The Minister of Defence of Japan, Mr. Itsunori Onodera and OPCW  Director General, H.E. Fernando Arias GonzÔlez.
The Hague, Netherlands ā 4 September 2018 ā The Director-General of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), H.E. Ambassador Fernando Arias, and the Minister of Defence of Japan, Mr Itsunori Onodera, met today at the OPCW Headquarters in The Hague.
The Director-General briefed the Defence Minister on the progress of the implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention, OPCWās continuing activities in Syria, as well as current and future priorities and challenges of the Organisation such as achieving universality of the Convention, upgrading the OPCW Laboratory, and intensifying international cooperation and assistance.
The Director-General commended Japanās active role in global chemical disarmament including the steady progress in destroying chemical weapons abandoned by Japan on the territory of China. He also expressed appreciation for Japanās generous contributions to the OPCWās Syria Trust Fund and a range of other activities.
Ambassador Arias stated, āI look forward to working with Japan and other OPCW Member States to fulfil the Chemical Weapons Conventionās ultimate goal of a world permanently free of chemical weaponsā.
Minister Onodera recognised the importance of the OPCWās activities for a world both free of chemical weapons and of the threat of their use, and also expressed his intention to actively cooperate with OPCW including reinforcement of its capabilities.
The Defence Minister was accompanied by Japanās Permanent Representative to the OPCW, H.E. Mr Hiroshi Inomata, and other members of the delegation.
The Embassy of Republic of Rwanda in The Hague participated in Embassy Festival on 1 September that took place in The Hague in the Netherlands.
H. E. Mr. Laurence Lenayapa, Ambassador of Kenya, Ambassador Karabaranga and H.E. Andrea Gustovic-Eregovac, Ambassador of Croatia.
The cultural world trip that this festival offered fits in seamlessly with the international City of The Hague.
One out of three inhabitants have roots abroad, making it the city that brings the world together. The Hague is also the embassy city of the Netherlands.
The Embassy Festival showcased the cultural richness of around 60 countries at the Lange Voorhout.
The result of this was a colourful festival program with lots of dance and music: the universal language that ties us all together and the Rwandan Embassy once again put up a special programme for its visitors, including traditional dances and traditional handicrafts were on display.
For the second time Rwanda had found its way to the Embassy Festival. On the stage of the Creative Arena, the cultural program included traditional Rwandan dance performances.
Furthermore, the Rwanda Pavilion was centrally located on the International Market where H.E. Mr. Jean Pierre Karabaranga and his team provided a crowd of visitors with up to date information about the various tourism and business & investment opportunities in Rwanda.
Throughout the day Rwandan specialty Rwanda specialty coffee specialist Brewanda served coffee and people enjoyed the Rwandan Coffee Brownies from the Rose & Vanilla Bakery.
For more information about the festival, please visit: www.embassyfestival.com
Photos enclosed. High resolution photos can be downloaded from the Flickr photo album:
https://www.flickr.com/photos/rwanda-embassy-nl/albums/72157700574667274
The argument about war and justice is still a political and moral issue.
Decisionmakers and victims alike have to examine the moral issues of warfare and at the same time, with the growing awareness of religion, pay attention to the status of religion on the subject of forgiveness in international relations.
The questions that arise are: what is the role of forgiveness and religion in international relations? And, how can we deal with tough issues in international relations through forgiveness?
In todayās world it is more and more clear that war and peace do not present a simple dichotomy.
Countries do not say to each other āI forgive youā. In international politics asking for forgiveness is not something that happens spontaneously, but is a rational decision that comes after a long process and sometimes an emotional motive drives the request for forgiveness as well as political pragmatism. More than anything else, forgiveness is a conscious choice. In politics it is never about forgetting but about remembering in a certain way.
This is also the significance of image. A country that has committed a moral wrong in the past would ask for forgiveness because it wants to show its citizens and the world a different image and therefore will also engage in the ethics of forgiveness. Forgiveness has hardly been a traditional value in world affairs, as there is a kind of resistance in linking politics with forgiveness.
Forgiveness as a political strategy has rarely appeared, until lately, on the diplomatic scene. The concept is foreign to most secular philosophies, not only because forgiveness is mostly consigned to personal matters, but also because of our geopolitical times.
