By Mr. Jalal Mirzayev, Charge d’affaries of the Republic of Azerbaijan to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.2018 is a significant year in the history of Azerbaijani people, as it marks the 100th year anniversary of the establishment of Azerbaijani statehood – Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR). A series of the events all over the world are being held to commemorate the memory of this short-lived, but glorious statehood.
ADR was proclaimed on May 28, 1918 with the adoption of the Declaration of Independence – the exemplary policy document which committed to the principles of democracy and rule of law. This republic was proclaimedin the midst of the turbulent and complex geo-political situation in the South Caucasus region.
Despite the difficulty of the times surrounding its establishment, ADR succeeded in combining western democratic, liberal principles and ideals with eastern cultural values. It was a secular and independent state which granted equal political, social and economic rights to its citizens regardless of their origin, class or gender. ADR was also the first republic in the Islamic world granting equal suffrage to women, way ahead of many modern democracies in the world.
In a short period, ADR managed to unify whole Azerbaijan under one leadership, proclaimed first Ganja, then Baku as the capital of the country and established strong and dedicated Azerbaijani army. The territory of ADR at the time was 114 square kilometres with a population of 3.3 million people.
The national flag of Azerbaijan was adopted during the ADR period, to which the current republic is still adhering. Our flag consists of a white crescent and white eight-pointed star in a tricolour. The colours representthe ideals of the ADR founders: blue – represents having Turkic origin, red – represents modernism and green – adherence to Islamic values.
The first Parliament of Azerbaijan was established in 1918 and it was a forum where representatives of all religious and ethnic groups could freely and equally voice their opinions. The parliament, backed up by a cabinet comprised of bright, young and brilliant minds, carried out a number of exemplary and far-reaching reforms. For instance, among economic reforms, Baku – Batum oil pipeline was restored, the construction of the Baku – Julfa railway was continued, the Azerbaijan State Bank was created, currency banknotes were issued and measures were taken to develop Caspian Shipping Company and etc.
One of the major social reforms was the abolishment of censorship on press. Moreover, ADR accorded due attention to the significance of the education of young generation. During these years, the parliament passed a bill authorizing the government to allocate scholarship to youth for their study abroad. Baku State University was also opened at this time.
Successful foreign policy was one of the key accomplishments of the government. Young ADR paid due importance to establishing diplomatic relations with the world. Representative offices of the UK, Greece, Belgium, Denmark, Italy, Lithuania, Poland, Iran, USA, Ukraine, Finland, Sweden, Italy and Switzerland operated in Azerbaijan. The parliament adopted a law on the establishment of diplomatic missions in a number of countries. A delegation consisting of bright Azerbaijani public officials and diplomats were sent to Paris Peace Conference which succeeded in de-facto recognition of ADR by the participants of the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. In fact, members of ADR delegation to Paris Peace Conference made a lasting impression on President Wilson, who later cited:“I was talking to men who talked the same language that I did in respect of ideas, in respect of conceptions of liberty, in respect of conceptions of right and justice”.
Military intervention resulted in the termination of ADRin 1920 and end of a bright chapter in Azerbaijani chronicles. The Soviet rule lasted for 70 years until in 1991 when Azerbaijan proclaimed its independence again.
Despite its short existence, ADR has become one of the most honourable and glorious periods of Azerbaijani history. Azerbaijani people still remember and honour this period with utmost respect.
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Picture by the Embassy of Azerbaijan.
By Poppy S. Winanti and Rizky Alif Alfian.
The United Nations has declared Sept. 12 the International Day for South-South Cooperation. This year’s celebration marks the 40th anniversary of the adoption of the Buenos Aires Plan of Action for technical cooperation among developing countries. The adoption of this action plan highlights the importance of cooperation and solidarity among countries of the South.
South-South Cooperation (SSC) in international development initially was shaped by the “global South” countries’ shared experience of colonialism, underdevelopment and oppression. Helping each other has been perceived as a way to convey solidarity among the countries in question and to alter asymmetrical relations dominated by the global North. Recent development shows a new direction of SSC that is not only driven by the aspect of solidarity but has become more pragmatic and strategic for emerging southern powers.
