Bringing colors to diplomacy

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
Bringing colors to diplomacy

By Alexandra Paucescu

Margarita Cordova de Velissarouli is the type of person who brings color, warmth and resilience to the world of diplomacy. Born in Peru, her journey began with a passion for art that blossomed into a career. ‘I was just finding my way’, she reflects, remembering the early days in Lima, when she balanced multiple projects: teaching drawing and Latin American art history, illustrating children’s books and restoring colonial artwork.

‘I was also in the first year of a master’s in Cultural Management and Development’, she recalls with a laugh, clearly marveling at her own ambition. But life had other plans. When she met her husband—a Greek diplomat stationed in Santiago at the time—everything shifted. What began as monthly visits between Santiago and Lima evolved into a lifelong commitment. ‘It’s a story that may sound familiar to many diplomatic couples’, she shares, ‘one partner chooses love over a career, hoping to find a balance somewhere down the road. It’s a leap of faith—a risky one—but the rewards are worth it.’

This leap of faith launched Margarita into the world of diplomacy. From Chile to Croatia to China, and now Brussels, her story reads like a love letter to adventure and adaptability. ‘We started our life abroad in 2009’ she tells me. ‘In Chile, we welcomed our first child and in Croatia, our second came along’.

Every destination holds dear memories and Margarita has a way of finding beauty in each. ‘China was a revelation’, she explains, describing it as both an ultra-modern world and an ancient one, shaped by its own challenges, including the pandemic.

Now settled in Brussels, Margarita is soaking up the new experience. ‘Yes, they warned us about the cold and rainy weather, but Brussels has so much charm! Its parks, beautiful architecture and even the buses that can take you anywhere.’ She beams when describing it, seeing her new city with fresh, appreciative eyes.

One of Margarita’s passions is food. She is equally enchanted by Peruvian and Greek cuisines, seeing them as powerful tools in cultural diplomacy. ‘I might not be a chef’, she admits modestly, ‘but I’ve learned to cook food that heals, comforts and brings people together.’ For her, food is about more than the taste; it’s a way of creating memories and fostering goodwill. ‘People remember our dinners, and that’s a talent and a blessing’, she says, proud that her table has become a place where guests feel welcomed and at ease. Food, she believes, bridges cultural divides and brings out the best in people, setting the stage for shared laughter and meaningful conversations.

Margarita Cordova de Velissarouli & husband

Margarita holds a deep love for her homeland, Peru, as well as for her adopted Greece. Both countries, she says, are connected by their rich histories and vibrant cultures, even if they occupy different corners of the world. ‘Peru and Greece are both lands of incredible archaeology, with ancient civilizations that have left a lasting impact’ she explains with a scholar’s passion. She is as proud of Peru’s pre-Columbian art and architecture as she is of Greece’s classical heritage.

Her love for history means she has endless stories to tell, both about Peru’s majestic landscapes and Greece’s impressive ruins. ‘When I first met my husband’ she recalls, ‘we visited the Larco Museum in Lima. There, I shared everything I knew about my country’s art and history, and I think that’s where we clicked.’ Now, she finds herself equally captivated by Greek history, something she first studied in her fine arts program but has come to appreciate more deeply as she’s made Greece her second home. ‘It’s a pleasure to speak about both countries,’ she tells me, and I feel fortunate to share them with my children.’

Margarita and her husband.

In Margarita’s beautiful eyes, the diplomatic community is a kind of extended family, filled with people who understand the complexities of her life. ‘I’ve been incredibly lucky’ she says, ‘but I don’t think it’s all luck. The diplomatic community feels like a brotherhood or sisterhood, where everyone remembers what it’s like to be the newcomer.’ This sense of belonging has made a world of difference for her, especially as her birth family is far away. ‘Here in Brussels, I know I can reach out to friends who will be there for me, and I try to be that same source of support for others.’