Letās make it clear, forgiveness cannot be imposed, it is a process as justice plays a large role in the political forgiveness process for there is no real justice without forgiveness. Public confessions of wrongdoing and the request for forgiveness have been rare in modern history. But, at the same time, never before has there been an era of public contrition for mistakes and atrocities of the 20th century.
The Pope has declared that the Holocaust was an āindelible stainā on the 20th century. The fact that his statement was delivered in Israel shows how remorse can be a function of politics. Forgiveness has a marked effect and can open doors to remarkable instances of reconciliation and has the potential of being enormously influential in international relations of the 21st century. In several of the worldās centre-stage conflicts, forgiveness has made an entrance, helping repair broken relationships in fractious societies.
Many conflicts of the past decade are rooted less in the intangible thing of religion, ethnicity and group identity.
Forgiveness has a spiritual component and involves acknowledgment, contrition and forgiveness. It cannot be imposed and depends on our acknowledgment of the power and depth of Godās love. This is the aspect which connects us with a higher mind, our spiritual essence of who we truly are. It requires from politicians inner strength, maturity and the willingness to see a situation from a different angle.
They have to be able to develop empathy for their enemies and not invest themselves in dehumanising their enemies.
Forgiveness has to be possible in politics if there is to be any hope of former enemies being able to co-exist as members of the international community. We learn the need to forgive and be forgiven from our experience of living together with others. In forgiveness we affirm our readiness to act anew and to establish new relationships. When we do achieve the goal of being neighbours to people who were once our enemies, then we will see forgiveness in politics in action.
In order to see things from a different angle we have to accept the belief that there is a spiritual basic goodness in each of us and this gives us the ability to love and recognise our connection with humanity.
This inner spiritual touch is the one that makes it possible for us to view the world we live in in a different way. The spiritual will to forgive frees us to do the emotional work of forgiving for it has to do with uniting people through practical politics. The behind-the scenes efforts of religious organisations are aimed at not just reaching agreement but at healing the wounds that are the root of any conflict.
Forms of informal diplomacy had involved religious or spiritually motivated organisations such as the Quakers in Nigeria, the Mennonites in Central America and Catholics in Zimbabwe. The challenges we face in the 21st century are severe and societies will have to undergo changes if we want to be able to face the challenges that lie ahead of us.
Forgiveness is an important factor if we want to achieve a lasting peace. Otherwise, we will hear only the voices of scepticism. The readiness to forgive will create possibilities for truth-telling and the courage to take political responsibility.
āāāā
About the author: Israel Rafalovich, is a journalist now based in Brussels who has 51 years of experience with international in Tel-Aviv, Brussels, Bonn and Washington, DC. He covers the Europe and the European institutions and writes a weekly column on international Relations.Israel Rafalovich, is currently writing a book on the subject of forgiveness in international relations.
By Jan Dop.
Many enterprises work with on-call employees. It is advantageous for employers because they can adapt their business operations to the developments in the market. But there are also benefits for on-call employees: they are free to work more or fewer hours and it can also be a step towards a permanent contract. What kind of contracts are there for on-call employees? What are the rights of on-call employees and which obligations do employers have to meet?
There are three types of on-call contracts, zero-hours contracts, min.-max. contracts, and pre-agreements. However, since the introduction of the chain rule the latter hardly exist anymore and will not be dealt with in this blog.
Zero-hours contracts
A zero-hours contract is an employment contract and therefore there are obligations for both employers and employees. Employers must, for instance, call upon employees when there is work and workers are in principle required to perform work when called upon. In principle, employers are required to continue to pay salary even if there is no work or if no work can be performed due to other reasons at the risk of the employer. In addition, the following requirements apply:
The obligation to continue to pay wages in the event of sickness is only applicable if the on call employee gets sick during the on-call period. If the on-call worker gets sick outside the on-call period, the obligation does not apply.
After three months of having been called upon regularly, the employee can make a ālegal presumption of the scope of workā. This means that a contract of employment exists which is based on the average hours of work performed per month. It is up to the employer to prove the contrary.
Min.-max. contract
In this contract a minimum and maximum number of hours are agreed upon between employer and employee. The minimum hours are also referred to as āguaranteed number of hoursā.
With regard to a min.-max. contract the following requirements apply:
On-call employees have to be paid for the guaranteed number of hours, even if the hours were not worked.
If an on-call worker is not able to perform work due to sickness, the obligation to continue to pay wages during sickness is applicable for at least the guaranteed number of hours.