Through the SSC initiatives, southern donors desire to improve their regional and global reputation, to garner support from other South countries in international forums and to pursue their own broader economic agenda.
As a pioneer of South-South solidarity in 1950s that has delivered overseas aid since 1967, Indonesia is also part of the Southern donors contributing to South-South Cooperation. Hosting the Bandung Conference of 1955, where representatives from 29 governments of Asian and African nations gathered to discuss the role of the developing countries in the Cold War, Indonesia clearly played a crucial role in the emergence of SSC.
Rizky Alif Alfian.
Decades later, in 2018, Indonesia allocated Rp 1 trillion (US$67 million) in endowment funds for its overseas aid activities, according to 2017 data from the Foreign Ministry. This figure has grown significantly from $15.8 million disbursed in 2016.
For comparison, Indonesia spent only $57.4 million for its SSC programs between 2000 and 2015. This shows that SSC plays an increasingly important role in Indonesia’s foreign policy under President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.
As part of its efforts to advance its role in SSC, Indonesia introduced a significant reform of SSC policies in 2010 that restructured overseas aid institutions, aligned SSC with national development and foreign policy goals and increased funding for SSC initiatives. This includes the establishment of a National Coordination Team of South-South and Triangular Cooperation (NCT) involving the National Development Planning Ministry (Bappenas), the Foreign Ministry, the Finance Ministry and the State Secretariat.
Yet, NCT is only the first step for Jakarta in achieving its main objective to strengthen Indonesia’s global new role. To improve coordination and overcome fragmented authority in Indonesia’s SSC policies, the government has begun to develop a single, specialized agency to plan, manage and monitor Indonesia’s SSC. The centralized agency was expected to be established by last year, but consensus among the SSC key stakeholders regarding such coordination is still pending.
Furthermore, questions remain several years after the establishment of the NCT. These include how to deal with domestic resistance despite growing international demand for Indonesia’s new global role; and whose interests should be served to advance Indonesia’s role under the SSC framework? How can programs be effectively carried out while securing domestic support at the same time?
To generate domestic support, it is urgent to design the SSC framework in line with domestic objectives. The ministries stress that SSC is crucial to enhancing Indonesia’s profile, protecting its sovereignty and facilitating access to non-traditional markets.
Indonesia may also utilize its SSC framework in its efforts to cope with the rise of protectionism, as reflected in the United States’ new tendency to focus on domestic issues and with stricter environmental and quality standards, which currently cannot be met by Indonesian producers in its traditional markets.
Improving its role through the SSC framework is an alternative way for Indonesia to expose itself for possible economic cooperation outside other means. Strengthening SSC can also be a way to divert Indonesia’s exports away from its traditional export markets to developing countries.
Domestic support for Indonesia’s global role through the SSC framework can be generated through the engagement of the private sector and civil society, which is still minimal. The government also projects SSC as a platform to facilitate access of Indonesia’s private sector to other developing countries’ markets.
Jakarta needs to focus on what it does best in delivering programs under the SSC framework. Indonesia is regarded quite successful in dealing with some crucial issues faced by many developing countries, including curbing population growth through family planning, managing foreign aid and establishing democratic governance.
“Asia has no alternative but to become truly multilateral, pan-continentally. This is impossible without its champions of multilateralism – India, Indonesia and Japan…“ is a famous claim of professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic, restated in his ‘Indonesia – Pivot to Asia’ lectures. “South-south cooperation – as launched in Bandung 1955 – is an indispensable to this quest to ‘Asian century’” – professor reminds us – “south-south is not a choice but necessity, more survival than a policy option”.
Hence, let us conclude: Indonesia can also provide technical assistance and capacity-building on these critical issues. Indonesia’s rich historio-political and socio-cultural experience in dealing with economic development and democratization are modalities that should be fully exploited in advancing South-South cooperation.
In short, discovering and achieving a consensus among the agencies responsible for the national coordination team of south-south and triangular cooperation can be an entry point in improving Indonesia’s standing in global politics.
