was accompanied by his spouse and First Secretary Herbert Ndahiro, was received today at the Noordeinde Palace in The Hague where he presented his letters of credence to His Majesty King Willem-Alexander of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

The Ambassador of Rwanda H.E. Mr. Olivier Jean Patrick Nduhungirehe, accompanied by his spouse and First Secretary Herbert Ndahiro.

During the ceremony, H.E. Ambassador Nduhungirehe conveyed H.E. President Paul Kagame’s greetings and wishes for good health, happiness and well-being to His Majesty King Willem-Alexander and the people of the Netherlands. The Ambassador briefed the King about developments in Rwanda regarding socio-economic development, peace and stability.

Rwanda Ambassador Olivier Jean Patrick Nduhungirehe Presents Credentials to His Majesty King Willem-Alexander of the Netherlands.

Prior to the presentation of his letters of credence H.E. Ambassador Nduhungirehe was invited to inspect the Guard of Honour at the Palace.

H.E. Ambassador Olivier Jean Patrick Nduhungirehe is Ambassador of the Republic of Rwanda to the Kingdom of the Netherlands with accreditation to the OPCW in The Hague and to the Baltic states Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.

Presenting credentials to King Willem- Alexander. H.E. Olivier Jean Patrick Nduhungirehe, was accompanied by his spouse and First Secretary Herbert Ndahiro

H.E. Mr. Olivier J.P. Nduhungirehe is the Ambassador of Rwanda to the Kingdom of the Netherlands

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H.E. Mr. Olivier J.P. Nduhungirehe is the Ambassador of Rwanda to the Kingdom of the Netherlands

H.E. Mr. Olivier Jean Patrick Nduhungirehe is the Ambassador of the Republic of Rwanda to the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Permanent Representative to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), since November 2020. In The Hague, he also serves as non-resident Ambassador to the Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.

The Ambassador is also in charge of following activities of international jurisdictions based in The Hague, mainly the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT) and the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA). 

Ambassador Nduhungirehe is an experienced diplomat, who held the following positions over the past fifteen (15) years:

  • Minister of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, in charge of the East African Community – EAC (September 2017 – April 2020).
  • Ambassador of the Republic of Rwanda in Brussels, having jurisdiction over the Kingdom of Belgium, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, the European Union (EU), the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group of States and the World Customs Organization (WCO) (December 2015 – September 2017);
  • Acting Director General in charge of Multilateral Cooperation in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (May 2015 – December 2015);
  • Minister Counsellor, Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations in charge of the UN Security Council, New York (December 2012 – May 2015)– Rwanda was non-permanent member of the Security Council in 2013 and 2014-;
  • First Counsellor at the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Rwanda to the United Nations, New York (August 2010 – December 2012);
  • First Counsellor at the Embassy of the Republic of Rwanda to the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Permanent Mission to the African Union (March 2007 – August 2010);

Prior to his diplomatic career, Ambassador Nduhungirehe served as Personal Assistant to the Minister of State in charge of Industry and Investment Promotion in the Ministry of Trade and Industry (November 2004 – June 2005), Personal Assistant to the Minister of Agriculture and Animal Resources (June 2005 – August 2005) and member of the Business Law Reform Cell (August 2005 – January 2007), which was tasked to reform administrative and business laws in order to attract investments in Rwanda. During that period, he was also a part-time lecturer in various universities in Rwanda, teaching Tax Law, Social Law and Economic and Financial Law.

He holds a Master degree in Tax Management from the Solvay Business School of the Free University of Brussels (ULB, Belgium) and is a Bachelor of Law from the Catholic University of Louvain (UCL, Belgium).

Ambassador Olivier J.P. Nduhungirehe, who fluently speaks Kinyarwanda, French and English, was born in Huye District, Southern Province, Republic of Rwanda on 13th September 1975. He is married with two children.

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