When it comes to the role we play, as diplomatic spouses, Margarita says that is one of resilience and quiet strength. ‘We are the anchor’ she says, describing how she helps her family navigate each transition. ‘When we arrive somewhere new, I leave my own fears behind, so that my children and husband can settle in.’  Her adaptability and optimism are vital, especially as she balances her own dreams with the realities of diplomatic life. ‘I admire spouses who manage to continue their careers’, she confides. ‘It’s not easy, especially with moves every few years, often across continents and time zones.’ Margarita’s own career has had to shift, but she approaches this life with grace, choosing to see each move as an opportunity to grow.

Margarita believes adaptability is her greatest strength—a ‘superpower’, as she calls it. ‘I’ve learned to make any place feel like home quickly’, she laughs, proud of her ability to create a sense of stability wherever they go. For her children, she hopes to instill the same resilience, encouraging them to see each change as an adventure. ‘I try to show them that every new place has something to offer. We look for solutions rather than dwelling on the challenges.’ Margarita’s dedication to making each house feel like a home is part of her charm. ‘It’s something I take pride in, because it reminds me that I am indispensable to this journey.’

‘Sometimes you win, other times you learn’, says Margarita. She first heard it in China, and it has since become a mantra for embracing diplomatic life’s ups and downs.

We definitely learned something while reading her story. Thank you, Margarita!

About the author:

Alexandra Paucescu

Alexandra Paucescu- Author of “Just a Diplomatic Spouse” Romanian, management graduate with a Master in business, cultural diplomacy and international relations studies.

She speaks Romanian, English, French, German and Italian,  gives lectures on intercultural communication and is an active NGO volunteer.

Building Bridges: An Exclusive Interview with H.E. Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua, Ambassador of Cameroon to the Netherlands

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
Building Bridges: An Exclusive Interview with H.E. Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua, Ambassador of Cameroon to the Netherlands

In this exclusive interview with Diplomat Magazine, Her Excellency Madeleine Madeline Liguemoh Ondoua,  Ambassador of Cameroon to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, offers a comprehensive look into the diplomatic relationship between Cameroon and the Netherlands. As only the second Cameroonian ambassador to be resident in the Netherlands since diplomatic relations were established in 1960, Ambassador Liguemoh Ondoua,  has been committed to enhancing cooperation since her appointment in 2020.

Discussing the longstanding partnership, she highlights areas of recent collaboration, including security, economic growth, and sustainable development. Ambassador Madeline Liguemoh Ondoua, shares insights into Cameroon’s ongoing efforts to attract Dutch investment in renewable energy, agriculture, education, and health and underscores the value of joint initiatives supporting local communities in Cameroon. Her mission reflects a commitment to strengthening the bonds between Cameroon and the Netherlands, with a shared vision for mutual prosperity and resilience.

Could you present the current state of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Cameroon and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, as well as the areas of cooperation and recent developments?

Before I respond in detail, allow me to express my sincere thanks for this valuable opportunity to speak about my beloved country, Cameroon, and its multifaceted relationship with the Kingdom of the Netherlands—a friendly and strategic partner to Cameroon in both bilateral and multilateral frameworks.

Diplomatic relations between Cameroon and the Netherlands at the ambassadorial level date back to 1960. Following coverage within the BENELUX framework, Cameroon’s first resident Ambassador to the Netherlands was H.E. Odette Melono. Since 2020, I am honored to serve as the second. Since the closure of the Dutch Embassy in Yaoundé in 2011, the jurisdiction of the Dutch Embassy in Benin was extended to cover Cameroon. Despite Yaoundé’s authorities consistently advocating for its return, diplomatic relations remain dynamic.

Upon my appointment on September 11, 2020, as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Netherlands, with extended responsibilities for Luxembourg, I was tasked by the Cameroonian Government to reinforce and energize cooperation with these countries. I was provided with a roadmap, guided by the state priorities outlined by President Paul Biya, who also serves as Chief of Diplomacy.

Aligned with Cameroon’s foreign policy principles, this roadmap emphasized maintaining an active presence in diplomacy, promoting Cameroon’s development to investors in areas such as education, health, water, renewable energy, agriculture, horticulture, livestock, aquaculture, digital economy, and the industrial sector. Additionally, it encouraged the Dutch government to support the Presidential Reconstruction and Development Plan for the Northwest and Southwest regions. Notably, we aim to create synergies with the Cameroonian diaspora in the Netherlands and Luxembourg to foster transformative investments that contribute to Cameroon’s development.