About the authors:Poppy S. Winanti is a Senior Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, UniversitasGadjahMada, Indonesia/Jogjakarta.RizkyAlifAlfian is a Researcher at the Institute of International Studies, Department of International Relations, UniversitasGadjahMada, Indonesia/Jogjakarta.Early version of the text appeared in Jakarta Post
H.E. Dr. Homayoon Azizi, Ambassador of Afghanistan.By Sheila Turabaz.
The Ambassador of Afghanistan to the Netherlands, H.E. Dr. Homayoon Azizi and his spouse Mrs. Layqa Azizi hosted a reception on the 3rd of September to celebrate the nation’s 99th Independence Day.
A large banner of the former King Amanullah Khan– who up until this day is remembered for being a social reformer as well as having secured Afghanistan ‘s independence from Britain in 1919 – caught the attention of guests as they entered the lobby of the Hilton Hotel.
The Ambassador of India H.E. Mr. Venu Rajamony, The Ambassador of Iran, H.E. Mr. Alireza Jahangiri, H.E. Mr. I Gusti Agung Wesaka Puja, Ambassador of Indonesia, H.E. Ms. Ngo Thi Hoa, Ambassador of Viet Nam, H.E. Ms. Eksiri Pintaruchi, Ambassador of Thailand, H.E. Mr. Dirk Brengelmann, Ambassador of Germany, H.E. Mr. Ernest Keith Neuhaus, Ambassador of Australia, H.E. Mr. Shujjat Ali Rathore, Ambassador of Pakistan and H.E. Mr. Aldo Cavalli Apostolic Nuncio, attended the celebration.
Ambassadors, representatives of various organizations, Dutch businessmen as well as members of the Afghan diaspora conveyed handwritten congratulatory messages through a guestbook before making their way to the hotel’s ballroom. The colours of the Afghan national flag illuminated the ballroom and stunning images of the country’s culture and scenery were displayed on a large screen.
Independence Day is officially celebrated on the 19th of August. On this day, the Afghan people commemorate the signing of the Anglo-Afghan (peace) Treaty, through which Afghanistan was granted independence from Britain after having fought three wars. Although Afghanistan was never officially part of the British Empire, the British had control over certain territories as well as Afghanistan’s foreign policy.
The evening commenced by playing the Afghan national anthem (“Surud-e-Milli”), followed by the Dutch national anthem, (the “Wilhelmus”). A chronological timeline of the country’s recent history was shown before the Ambassador delivered his opening remarks. During his speech Dr. Azizi reaffirmed the warm relations between Afghanistan and the Netherlands and praised the diaspora for their active engagement in rebuilding the country.
Mr. Peter Potman, Director of the Asia and Oceania Department at the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Peter Potman, Director of the Asia and Oceania Department at the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs was invited by the Ambassador to share a few words about the Dutch-Afghan relations. In his speech, Mr. Potman mentioned the Netherlands’ contribution to Afghanistan “on its journey to stability, democracy, and reconstruction” through development aid as well as participating in the NATO-mission Resolute Support, training the Afghan military forces in Mazar e- Sharif.
Another prime example of Dutch-Afghan cooperation that he mentioned is the Hazardous Area Life-support Organization (“HALO”) Trust Fund – a non-profit organization aimed towards removing debris left behind by war (particularly land mines)—, which was “… able to demine an area the size of 70% of the Netherlands”. Which, according to Mr. Potman, “is a significant step towards security for the local Afghan community”.The Honorary Consul of Afghanistan, Mr. Ehsan Turabaz, Ms. Sheila Turabaz from Diplomat Magazine and Ambassador Azizi.
The guests were offered a delicious array of food originating from Afghan national cuisine, such as the flagship dish “Kabuli palao”, consisting of slow-cooked lamb and seasoned rice with raisins and carrots, “kofta” (lamb meatballs) and “korma” (an Afghan seasoned stew).
The Ambassador of Serbia, H.E. Mr. Petar Vico tasting samples of Afghan national cuisine.
Conversations in multiple languages (Farsi, Dutch, English and Pashto) could be heard all evening while traditional Afghan music filled the atmosphere.
