By H.E. Mr Tigran Balayan, Ambassador of the Republic of Armenia to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

This question was formulated by an Ambassador, accredited to Armenia, after the victory of non-violent revolution in Armenia in 2018. And since, many are trying to answer this question, I would offer you my version of the answer.

Armenia: a landlocked country of a big nation, a unique corner of creativity and bright minds, an island of hospitality and warm smiles. While speaking about Armenia one can use many characteristics, objective and subjective ones, but most won’t argue that the very special thing about this country is its anthropocentrism. 

The very fact of Armenia being human centered was once again demonstrated in 2018. The Velvet Revolution that took place in April last year came to prove that the driving force of our country is its people։ the people who have once again manifested the adherence to their universal democratic values and fundamental freedoms, who have strongly and vocally confirmed their determination to strengthen the respect of human rights, who have resolutely rejected the entrenched negative practices of the past and decisively embraced reforms aimed at fighting corruption, strengthening the justice system and the rule of law, as well as good governance, securing equal opportunities in social and economic life to promote sustainable development.

The slogans of Armenian popular movement, namely “Love, fraternity and tolerance” speak for themselves.

The Velvet Revolution embodies an absolutely non-violent transformation without a single victim. It is another demonstration of the considerably high degree of political maturity and legal literacy of the Armenian public, of all its segments and institutions. Of particular significance is the distinctly strong role of the youth and women, who stood at the forefront of the Revolution, having a fantastic influence on peaceful transfer of power.

Noteworthy, the events of April, 2018 had their logical continuation, namely the snap parliamentary elections held last December, which were assessed by numerous international observation missions as consistent with international standards, as well as free, fair and transparent. The snap elections came to reaffirm the complete victory of democracy in the country and paved a way for building up a more prosperous Armenia.

Armenia is on his way of providing a fertile ground and attractiveness for foreign, including European investors. The “Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement” with the European Union, which economically and politically connects Armenia to the latter, provides all the necessary conditions for creating a business friendly environment for the investors. The large scale reforms, conducted by my Government, are aimed at creating most favorable conditions for businesses and investments. This very idea of providing a revolutionary leap in economy lies in the basis of the Government’s program, due to which the Revolution is not over: there is a second stage and it is the Economic one. 

As a result of the last year’s political developments in the country, Armenia was selected by “The Economist” as “The Country of the Year”, stating that “an ancient and often misruled nation in a turbulent region has a chance of democracy and renewal”.

Certainly, achieving coherent democracy is a difficult process, which requires substantial time, unconditional commitment and even a change in mentality. Armenia has taken the first steps in this everlasting path. Due to the unprecedented level of public confidence and legitimacy the Government of Armenia remains resolute in implementing the adopted multifaceted and ambitious agenda of reforms.

Armenia has opened an entirely new page in its history, a page full of hopes and confidence in a brighter future.

In this challenging path Armenia should not be left alone: the support of the democratic states, especially the Netherlands, as a leading advocate of human rights and fundamental freedoms, is of high importance.    

In its activities and actions by far the Government is being led by the strong recognition of the imperative of continuity and sustainability of the efforts aimed at providing tangible results, as the support of the Armenian public rendered to the Prime Minister of Armenia and to the Government is both inspiring and hugely obliging.

Armenia’s uniqueness also lies in the very fact that the Velvet Revolution has been strictly homegrown and was of an exclusively domestic nature. Both in its program and in the actual conduct of policies the Government has been distinctly adhering to continuity of its foreign policy, both at bilateral and multilateral levels, aimed at the promotion of regional and international peace, stability and mutually reinforcing cooperation.

My country’s foreign policy is strictly Armenia centered, and its domestic policy is human oriented, as we see no alternatives to democracy, which has existential importance for Armenia and Armenian Diaspora, present on all continents. And, indeed, it is exactly what is so special about Armenia.

Photography by Roy Strik.

By H.E. Dr. M. Homayoon AziziAmbassador of Afghanistan in The Netherlands. Permanent representative of Afghanistan to OPCW

Decades after it became a high-profile topic for the national and international dialogue agenda, post-conflict peacebuilding remains a fragile undertaking with mixed results. While there is little doubt that peacebuilding will continue to require international attention, the lessons of the last decades do not add up to a successful record.

Peacebuilding is a Multi-Dimensional Enterprise with Several Pillars: While various actors define these pillars differently, there is consensus that peacebuilding has political, social, economic, security and legal dimensions, each of which requires attention. Distinguishing it from conventional development, peacebuilding is understood to be a highly political project involving the creation of a legitimate political authority that can avoid the resurgence of violence.

Afghanistan and the protracted war the nation is suffering for last four decades is a unique case in which root causes of the problem could be sought beyond its geographical and political borders. One cannot ignore or deny the role of regional and international role players in the historical tragedy and recent development in Afghanistan. Our geopolitical location which could have been a strength, unfortunately, has caused the country to become a playground of potential powers in the region and beyond seeking or protecting their strategic interests and lack of a powerful and legitimate government in the country has made us fail to seek and protect our own interest.