These initiatives coincide with the Dutch government’s focus on economic interests under Prime Minister Rutte, which guided its 2017–2021 development cooperation policy towards security, rule of law, water management, food security, education, research, innovation, reproductive health, and sexual rights. Moreover, it aimed to assist countries in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), enhancing democratic governance, upholding the rule of law, and increasing resilience and climate adaptation.

Given these converging strategies, we have identified promising opportunities to strengthen cooperation between our two countries. A significant example was the Cameroon Economic and Cultural Week in The Hague in May 2022, which showcased Cameroon, known as “Africa in miniature” and a land of opportunity, to Dutch institutional authorities and the broader private sector. This event fostered numerous projects and amplified Dutch economic interest in Cameroon.

Furthermore, since 2023, the Netherlands has been actively supporting specialized social economy structures. For example, in 2023, they funded equipment for the JCI Nature cooperative, which transforms natural plant bark into remedies and produces cosmetics using snail mucus and aloe vera. This year (2024), they provided significant funding to the Local Social and Solidarity Economy Network of Batchenga (Reless) for the transformation and packaging of agricultural products for commercial sale.

The Netherlands also contributes to strengthening security in crisis-affected areas of Cameroon. For instance, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) received Dutch financial support to construct a new gendarmerie building in Kolofata, a locality in northern Cameroon affected by Boko Haram insurgency. This building was inaugurated on October 25, 2024, embodying the Netherlands’ vision of bilateral and multilateral cooperation for impactful and field-driven development.

Several cooperation agreements are under negotiation between Cameroon and this partner country, and we hope that their successful conclusion will further strengthen our diplomatic relations.

Economic cooperation and investment opportunities between the two countries, focusing on sectors of mutual interest.

Economic and trade cooperation between our two countries is very dynamic. At the end of 2022, the Kingdom of the Netherlands imported 1,634,600 tonnes of goods from Cameroon, representing a 26.8% market share. In the same year, Cameroon exported 8,205,000 tonnes of goods, according to the Institut National de la Statistique (INS).

Compared with 2021, this represents an increase of 45.5%. Analysis reveals a major shift in Cameroon’s trade partnerships, with the Netherlands overtaking the market as the country’s main customer. The Netherlands gained 14 percentage points as revealed by INS data. This European Union country, which ranked third among Cameroon’s customers in 2021 with 467,200 tonnes of imported products (12.4% market share), mainly imports crude petroleum oils (60.4%), raw cocoa beans (24.7%), liquefied natural gas (10.5%), and cocoa paste (1.6%). “These items will account for a massive 97.2% of my country’s exports to this European country in 2022”, justified the INS at the time.

Since I took office, five economic missions made up of Companies from our two countries have visited Cameroon and the Netherlands respectively, notably in March 2022 in Cameroon under the leadership of my Dutch counterpart in Benin, in May 2022 in the Netherlands under the impetus of H.E. Mbella Mbella, Minister of External Relations of Cameroon, in November 2022 in Cameroon under the supervision of our Embassy, in February 2023 in The Hague, under the direction of the Centre des Réseaux des Filières de Croissance (CRFC), in August 2023 in the Netherlands under the presidency of the Chambre d’Agriculture, des Pêches, de l’Elevage et des Forêts (CAPEF), then in September 2024 in Cameroon by the ING bank.

These various missions have enabled the establishment of contacts and Public/Private Partnerships between economic operators from both countries in fields as varied as agribusiness, livestock, fisheries, ICT, processing, industry, and many others. Several Dutch companies are active in Cameroon in various fields, including Boskalis Westminster Cameroun, Africa Road Construction, Close the Loop, Wijman Cameroun S.A., Holland Farm, Heineken, Sims international (Partner of Libitco b.v), All Round Shipping BV, Fugro (Geofor Cameroun), and many others. ALVARO COMPANY

On a completely different front, the Dutch authorities have been involved in a number of development projects in Cameroon, including: training and education; water supply; rural hydraulics and civil engineering; infrastructure; horticulture; environment and nature protection (conservation, sustainable management and social development); and health (commissioning and maintenance of medical imaging equipment at the Sangmélima referral hospital). The Netherlands provides financial support from the FMO entrepreneurial development bank for Cam-Hydro S.A.’s construction of the Minkouma hydroelectric dam in the center of the country.