The Embassy of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in the Netherlands
in deep sorrow has the duty to inform that the Former Party General Secretary of the Central Committee, the
Communist Party of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, H.E. Mr. Do Muoi
passed away on the 1st October 2018.
He was former General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Việt Nam; former Chairman of the Council of Ministers (now Prime Minister) of the Socialist Republic of Việt Nam; former Adviser of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Việt Nam.
A Book of Condolence will be opened at the Embassy of the Socialist
Republic of Vietnam, Javastraat 1, 2585AA, The Hague on Friday and
Saturday (the 5th and 6th October 2018) from 10.00 to 12.00 hours
(morning) and from 14.00 to 16.30 hours (afternoon).
About H.E. Mr. Do Muoi:
He joined revolutionary activities in 1936 and became a Party member in June 1939.
In 1936, he took part in the Popular Front movement.
In 1937, he joined the friendship organisation of Hòn Gai miners.
In 1938, he returned to his hometown, joined the trade union and campaigned for the Soviet Union support movement. He was admitted to the Indochinese Communist Party (now the Communist Party of Việt Nam) in June 1939.
In 1941, he was arrested and sentenced to 10 years in jail. He served his sentence at Hà Đông and Hoả Lò Prisons in Hà Nội.
In 1945, Japan staged a coup d’etat, he escaped from the prison and continued his revolutionary activities. He participated in the provincial Hà Đông Party Committee’s Uprising Board, overseeing revolutionary campaigns in Ứng Hoà and Mỹ Đức districts and leading the uprising to seize power in the province.
After the August Revolution in 1945, he became Secretary of the Party Committee of Hà Đông Province.
In early 1946, he served as Secretary of the Party Committee of Hà Nam Province. In late 1946, he became Secretary of the provincial Party Committee and Chairman of the Administration and Resistance Committee of Nam Định Province.
From 1947 to 1949, he was a member of the regional Party Committee of the Joint Zone III, and served as Secretary of the Party Committee of Ninh Bình Province and Secretary of the Party Committee of Hoà Bình Province.
In 1950, he became Deputy Secretary of the regional Party Committee of the Joint Zone, Vice Chairman of the Administration and Resistance Committee, Political Commissar and Commander of the Joint Zone III.
From 1951 to 1954, he worked as Secretary of the regional Party Committee, Chairman of the Administration and Resistance Committee, and Political Commissar of the High Command of the Red River’s Left Bank Region.
In 1955, he became Secretary of the Party Committee and Chairman of the Administration and Resistance Committee of Hải Phòng City. In March 1955, he was elected as alternate member of the Party Central Committee.
In 1956, he was Deputy Minister of Trade.
In 1958, he became Minister of Domestic Trade.
At the 3rd National Party Congress in September 1960, he was elected as member of the Party Central Committee; serving as Minister of Domestic Trade.
From 1967 to 1968, he worked as Chairman of the State Pricing Committee, Head of the Government’s inspection delegation.
From 1969 to 1973, he became Deputy Prime Minister and Head of the State Committee for Capital Construction. In 1973, he worked as Deputy Prime Minister cum Minister of Construction and vice chairman of the central council for front support and anti-blockage of Hải Phòng port.
At the 4th National Party Congress in December 1976, comrade Đỗ Mười was re-elected as a member of the Party Central Committee, and became an alternate member of the Political Bureau, and worked as Deputy Prime Minister in charge of capital construction, industry and materials, industrial and commercial reform, and distribution.
At the 5th National Party Congress in March 1982, he was re-elected as a member of the Party Central Committee; elected as a member of the Political Bureau; served as Deputy Prime Minister in charge of capital construction, industry and materials.
At the 6th National Party Congress in December 1986, he was re-elected as a member of the Party Central Committee and the Political Bureau; assigned to work as permanent member of the Party Central Committee’s Secretariat.
In June 1988, the National Assembly elected comrade Đỗ Mười as Chairman of the Council of Ministers (now Prime Minister).