Speaking on behalf of my nation and Government, tragedy is a daily occurrence in our lives. Each week, we lose on average one hundred Afghans, from all walks of life. The scale of violence inflicted on us is dramatic.

A true sense of urgency for peace, on the one hand, requires clarity of strategic focus, reasoned discourse, calmness and deliberation. On the other hand, the daily pain and suffering inflicted upon our people and our institutions, capabilities and capitals, is intense, relentless, and horrific.

Unspeakable crimes are being committed against the Afghan people. What is being practiced against our society and people is best characterized as unrestrained war— there is not a single sphere of our life that has not been attacked. Public streets, hospitals, mosques, universities, places of business, sports centers, schools.

How have Afghans reacted to this tragedy? With despair and hopelessness? No, instead, with powerful conviction and a true sense of urgency to seek an enduring and inclusive peace. Not the formal type of peace that comes from signing a piece of paper, but the material and substantial type of peace that will enable us to address the deep roots of our inherited problems from four decades of conflict.

Let me differentiate between a false sense of urgency and a true sense of urgency. False urgency consists of hurried actions without direction, often organized around political timelines, boxes ticked without coherence—this is a dangerous and superficial path to shallow and short-term peace that we must steer clear of.

A true sense of urgency means we are laser-focused on what lasting peace requires. True urgency allows us to focus on the critical issues, to define and own our problems, and to draw on our past and the experiences of other societies. It requires careful consideration of each aspect of peace-making, but also the courage to consider and take risks and the assumption of responsibility for leading peace efforts.

 Layers for Studying in Peace in Afghanistan:

1. National and subnational actors:

• Taliban and its affiliated groups
• Political parties and figures
• The Afghanistan Government,

2. Regional actors: there are some factors which link the regional actors with the national and subnational actors:

• The concept of power shows, when there is a weakness in a country, so the Strong’s interest will increase toward the weak country.
• Strong stakeholders will compete in weak, fragile and failed states.

3. International actors: looking to have an average perspective, which considering regional and national actors’ interests and consensus.

With the above analyses, there are at least three scenarios for peace of Afghanistan:

The government of Afghanistan is driven by a sense of true urgency for peace in our society. We have had this for years now, and we have already laid some critical groundwork for sustainable peace over the past five years.

We sought a peace agreement in which the Taliban would be included in a democratic and inclusive society, respecting the following tenets:

1. The Constitutional rights and obligations, of all citizens, especially women, are ensured.

2. The Constitution is accepted, or amendments proposed through the constitutional provision.

3. The Afghan National Defense and Security Forces and civil service function according to law.

4. Armed groups with ties to transnational terrorist networks or transnational criminal organizations, or with ties to state/non-state actors, seeking influence in Afghanistan will be excluded from the political process.

The prerequisite for achieving these end goals is state centric – Afghan Led, Afghan owned peace talks process and clearly requires a sovereign and independent Afghanistan. We must not sacrifice sustainable peace to achieve short-term objectives, which would ultimately result in a renewal of old conflicts.

This is unrestrained warfare. Its ever-changing character is driven by four dimensions:

1. Trans-national terrorist networks have targeted us since the hijacking of our country by Al-Qaeda in the 1990s.

2. Transnational criminal organizations are the second drivers of conflict

3. The third dimension is the failure of some neighboring countries – and one in particular – to fulfill all their obligations under UN conventions against terrorism

4. The Afghan Taliban are the fourth driver of conflict.

In such a context as we work together with our regional and international allies in this pursuit of lasting peace, we must not repeat the experience of 1992, where instead of stability and security, we were engulfed in massive conflict resulting in the destruction of our human, social and economic capital. Afghans may not become refugees again.

We should not allow the gains to be lost through lack of focus and hotheadedness. We are determined to have clarity of vision, focused direction, and deliberate action to voice, represent and safeguard the sacrifices of our national defense and security forces and deliver on the hopes and aspirations of our people.

 In any conflict resolution and peace building process, engagement of all parties/stakeholders are imperative to assure their interests are met and the outcome of the process is acceptable for them,

The current peacebuilding efforts in Afghanistan is led under three scenarios,

1. The Qatar Process

2. Moscow Peace Dialogue

3. Iranian Efforts

Given the similar experience of false sense of urgency for peace and reconciliations in the1990s chaotic resulting in destruction of all infrastructures, 5 million refugees and more than 65000 Afghans killed only in Kabul,

We believe that the above three mentioned scenarios are copies of the failed efforts experienced in 1990s, and different involved parties are seeking their own interests and acting in silos for a peace agreement with one side of the game while having no guarantee for ensuring the rights of Afghan women and men and our shared achievements of the last two decades.

The Afghan Government believes that the only solution for the ongoing challenge is a State Led, Afghan owned peacebuilding process while taking account not only the wills of Afghan women and men, but also the interests of all our regional and international partners to ensure a long-lasting peaceful relationship with our partners.

In light this wisdom, we clearly see that the ongoing efforts are not in line with the Afghan Government policy as we have not been party in the negotiations in Qatar and Moscow until now.