In August 2023, the President of Cameroon’s Chamber of Agriculture, Fisheries, Livestock and Forestry (CAPEF) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Dutch NAFTEC/FANEC/MFS consortium, represented by investor Yan Hak, in the agribusiness sector. The Dutch bank ING visited Cameroon to explore financing opportunities for SME projects in the above-mentioned sectors.

As part of our attractiveness policy, the Embassy of Cameroon in The Hague recently took part, for the second time, in the Embassy Festival organized in the Dutch capital, where the assets and investment opportunities of the seaside city of Kribi were showcased.

Investment opportunities in Cameroon include mining, water and energy, road and port infrastructure, and communications. The Government of Cameroon, through its New Development Strategy 2020-2030 (SND30), projects the country’s emergence by 2035. In this respect, investments from all our partners are welcome to help us achieve this goal of emergence over the long term, but much sooner, through the operational commitment of Cameroon’s partners to the new import-substitution policy promoted by my country.

The business climate is highly conducive to investment, and the government has set up a guarantee line worth 200 million FCFA to support the development of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).

Overall, economic relations between Cameroon and the Kingdom of the Netherlands have developed considerably over the past three years. Locally, some fifteen companies operate through Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) or joint ventures in various sectors, including the port, agriculture, maritime and medical sectors, etc.

Cultural exchanges and tourism initiatives that strengthen interpersonal ties between Cameroon and the Netherlands

On the cultural front, some 4,400 Cameroonians are active in the Netherlands. Under the supervision and support of the Diplomatic Mission of Cameroon, cultural activities take the form of fairs and other charitable events.

To mark Cameroon’s national holiday every May 20, the Embassy provides a platform for compatriots to express their artistic and cultural talents against the backdrop of the country’s rhythms and identity. In the same vein, federative events such as the Festival des Ambassades are ideal settings for cultural performances such as folk dancing and traditional music.

In Cameroon, Luxembourg laid the foundation stone for the Centre Culturel Luxembourgeois, the first of its kind in Central Africa, in April 2023. This future achievement testifies to the two countries’ determination to consolidate their cultural relations. And we hope that the Kingdom of the Netherlands will also be able to establish a Cultural Centre in Cameroon, which would promote greater understanding between the peoples of our two countries, and the birth of new opportunities for cooperation as only human encounters know how to generate. In so doing, we have invited an incredible artist to visit the Netherlands, just as we encourage the creation of cultural bridges between our peoples.

It’s worth pointing out that renowned Cameroonian artists have chosen the Netherlands as their country of residence, where they showcase their skills to the world; and this constitutes an emulation for other artists.

I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate our intention to strengthen our bilateral exchanges in the fields of culture and tourism. In 2025, for example, we aim to organize a major cultural synergy and gastronomy event, which will once again showcase our rich cultural heritage and encourage Dutch citizens to include Cameroon among their favorite destinations.

In any case, I’m convinced that culture and tourism are two central pillars that contribute indefectibly to strengthening relations between people, and between the Netherlands and Cameroon in particular.

It is for this reason that since my arrival at the head of the Embassy, numerous initiatives have been put in place to bring our rich and diverse cultural heritage closer to the Dutch population, with the support of the Cameroonian Government. In this respect, I’m thinking of the Cameroon Economic and Cultural Week organized in The Hague in May 2022, as well as the various festivities organized by our Embassy over the years. All these initiatives have been great moments of friendship, sharing and fraternity.

Strategies to promote the shared values of democracy, human rights and international law between (Cameroon and the countries under your jurisdiction) our two nations.