After three months, the employee can make a ālegal presumption of the scope of workā. This means that a contract of employment exists based on the average hours of work performed per month. It is up to the employer to prove the contrary.
Minimum on-call period
Regarding all on-call contracts, each time the employees are called upon they are entitled to a salary for at least three hours of work. Even if the employees have worked for a period of less than three hours. This requires however that the employment contract does not contain a clear scope of work, or that the scope of work is less than 15 hours per week. Min.-max. contracts are subject to the condition that the guaranteed number of hours is less than 15 hours per week. This may have been deviated from in a collective agreement.
Obligation to continue to pay wages excluded
In principle, the employer is required to continue to pay wages if the employee is unable to perform work due to reasons at the risk of the employer, such as cancellation of an order, technical problems, or if a company is snowed in. In an on-call contract the obligation to continue to pay wages also applies if the employer can provide work but does not make a call upon the employees.
The employer can exclude this obligation to continue to pay wages in the contract. For zero-hours contracts this means, for instance, that the employer is not required to continue to pay wages if there is no more work, regarding min. max. contracts, this means that the guaranteed number of hours donāt have to be paid, only the hours worked have to be paid. The rule that three hours per call have to be paid will remain in effect.
The obligation to continue to pay wages can be excluded for a maximum period of six months, but in collective agreements may be laid down the possibility of extension. This is only possible if the activities are carried out occasionally and not restricted in scope. For instance, if employees are only called upon in peak periods or to substitute employees that are temporarily absent.
Temporary contracts
On-call contracts, in whatever form, are usually temporary contracts. Since the introduction of the Work and Security Act, stricter rules have been applied regarding the probationary period, notice period, chain rule, and non-solicitation clause.
Future
Despite a tightening of the employersā obligations in the Work and Security Act, according to the cabinet, on-call employees are still in a precarious position. The Labour Market in Balance Bill therefore contains a number of measures meant to ensure a strengthening of the position of the on-call worker:
Employees must be called upon at least 4 days in advance by the employer and are not required to be constantly available. In collective agreements, the on-call period may be restricted to 1 day.
On-call employees are entitled to wages if the call is cancelled.
After 12 months, on-call employees must be offered a contract for a fixed number of hours.
Jan DopAbout the author:Jan Dop,Ā LL.M.Ā Jan is Head of our Embassy Desk, that serves Embassies, Consulates, diplomats and expats. He has been a lawyer at Russell since 1995, and became a partner in 2011.Ā Jan Dop assists national and international enterprises in all facets of their day-to-day business operations. He specializes in personnel, real estate and issues involving public authorities.@: jan.dop@russell.nlt: +31 20 301 55 55
By Barend ter Haar.
Two years have passed since the United Kingdom decided to leave the EU, but it remains unclear what that means because the UK tries to have its cake and eat it.
It seems unlikely that on this basis a stable and long-lasting divorce agreement can be build. Nevertheless all political attention is now focussed on reaching agreement, because a no deal exit would be even more damaging. However, there is a third and better option: play for time.
According to Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty the European Council might āin agreement with the Member State concernedā decide to extend the period before final withdrawal. It would be wise to do so to give the UK time to get its act together. As several political and demographic trends work together, this could very well, sooner or later, lead to a reversal of the UK ās decision to leave the EU.
1. First of all, it becomes more obvious, almost every day, that the promised advantages of Brexit are mainly cosmetic, and that all the options have severe drawbacks. The Canada option could work if the UK moved a few thousand miles to the West and became part of North America, but it would jeopardize the Good Friday Agreement. The Norway option does not require a border through Ireland, but would in practice mean that London will lose control in Brussels rather than take it back.
2. Secondly, year after year the evidence is growing that an effective approach of major problems such as climate change, Russian misbehaviour and proliferation of nuclear weapons requires more, not less European cooperation and commitment.
3. The central position that the UK once had in the world is continuously eroding further, inter alia because of the rise of China and India. If the UK wants to have a global impact, it will have to work through the EU.
The proponents of Brexit might ignore those facts, but sooner or later they will be confronted by two related demographic trends.
4. About 70% of the voters with an academic degree voted for Remain and the number of British people with an academic degree is rising quickly.
5. A majority of the voters under 45 voted for remain, as did more than 60% of the voters between 25 and 34 and more than 70% of the voters younger than 25.