At the 7th National Party Congress in June 1991, he was re-elected as a member of the Party Central Committee and the Political Bureau, and held the position of General Secretary of the Party Central Committee and Secretary of the Central Military Party Committee.
At the 8th National Party Congress in June 1996, he continued to be re-elected as member of the Party Central Committee and the Political Bureau, and held the position of General Secretary of the Party Central Committee and Secretary of the Central Military Party Committee.
In December 1997, at the 4th meeting of the 8th Party Central Committee, he resigned from the position of a member of the Party Central Committee and General Secretary of the Party Central Committee. Comrade Đỗ Mười then acted as Adviser of the Party Central Committee until 2000.
Comrade Đỗ Mười was an alternate member of the 2nd Party Central Committee; member of the Party Central Committee of the 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th tenures; alternate Politburo member of the 4th Party Central Committee; Politburo member of the Party Central Committee of the 5th, 6th, 7th and 8th tenures; Permanent member of the 6th Party Central Committee’s Secretariat; Chairman of the Council of Ministers (now Prime Minister) from June 1988 to June 1991; General Secretary of the Communist Party of Việt Nam Central Committee from June 1991 to December 1997; Adviser of the Party Central Committee from 1997 to 2000; and Deputy to the National Assembly of the 2nd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th tenures.
In recognition of his great contributions to the revolutionary cause of the Party and the nation, he was presented with a Gold Star Order, an insignia of 80-year Party membership, and many other noble orders and medals of Việt Nam and other countries.
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Photography by Pool AP Photo
MICHIEL VAN ERP MAKES HIS MAIN STAGE THEATRE DEBUT WITH THE WOOD AT INTERNATIONAAL THEATER AMSTERDAM
The filmmaker laureate. That is how Michiel van Erp, known from e.g. the award-winning series Ramses, was described in 2016, the year he had been active as a creator of documentaries for 25 years. Now he is directing The wood by Jeroen Brouwers for ITA. Van Erp: ‘The wood is about the mechanisms behind the collective concealment of abuse. And about the dilemmas that individuals face when they want to do something about it, and about the courage that is required to step forward.’ The performance – with Aus Greidanus jr., Gijs Scholten van Aschat, Maria Kraakman, Thomas Cammaert, Achraf Koutet et al. – will have its world premiere on 4 November. The book was adapted for the stage by Jibbe Willems.
As a child, Jeroen Brouwers spends time in a Japanese POW camp in Indonesia. After the war, he is sent to boarding school in the Netherlands. It’s a prison camp and a concentration camp rolled into one. Many years later, he writes about these experiences in his award-winning novel The wood. Brouwers dips his pen in poison as he portrays a Roman Catholic monastery and boarding school for boys, in which a completely perverted community of males goes about its business with impunity. In 2015, he receives the award for the best literary Dutch-language book for it, the ECI Literatuurprijs.
Brouwers: ‘What caused these people to stay and remain silent? That was the challenge for me: making it credible that Bonaventura is unable to leave, unable to speak.‘ Van Erp: ‘For me, the boys’ boarding school where the story of The wood takes place represents many more closed communities. We live in a world where revelations about power abuse and sexual intimidation are a daily phenomenon. The wood is about the mechanisms behind the collective concealment of abuse. And about the dilemmas that individuals face when they want to do something about it, and about the courage that is required to step forward. And that love wins in the end. The wood is also an ode to the authorship of Jeroen Brouwers. In the theatre adaptation by Jibbe Willems, his language has been preserved. Brouwers’ words fire through the church like bullets.’
The Hague launching Gandhi@150 celebrations in the Netherlands
Special commemorative stamps marking the 150th birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi issued by the Indian Postal Department were presented by Ambassador of India to the Netherlands, H.E. Mr. Venu Rajamony to former Foreign Minister and Chairman of Carnegie Foundation, Dr. Bernard R. Bot and Director General Erik de Baedts at a function this morning in front of the iconic Peace Palace of The Hague, home to the International Court of Justice and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. A large gathering of members of the Indian diaspora and friends of India participated in the function.