With a view to making Cameroon an emerging country by 2035, the current state of governance can be verified through :

Effective separation of powers: governed by the constitution of January 18, 1996, the Constitution recognizes three distinct types of power: the Executive, the Legislative and the Judicial. The configuration of Parliament into two chambers, the Lower House (the National Assembly) and the Upper House (the Senate), enables it not only to better control the action of the Executive, but also to better fulfill its legislative function. In addition, the judiciary is independent and autonomous, and carries out its duties with complete transparency and respect for the general principles of law and human rights.

Independent electoral system institutions : ELECAM (Elections Cameroon) and the Constitutional Council are two institutions responsible for managing the electoral process in Cameroon in terms of credibility, neutrality and transparency. Elections Cameroon is responsible for the material organization of elections, while the Constitutional Council deals with any disputes arising from these elections, with the exception of municipal elections.

A security and law and order system at the service of the State and its citizens, with a multiplicity of police, gendarmerie, customs and army forces throughout the country.

The reality of local governance through effective decentralization: The January 18, 1996 Constitution states that “Cameroon is a decentralized unitary State”. The creation of the Region in 2021 completes the picture previously constituted by the Commune and the Urban Community, each entity being vested with specific prerogatives. The transfer of administrative powers from the State to the Decentralized Territorial Collectivities is perceptible and estimated at 11%.

The existence of institutions responsible for developing, implementing and evaluating governance at national level, such as the National Governance Program (PNG). The creation of institutions to monitor governance and public wealth, such as the National Anti-Corruption Commission (CONAC), the National Financial Investigation Agency (ANIF) and the Special Criminal Court (TCS). The main mission of the National Anti-Corruption Commission (CONAC) is to monitor and evaluate the effective application of the government’s anti-corruption plan in Cameroon. The Tribunal Criminel Spécial (Special Criminal Court), on the other hand, is a court set up to hear cases involving offences against public assets involving sums in excess of 50 million CFA.

In terms of international law, Cameroon has ratified several international agreements on democracy and respect for human rights.

Equality between men and women is constitutionally established

And the fight for gender equality is a major political commitment on the part of the Government, through a Ministerial Department dedicated to the Promotion of Women and the Family, but even more so through a sensitive gender policy promoted by the Head of State. In this context, the higher school enrolment rate for girls in Cameroon, higher than that of boys in urban and many rural areas, is an evocative example and a benchmark in Africa. Equal pay for men and women also illustrates the egalitarian model of society that the government is striving to build, under the leadership of the Head of State, His Excellency Paul BIYA.

What are your objectives and expectations for strengthening relations between Cameroon and the Netherlands during your term as ambassador?

I’d like to raise cooperation between Cameroon and the two countries in the jurisdiction (the Netherlands and Luxembourg) to a higher level through reciprocal visits by political authorities and the signing of partnership agreements. In the same vein, I would like to see an increase in the number of economic missions between economic operators in our various countries. Business on all fronts. Strengthening cooperation in the agro-industrial sector, with particular emphasis on the processing, packaging and distribution of agricultural products, as well as on related services (supply of fertilizers, seeds and equipment) and, by extension, all agricultural production systems. Other sectors of interest include energy, water management and transport infrastructure.

The current entry of the Zone de Libre-Economique Economique Africaine (ZLECAF) is an exceptional opportunity to optimize the potentials of cooperation. Cameroon is a decentralized country. Therefore, strengthening the partnership between the decentralized local authorities of my country and those of the area of ​​competence would contribute to the accomplishment of the development missions defined by the Cameroonian Authorities. We will encourage contacts between the cities of these three countries (Cameroon, Netherlands, Luxembourg) through twinning conducive not only to the exchange of experiences and expertise, but more for targeted local development operations impacting the lives of the populations of the zones that are concerned. Thank you.