All this makes it likely that it is only a question of time before a majority of British voters will want to remain in the EU or get back in. Therefore, instead of rushing into a hasty compromise, the EU and the UK would be well advised to take the necessary time to consider all options, to refrain as much as possible from taking costly measures that prejudge the final out come and give the UK the time to reconsider its position.
By Corneliu Pivariu.
On July 9th, 2018, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan inaugurated his second mandate which marked, at the same time, turning the parliamentary system, in place since almost 100 years, into one where the political power is more concentrated at the presidency level.
The change takes place under the circumstances of the complex developments in the Middle East and particularly in Syria, as well as within the geopolitical global context of great powersā repositioning, of their shifting spheres of influence and the acerbic economic competition for energy sources and markets. We will see how beneficial this context will be for Turkeyās political and economic developments in the coming years.
The developments of the international situation, too, will represent a challenge for the team the president Erdogan has at his disposal and where the loyalty to the president is considered an at least as important factor as it is the competence if not even more important, given the circumstances. Turkish foreign policy should find the best solution between the anti-Western fluctuations and the neo-Ottoman dream of regional hegemony on the one hand, and the need of better relations with the European Union and the United States, on the other hand. These relations are, for the time being, extremely important when the economic growth begun to dwindle and foreign investments are not at the wished for level, something that could have an undesirable impact for the current Turkish leadership at the next local elections in March, 2019.
The situation got more complicated following the hike in inflation and, on August the 1st, the Turkish Lira decreased to under 5Liras for 1US dollar. Moreover, the 10th of AugustĀ President Donald Trumpās announcement on doubling the tariffs for Turkish exports of steel (+50%) and aluminum (+20%), triggered a new devaluation of Turkish Lira by about 25% while a slight recovery was registered lately (Note also the Qatar financial aid for 15 billion $).
Having in mind Turkeyās economic integration in the worldās economy that lead to deepening its dependency on the latter especially as Turkey has no important energy resources and depends on imports, president Erdogan announced, on August the 3rd a 100 days program and appealed to all citizens to āreleaseā the foreign currencies and the gold kept āunder the pillowā and turn their savings into Turkish Liras, an appeal that did not seem to have the expected effects.
On the other hand, Erdogan said that Turkey will not accept being dependent on the West and will change its focus on the Chinese market for loans (including the issuance of Yuan government bonds), without explaining why the Chinese would treat Turkey differently from the European or American lenders. Moreover, president Trumpās decision of increasing the custom duties on steel and aluminum was assessed by the Turkish president as an economic war and addressed a message to his American counterpart: āAt a time when Evil continues to haunt around the world, unilateral actions against Turkey by the USA, our ally of decades, would do nothing but harm the USAās interests and security”. President Erdogan added: “if this current of unilateralism and lack of respect is not reversed, we will have to look for new friends and allies”, and said that president Trump would do well to seriously consider this ābefore it is too late”.
President Trump himself acknowledged that the USA-Turkey relations are not in good shape currently. In all likelihood, he will wait some time in order to adapt and reconsider his position towards this important ally which cannot be circumvented in case of finding a solution in the Middle East and in other geopolitical issues. And now here on this background, the Caspian Sea Treaty, which has been negotiated for decades, was abruptly signed, offering Russia a relevant position in this area. Russia took expediently the opportunity and Serghei Lavrov, the Foreign Affairs Minister, declared that in the near future a four-countries summit (Turkey, Russia, Germany, France) on Syria will take place in Ankara with other countries invited, too, including international organizations (UN, OSCE, etc.). Turkish sources say the summit could take place on 7th of September.
The significances of these developments are complex and indicate that Germany and France could return to more important positions in the Middle East, wishing to invest in the major joint Russia-Turkey projects. It would be possible that a new Middle East emerges where Turkey keeps an unavoidable place.
———————
About the author:Corneliu Pivariu,Ā former first deputy for military intelligence (two stars general) in the Romanian MoD, retired 2003. Member of IISS ā London, alumni of Harvard ā Kennedy School Executive Education and others international organizations. Founder of INGEPO Consulting, and bimonthly Bulletin, Geostrategic Pulseā. Main areas of expertise ā geopolitics, intelligence and security.