Ambassador Venu Rajamony, members of the Indian community, friends of India also participated in a function at the Gandhi statue in The Hague. Ambassador Venu Rajamony garlanded the statue and members of the gathering placed flowers at the feet of the statue as a mark of respect amidst speeches, singing of favourite songs of Mahatma Gandhi. Similar functions to mark Gandhi@150 are also to be held at the location of Gandhi statues in the cities of Amsterdam, Utrecht and Zoetermeer.
An outreach programme called “Follow the Mahatma” is being conducted by the Embassy of India between October 1-5, 2018 under which over 100 volunteers fan out to around 20 schools of the Netherlands to spread the message of non-violence and educate students about life of Mahatma Gandhi. Books on Mahatma Gandhi are being presented to the schools. Ambassador Venu Rajamony visited the Indonesian school in The Hague as part of the program and spoke to students about the life and relevance of Mahatma Gandhi.
A social media campaign with the hashtag #FollowTheMahatma is also being conducted inviting people to post messages reiterating their commitment to the principle of non-violence.
Sunday, 9-14 September 2018, PRC: Premier of Brandenburg, Dietmar Woidke was in the PRC leading a political, trade and scientific delegation in Beijing as well as the partner province of Hebei. The latter partnership was signed up during Premier Woidke’s first visit to the PRC in 2015.
On Tuesday, 4 September, Premier Woidke and his delegation travelled to Hebei, or more accurately to the province’s capital Shijiazhuang and the cities of Tangshan and Zhang-jiakou. There are ca. 300 companies from Brandenburg either already active, or planning to be active in Brandenburg.
Brandenburg Invest and the China Federation of Industrial Economics and their daughter company Cniecloud Data on their part signed a memorandum of understanding to engage more German companies hailing from Brandenburg in the Chinese “Belt & Road Initiative”, the new Silk Road. Currently there are 120 firms involved therein.
Premier Woidke and his political delegations moreover held meetings with the German foundations active in Chinese civil society, and in particular talked with them about the Chinese way in new industries.
Another important call for Premier Woidke was a meeting with the organisers of the Olympic Games 2022 to be held at Beijing. A few competitions will be also hosted in Zhangjiakou, Hebei, the partner province of Brandenburg.
The Hague, 3 October 2018- The Registrar of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (Mechanism), Mr. Olufemi Elias, will be on an official visit to Zagreb, the Republic of Croatia, from 3 to 4 October 2018.
As part of the visit, Registrar Elias will meet with the Croatian Minister of Justice, Mr. Dražen Bošnjaković, to discuss the ongoing cooperation between the Mechanism and the Croatian authorities, as well as the possible establishment of an information centre on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in Zagreb.
Registrar Elias will also meet with the President of the Supreme Court of Croatia, Judge Đuro Sessa, as well as other officials of the court, to discuss a range of issues, including the Mechanism’s provision of assistance to national authorities in dealing with war crimes cases.
During his visit in Zagreb, the Registrar will hold a briefing for the diplomatic community based in Croatia, to inform them about the Mechanism’s mandate, priorities and ongoing work.
Registrar Elias will also meet representatives of civil society active in the field of transitional justice, to discuss their ongoing activities in relation to the Mechanism’s work and the legacy of the ICTY, as well as potential areas for further cooperation.
This is Mr. Elias’ second visit of a series of planned visits to the former Yugoslavia since he took up duty as Registrar of the Mechanism in January 2017. He visited Bosnia and Herzegovina in July this year, while a visit to the Republic of Serbia is planned in the coming months.
By Guido Lanfranchi.On October 2nd, 2018, the U.S. Permanent Representative to NATO, Ambassador Kay Bailey Hutchison, briefed the press ahead of the NATO Defense Ministerial of October 3rd and 4th. The Ambassador outlined some of the forthcoming key points of discussion and highlighted the role of the U.S. as a leader in the Alliance.
Less than three months after the last NATO Summit of July 2018, NATO Defense Ministers are scheduled to meet in Brussels on October 3rd and 4th, in order to discuss the implementation of the July Summit Declaration. Ahead of this meeting, Ambassador Kay Bailey Hutchison, U.S. Permanent Representative to NATO, outlined in a press briefing the main points that will be on the table during the upcoming Ministerial. Starting from the July declaration, which focuses especially on deterring Russia and countering terrorism, the Ministerial is now set to kick off the implementation phase.