Tanzanian-Dutch Partnership: Advancing Sustainable Development Goals Together

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
Tanzanian-Dutch Partnership: Advancing Sustainable Development Goals Together

As the world intensifies efforts to meet the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), Tanzania and the Netherlands stand as exemplary partners. Both nations share a commitment to tackling challenges such as poverty, education, and climate change, guided by a deep-seated partnership. Under the leadership of Tanzanian President Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan, Tanzania has pursued ambitious strategies for sustainable development, addressing critical areas like entrepreneurship, climate action, and healthcare. This collaborative approach leverages Dutch expertise and investment, enriching Tanzania’s sustainable development journey and fostering global progress.

Diplomat Magazine approached H.E. Ms. Caroline Chipeta Kitana, Ambassador of the United Republic of Tanzania, to talk about these relevant issues.

Ambassador Chipeta, how would you describe the current state of diplomatic relations between Tanzania and the Netherlands?

For over five decades, Tanzania and the Netherlands have nurtured strong and mutually beneficial diplomatic relations, yielding substantial social and economic accomplishments. Under the Sixth Phase Government led by Her Excellency Dr. President Samia Suluhu Hassan, this partnership is poised for further enhancement with a commitment centered on elevating the business environment and reinvigorating regional and global cooperation. Key areas of focus for the Sixth Phase Government encompass agriculture, livestock, green energy, tourism and hospitality, pharmaceuticals, infrastructure, mining, real estate, manufacturing, and agro-processing.

The Netherlands is among the top 10 countries with significant investments in Tanzania across diverse sectors, including agriculture, construction, and energy. Over 100 Dutch companies are active in Tanzania, with prominent players like BAM International, Phillips, Heineken, KLM, Unilever, Belast NEDAM, East West Seeds, Rabobank, Rijkzwaan, HZPC Potatoes, Shell, and DAMEN Ship. Collectively, these investments total over €300 billion in value and have generated more than 25,000 jobs.

The cordial diplomatic relations between Tanzania and the Netherlands were recently highlighted when Honourable January Yusuf Makamba, the then Minister for Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation, conducted a working visit to the Kingdom of the Netherlands from 14 to 15 November 2023. During the visit, Minister Makamba attended the Tanzania-Netherlands Trade and Investment Forum (TIF) and held a bilateral meeting with Honourable Hanke Bruins Slot, former Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

In his opening remarks at the Forum, Hon. Makamba assured Dutch investors, approximately 70 Dutch companies, of Tanzania’s advantages as an investment destination, including its strategic location, political stability, natural resource abundance, skilled young labor, and friendly business environment. He encouraged them to seize the opportunity to expand their investments in Tanzania. Since then, there has been a notable increase in the flow of Dutch companies interested in investing or expanding their business in Tanzania. In fact, since November last year, more than 13 companies have approached the Embassy seeking new investment opportunities in Tanzania.

On the margins of the Tanzania-Netherlands Trade and Investment Forum, Minister Makamba also witnessed the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation and Investment Promotion between the Tanzania Investment Centre (TIC) and the Netherlands-Africa Business Council (NABC). TIC and NABC are currently organizing a Trade and Investment Mission to Tanzania on Sustainable Agriculture, Renewable Energy, and Climate-Resilient Infrastructure, set for December 2024.

Tanzania’s commitment to the SDGs and economic development initiatives

Tanzania’s longstanding partnership with the Netherlands has bolstered its commitment to key SDGs, particularly SDG 1 (No Poverty) and SDG 13 (Climate Action). Initiatives such as the Tanzanian Startup Association (TSA) and the April 2023 Memorandum of Understanding encourage entrepreneurship by creating supportive ecosystems. Dutch backing has helped Tanzanian startups flourish, stimulating job creation and economic opportunities. The 2018 Blueprint for Regulatory Reforms is also improving Tanzania’s regulatory environment, enabling smallholder farmers and SMEs to participate inclusively.

In May 2024, the National Steering Committee for the Blueprint made a study visit to the Netherlands, where they exchanged knowledge on regulatory best practices. Their engagements included sessions with Tanzanian entrepreneurs in the Netherlands and visits to Dutch institutions like the Erasmus Centre for Entrepreneurship, which provided insights for fostering Tanzanian entrepreneurship. Meetings with the Netherlands Foreign Investment Agency (NFIA) and other organizations highlighted strategies for attracting foreign investment, essential for poverty alleviation.