——————–
Corneliu Pivariu, Ingepo Consulting / Photographer Ionus Paraschiv
The Hague ā Belgian war correspondent Rudi Vranckx will receive the 2018Carnegie Wateler Peace Prize. The board of the Carnegie Foundation Peace Palace will award Vranckx for his outstanding courage and commitment to reporting from conflict areas, giving people affected by conflict a face and a voice. In addition to his work as a journalist, Vranckx showed exceptional commitment by personally transporting musical instruments to a destroyed music school in the Iraqi city of Mosul.The laureateAs a journalist for the Belgian public broadcaster VRT, Rudi Vranckx (1959) has shown the effect of conflict on daily life with personal reports. The board of the Carnegie Foundation recognizes his courage to travel to the most dangerous conflict areas in the world. He started his career as a war correspondent in 1989 reporting on the uprising against Ceausescu in Romania. Over the past decades he has reported on wars and conflicts around the world, including in the former Yugoslavia, the Middle East and North Africa, to draw attention to suffering and injustice in conflict situations. Vranckx was one of the last European journalists to leave Egypt during the violence of the Arab Spring and he lived through an attack in Syria that killed his French colleague. Apart from showing the world the drama and injustice of conflicts as a journalist, Vranckx has shown exceptional personal engagement with the inhabitants of conflict areas. When he came across a music school in the Iraqi city of Mosul that was deliberately and completely destroyed by IS in 2017, Vranckx started a collection of musical instruments in his home country Belgium. He finally delivered the 120 collected instruments to the music school himself. His documentary about this project, āImagine Mosulā, managed to touch many. Back home, he followed up on the project by raising money for an organisation that provides music lessons to young refugees in Belgium.Carnegie Wateler Peace PrizeThe Carnegie Wateler Peace Prize is awarded every two years to a person or an institution furthering the cause of international peace, ā in whatever way, by word or deed in the form of international action, in literature, or the artsā. The award is named after the Dutch banker Johan Wateler who decided more than 100 years ago – amid the horrors of the First World War – to donate almost his entire capital for peace. Following the example of Alfred Nobel, Wateler drew up a testament for the establishment of a Peace Prize. The Peace Prize was awarded for the first time in 1931. In 2016 the prize was awarded to top Dutch diplomat Sigrid Kaag, who is now the Dutch Minister of Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation. In the years before that the prize was awarded to UN diplomat Lakhdar Brahimi (2014) and War Child (2012).Award CeremonyThe Carnegie Wateler Peace Prize 2018 will be awarded to Rudi Vranckx on Wednesday 26 September 2018 in the Great Hall of Justice of the Peace Palace in The Hague. He will receive the prize from Bernard Bot, Chairman of the Board of the Carnegie Foundation and Former minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. The award consists of 35,000 EUR in prize money. and an official certificate. During the ceremony also the first Youth Carnegie Peace Prize will be awarded. This prize goes to a youth initiative that is committed to a more peaceful world.
By Anton Lutter.
The 17th of August commemorates the proclamation of Indonesiaās independency, and in 1945 signaled the beginning of the fight for freedom against the Dutch. Now 73 years later friendship between the two countries is stronger than ever.
Symbolized by the opening words of the speech of ambassador I Gusti Agung Wesaka Puja, āDear Veterans ā¦ā referring to the veterans who once where the adversaries of the Indonesian freedom fighters. Continuing a tradition started by the late ambassador Junus Effendie Habibie, inviting veterans to the Independence Day flag hosting ceremony at Wassenaar. Clearly a sign of Indonesiaās policy of looking forward in relation towards the Dutch, which is greatly appreciated by the attending veterans enjoying the ceremony on this sunny day.
In his speech Ambassador Puja expressed his thanks to all Indonesians, Indonesian Diaspora, and the people of The Netherlands for their sympathies and attentions to the victims and their families of the recent earthquake which took place on the beautiful island of Lombok (eastern part of Indonesia).
Concerning the relations between The Netherlands and Indonesia, the ambassador mentioned the following: In the economic field, the Netherlands is one of our most important partners in Europe. in 2017, for the first time in the last 5 years, the trade value between our two countries reached USD 5.06 billion, or a growth of 27% compared to 2016. With a continuing growth in January-May 2018, the bilateral trade value increased with 7% compared to the same period in 2017. In the field of investment, The Netherlands, for several years in a row is still the largest benefactor of foreign investment from Europe to Indonesia. Also a positive trend is a growth in the tourism sector, seeing Dutch tourist arrivals to Indonesia in 2017 grown with 5.3% compared with 2016, reaching 205.000 persons.