One of the focus of the meeting will be on NATO capabilities. Currently – Ms. Hutchison explained – NATO has adopted that goal of the “Four 30s,” that is, 30 battalions, 30 air squadrons, and 30 ships available for deployment in maximum 30 days. Moreover, the Ambassador welcomed the reform of NATO command structure, the establishment of two new headquarters in the U.S. and Germany, as well as the Alliance’s commitments in terms of hybrid threats and cyber operations.
In the upcoming meeting, the Ministers will also discuss the much debated target of 2% of national GDP in defense investment. Ambassador Hutchison welcomed the progress made by many countries, stressing that although the target is still not reached, the overall trends are positive. She stressed that although effectiveness of spending is hard to measure, NATO capabilities in terms of military equipment and interoperability show that defense investments yield their results.
Moreover, the Ambassador added that the Ministers will discuss NATO nuclear deterrence capabilities, as well as the cooperation between NATO and Georgia, a country that enjoys the full support of the Alliance.
The last main focus of the Ministerial will be the fight against terrorism. Ambassador Hutchison praised the work of the Alliance in support of the local security forces in Afghanistan, where the alliance is committed until 2024. Moreover, she also gave an update on the upcoming mission in Iraq, which will be led by Canada and will be tasked with training and advising Iraqi security forces. This mission, which will be deployed in close coordination with the Iraqi government, is set to stabilize the areas reconquered from ISIS and prevent a potential future fallout.
Questions from the press focused on a wide range of issues. Many focused on the situation of Eastern European countries, such as Romania, Bulgaria, and Ukraine. Ambassador Hutchison repeatedly stressed that NATO is well aware of the threats arising from the Russian presence in the region, and noted that both NATO and the U.S. are fully committed to support NATO members and partners vis-à-vis Russia.
Concerning the case of Turkey, the Ambassador stressed that while there are bilateral differences between the U.S. and Turkey, the latter remains a very valuable partner to NATO, and military high-level ties are still strong. As for the assessment of the relationship between the U.S. and its European partners, Ms. Hutchison stressed that the overall status of the bond is good, and especially so in the security field. Even on Iran, while the two parties disagree on the issue of the Iran Nuclear Deal, they still have a shared view on Iran’s malign activities in the region at large – the Ambassador explained.
Finally, Ms. Hutchison welcomed the result of the referendum held in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, expressing her hopes that the government and the parliament will be able to move ahead with the political follow-ups and accompany the country in its accession to NATO.
In her concluding remarks, Ambassador Hutchison stressed the leading role of the U.S. in NATO, as well as the country’s present and future commitment to transatlantic ties. As the world changes and new challenges emerge, she stressed that NATO wants to remain successful in securing “peace throughout the Alliance territory,” while “adapting to the changes that are necessary to secure our future.”
Historic decision of the International Court of Justice, no obligation to negotiate
The Hague October 2, 2018. The International Court of Justice presented its final judgment on a case filed by the government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia against the Republic of Chile. The case, filed by Bolivia in April 2013, concerned a dispute over the alleged obligation for Chile to negotiate with Bolivia over the latter’s fully sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean.
With a majority of twelve votes out of fifteen, the International Court of Justice found that Chile did not have any legal obligation to negotiate a sovereign access to the sea for Bolivia. ICJ President Yusuf, Vice-President Xue, as well as judges Tomka, Abraham, Bennouna, Cancado Trindade, Donoghue, Gaja, Sebutinde, Bhandari, Gevorgian, and McRae voted in favour of the Court’s resolution, while judges Robinson, Salam, and Daudet voted against.
Many Ambassadors, notably from Latin American countries, attended the deliberations at the Great Salon of the Peace Palace. The President of Bolivia, Mr. Evo Morales, and delegations from both the countries involved also attended the lecture by the jury’s president. International media were present to cover the event, while a group of Bolivians, dressed in national costumes and accompanied by traditional music, staged a peaceful demonstration in front of the Palace.