I hope and pray that we will be able to deliver on our vision of peace and the program necessary to make sure that it will be a credible and lasting peace.

By H.E.Dr. Heinrich Kreft, Ambassador of Germany to Luxembourg and President of the Diplomatic Council.

“The Jungle Grows Back” is the title of the new book of US political scientist Robert Kagan.

Bob Kagan, a longtime friend, argues that, with the US retreating as an enforcer of order, the world is now returning towards its original natural state.A free interplay of powers with changing alliances in which the strongest dictate the rules. Not at all a rosy prospect!

After all, we Germans in particular, can have no interest in a “jungle growing back in the world order”. But it is true: Nothing can be taken for granted any more in foreign policy. The future is open and it can be shaped. But it also poses unknown risks.

This dichotomy challenges us each and every day.So what is the big issue in 2019? Syria? North Korea? The Middle East? Or the dramatic global refugee situation from the Mediterranean to Venezuela?

If you take a step back, these conflicts reveal a bigger picture and a distinct pattern. It becomes clear that we are indeed faced with a crisis – the crisis of multilateralism. And this crisis makes conflicts around the world appear irresolvable.

When I say they “appear” irresolvable, this reflects the faith we Germans have in multilateralism. Germany’s postwar success story is also multilateralism’s success story. Europe, which was scarred by war and destruction, was able to integrate in freedom, security and prosperity thanks to our European neighbors’ courage in seeking reconciliation.

The United States also played a crucial role in Europe’s reconstruction.

The fact that it was this Europe that was able to become the United Nations’ closest partner is a triumph of multilateralism. We believe in the United Nations because international cooperation changed our own fate for the better.

Europe has proved to the world that multilateralism and sovereignty are not a contradiction in terms. On the contrary, in a world faced with immense global problems, we can only safeguard sovereignty if we work together! The three words, “we the peoples”, express both our goal and how we will achieve it.

That’s why the founders of the United Nations put these words at the start of the Charter. They wanted to spell out that we need to work together to find solutions. The UN-Charter’s promises are addressed to the people, who are told that their freedom and dignity will be defended at the United Nations in New York.

But does a boy in Idlib or Sanaa who lives in constant fear of the next air strike feel this? How does a girl in Africa feel when her life expectancy at birth is 30 years lower than in Germany? If we do not act on their behalf, “we the peoples” will simply be hollow words for them.

Kofi Annan once said: “We don’t need any more promises. We need to start keeping the promises we already made.” Since  Germany joined the Security Council as a non-permanent member a few weeks’ ago, this is our vision that motivates us.

The crisis of multilateralism is most painfully evident in Syria. The civil war has long since turned into a widespread regional conflict, with further potential for escalation in an already ravaged region. This sort of war cannot be resolved by military means, as the regional players are too deeply involved and the individual stakes are too high. With united diplomatic efforts, we did, however, manage to prevent escalation in Idlib. But ultimately, and at long last, we need a political process. To this end, the talks must be held under the auspices of the United Nations.

The conflict in Ukraine will also continue to occupy us. Along with France, Russia and Ukraine, we are working hard to implement the Minsk agreements. The focus is on the measures agreed a long time ago with a view to stabilizing the ceasefire. All efforts, including our discussion on a possible UN mission in eastern Ukraine, are aimed at achieving that.

Let us not forget that acute crisis management is at best a step towards peace. Lasting peace can only be achieved if we put a stop to the arms race.

This is not some sort of nostalgic rhetoric from the days of the Cold War, whose balance of terror seems utterly benign compared with the scenario of a “multipolar” arms race, with far more unpredictable players.Germany and the European Union stand by the Paris Climate Agreement. Moreover, we want to ensure that the Security Council makes the devastating effects that climate change can have on the security and stability of entire countries and regions an even greater priority.

A couple of weeks ago, I hosted a lunch in Luxembourg with Prof. Schellnhuber and the Luxembourg  Ministers of the Environment and Energy. Schellnhuber is what some call Germany`s  Climate pope. He is an advisor to Angela Merkel, the EU Commission and the UN. He has been warning of the consequences of global warming for decades.

Kofi Annan once said: “We will not enjoy development without security, or security without development. We will not enjoy either without universal respect for human rights.” Seventy years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, its proclamation of dignity and personal freedom remains merely a distant promise for many.

Earlier, I spoke about how we Germans in particular have faith when it comes to multilateralism. This faith is also based on the fact that the United Nations, time and again and despite all disagreements, delivers proof of what we can achieve through joint efforts. I am thinking of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which remains our guiding principle for making this a better world for all people.

We must resist the return of the jungle in international relations to the best of our ability. We have to overcome our problems in Europe. It will not be easy. There are many. From Brexit to the rise of anti-European populists. We need to build a stronger and more united Europe.

A united Europe is our answer to “America First, China First, Russia First, Everybody First.

A democratic and united Europa is our answer to growing nationalism and trade wars and the undermining of the rules –based international order which has served us so well in the past.

Allow me to end with appealing to all of you who are EU citizens and will be able to vote at the European Elections the end of May

Go voting and vote for a pro-European party!