The Ambassador of Indonesia, HIs Excellency I Gusti Agung Wesaka Puja.
Furthermore, the Indonesian government has accelerated its national development, be it in the form of physical infrastructure development (sea tolls, airports, railways, toll roads) or social infrastructures. The government has been working to create a just and economic equitability for the whole Indonesian people, accelerating the development of Indonesian human resource as the man priority of the national development.
With a population of 260 million, the fourth largest in the world, and third largest democracy Indonesiaās capacity and reputation is respected by the world. This was recognized by the fact that on 8 June 2018, Indonesia was elected as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for 2019-2020. Also the European Commission has lifted the ban on all Indonesian airlines.
Ambassador Puja said: “Indonesia has contributed its views on the importance of promoting Indo-Pacific relations. Indonesiaās concept is to prioritize ASEAN centrality, cooperation, habit of dialog, and respect to the international laws.”
Next to flag hoisting and exclamation of the independence speech from president Sukarno of 17 august 1945, the celebration was a showcase of cultural expressions from the different parts of Indonesia. Ambassador I Gusti Agung Wesaka Puja highlighted this day by performing the so called Tumpeng Ceremony, celebrating the 73rd year of Independence of the Republic Indonesia.
By Dario Poli and Mara Lemanis.āHow would you like your coffee, sir?ā
The words recently spoken by a London waitress to Kennie, our friend of longstanding from South Africa.
āJust black, thank you,ā he replied without a second thought, gazing at his daily newspaper in a London coffee shop.
āSorry sir, you canāt say that hereā.
Kennie looked up, surprised by the words he heard ringing in his ears, their reprimanding tone, delivered to him with a considerable righteousness, distracting him from his interesting read. āI would like a black coffee,ā he replied again, mildly annoyedā¦Once again the waitress addressed him. āSir, you can only ask for coffee without milk, not black coffee.ā
Shocked by this problem of simply ordering a coffee, he demanded to speak to the manager, who dutifully arrived, heard the story, and without further ado, ordered the waitress to deliver Kennie,āa cup of coffee without milkā.
Kennie sipped his coffee without milk (black coffee), pondering the social changes that are taking place in the Western nations, ushering in a new world order of political correctness.
Dario Poli
Then he realised that this very evening, he would be playing his favourite game of chess on a board where each square is coloured black and whiteā¦problems ahead, he wondered?
Looking up, he noticed at the far end of the shop was an ethnic African man, who had just seated himself. Suddenly, a wry smile spreading across his face, Kennie wondered if he would ask for a white coffee, and if he too would be reprimanded by the same waitress?
Or, spotlighting the point, what if this man ordered a black coffee and refused to use the milk word?
Mara Lemanis.
Would he resort to sign language? Stick his finger to his forehead, ask the waitress if she noticed that his head is black, and tell her he wants coffee in the same colour? Since this kind of event has also been reported east of London, in the community of Southend-on-Sea, where the Borough Council is prohibiting requests for black coffee, we noticed a curious feature there:
Among 173 thousand residents only 3 thousand of them are black.
Could implementing this censorship be an attempt to colonize white residentsā minds with milk less images of blacks?
–Could it be a way to still fears by inducing white people to feel that if they never mention the black word, black uprisings will never happen in their midst? Or could this just be an ingenious way to ensure white supremacy?
But whatever may be the motive for the fiat on black coffee, it could easily expand and affect businesses down the street. The photography studio, for instance. Suppose instead of a colour print we wanted a black-and-white photo. Would we be told it was not allowed? Would we only be able to ask for a white-and-non white picture?
But non white can carry the connotation of off-white, beige, or grey, so we might not at all be able to get a plain back-and-white print. And we would have to remember when visiting a haberdashery that ordering an outfit for a black-tie affair would be out of the question. Only a Without Milk Tie, if you please.
Considering the implications from Kennieās account, we then pondered on the direction of our social world and its future, now enmeshed in political correctness that in some cases have become legally instituted. Would it become illegal for black persons to carry placards stating, āBlack is Beautiful,ā in celebration of Nelson Mandelaās birthday, and would people in the Black Lives Matter movement have their posters struck away by an official from the sensitivity patrol?
At once, the great bardās prophetic words effortlessly jumped into our heads.
āWhen we are born we cry that we are come to this great stage of foolsāā¦William Shakespeare