Back in 1825, Bolivia enjoyed a coastline along the Pacific Ocean stretching south of the Loa river. The1866 Treaty of Territorial Limits and the 1874 Treaty of Limits configurated a settlement reached by both States. The War of the Pacific (1879-1884) confronting Chile with Bolivia and Peru, overhauled the region’s dynamics and borders, and resulted in Bolivia’s loss of control over its Pacific coast, occupied by Chile after it claimed that Bolivia had breached the 1874 Treaty.
Since then, the two countries signed a series of treaties, which not always entered into force, due to lack of approval from the two countries’ Congresses. By means of continuous efforts, Chile and Bolivia finally managed to officially sign the peace in 1904, through the Treaty of Peace and Friendship, after ending the war in 1884, by the Truce Treaty. The Treaty of 1904, recognized “absolutely and in perpetuity” Chile’s sovereignty over the occupied territories, including Bolivia’s former coastal area. In exchange, the Treaty recognized to Bolivia “the amplest and freest right of commercial transit” through Chilean ports and the “rights to establish custom agencies in the ports” to facilitate its commerce. Chile also built at its own expenses a railroad between the port of Arica and the Bolivian capital La Paz.
Since the 1920, the League of Nations became the arena of a series of exchanges on Bolivia’s access to the sea, including requests to revise the 1904 Peace Treaty. Major efforts also came from US Secretary of State Mr. Frank Kellog, who proposed that Chile and Peru would cede the Tacna and Arica provinces to Bolivia. While Bolivia accepted the proposal, Chile and Peru refused to relinquish these portions of national territory.
The issue of Tacna and Arica was later solved bilaterally in the Treaty of Lima. According to such Treaty, Peru would enjoy sovereignty over Tacna and Chile over Arica. Moreover, the two countries agreed not to cede power to any third country or build any international railway without the other’s consent.
New discussions emerged in the late 1940s, and in 1950 Chilean President Mr. Gabriel Gonzalez Videla accepted to engage in negotiations. However, no major progress were made, and in the 1950s the exchanges between the parties focused mostly on the implementation of Bolivia’s access to the ocean. After a row over the use of waters of the River Lauca, in 1962 Bolivia severed diplomatic relations with Chile, and Chile halted all discussions involving territorial concessions.
In the 1970s the dialogue opened once again, with the so-called Charaña process. New negotiations were also launched in 1986, but ended with Chile’s refusal of two Bolivian proposals for access to the Pacific. Since the 1990’s the parties resumed conversations aimed to consider means to improve mutual trust and seed formulas such as the creation of a special economic zone for Bolivia or others to export gas through Chile with enhanced coastal facilities. However, Bolivia did not accept to continue considering these proposals.
Exchanges between the two parties continued throughout the 2000s, this time focusing on the creation of a Bolivian enclave on the Chilean coast. However, the President of Chile set three clear conditions for any agreement: compliance with the 1904 Peace Treaty, absence of sovereignty transfer, and abandonment of Bolivia’s right to access to the Pacific as enshrined in the country’s Constitution. Once more, the discussions ended due to the divergent positions.
This is the backdrop against which in 2013 Bolivia filed its case to the ICJ, arguing that Chile should be obliged to negotiate an agreement to solve the issue. Indeed, while states are usually free to engage in negotiations, there are cases in which, on account of previous agreements, international law can require states to enter into negotiations over a dispute.
After a careful analysis of the case and an evaluation of the long history of exchanges between the two countries, the International Court of Justice ruled that in this situation “the Republic of Chile did not undertake a legal obligation to negotiate” with Bolivia over the country’s sovereign access to the Ocean. The Court also noted that its decision did not restrain the two countries from continuing their dialogue, exchanges, and negotiations, in order to address issues of mutual interest. Both countries were represented by highly respected agents and co-agents and the atmosphere of good neighbourliness is expected to prevail after 1 October.
After such declarations, the delegations started to quietly leave the Great Salon of the Peace Palace.