On climate action, Tanzania has taken pioneering steps. The introduction of carbon trading regulations has attracted Dutch interest, notably through Rabobank’s Acorn project, which supports Tanzanian smallholder farmers in sustainable agroforestry. This initiative produces carbon credits sold internationally, aligning with SDG 13 while also supporting SDG 1 by providing additional income for local farmers.

At COP-28 in December 2023 in Dubai, Tanzania launched the African Women Clean Cooking Support Programme to promote gender equality and clean energy. Additionally, the government’s ten-year, $1.8 billion National Clean Cooking Energy Strategy was launched in May 2024. Co-chaired by President Hassan at a summit in Paris, this initiative raised USD 2.2 billion in financing for clean cooking solutions, underscoring Tanzania’s commitment to sustainable energy transitions.

Dutch organization SNV has contributed to Tanzania’s energy efforts, collaborating on initiatives like the Tanzania Improved Cookstoves (TICs) project, which promotes efficient cooking alternatives in rural communities. These projects directly support SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) by providing safer, sustainable alternatives to traditional cooking methods.

Healthcare partnerships between Tanzania and the Netherlands also continue to thrive. Collaborations between Kilimanjaro Christian Medical Centre (KCMC) and Radboud University Medical Center, as well as ZGT Overzee, have spanned over two decades. RadboudUMC has recently extended cooperation to Benjamin Mkapa Hospital and Muhimbili National Hospital, tackling drug-resistant bacteria, thereby supporting SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-being).

In sustainable tourism, Dutch operators like PANGEA Tours collaborate with Tanzanian projects like Rhotia Valley Resort, which supports an orphanage through tourism income. Investments like Basecamp Tanzania Eco-resorts further promote eco-friendly practices, enhancing local ecosystems and benefiting surrounding communities.

Under President Hassan’s leadership, Tanzania demonstrates a steadfast commitment to sustainable development and diplomatic relations with the Netherlands. Initiatives such as the National Clean Cooking Energy Strategy and the National Environmental Master Plan for Strategic Intervention (2022-2032) underscore Tanzania’s readiness to create a resilient, sustainable future, with the Netherlands as a key partner. Together, these efforts advance the Sustainable Development Goals, setting a benchmark for international cooperation.

Journey of a Jurisconsult

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
Journey of a Jurisconsult

By H.E. Mr. François Alabrune, Ambassador of France  to the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Permanent Representative to the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and International Legal Institutions in The Hague.

The foundation of my vocation and my curiosity regarding the world has been greatly influenced by my parents. My father, who was originally from Central France and the first in his family to pursue higher education, left for Argentina in the early years of his professional career to engage in trade. He later became a diplomat and served in India, Australia, the United States, Haiti, Belgium, and Canada. My mother, who came from Northern France, also worked for the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs, in Belgium and the United Kingdom, before marrying my father. This is why I was born in Halifax, Canada.

Throughout my studies in law and political science, I had the privilege of following the teaching of two prominent Jurisconsults: Gilbert Guillaume and Ronny Abraham, who served as Legal Advisors to the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs and later as Judges at the International Court of Justice. I was fortunate to work with them, particularly when I became Ronny Abraham’s deputy. In the international law advisory activities I conducted over 20 years, particularly as a Legal Advisor to the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs for eight years, their approach to international law, which is rooted in a rigorous analysis of facts and law and a pursuit of clarity, had a significant influence on me. I was also influenced by my collaboration with other distinguished legal scholars, such as Professors Prosper Weil and Alain Pellet.

I also learned a great deal through constant interactions with legal advisors from other countries, as well as during my assignments at the Representation to the European Union in Brussels, at the Mission to the United Nations in New York, and later as Consul General in Quebec, Ambassador to the OSCE in Vienna, and then to the Netherlands. These were all unique opportunities for me to be enriched by other cultures and ways of thinking.

I began my career during a period of significant development in international law. The division of the world into two blocs came to an end, making it possible and necessary to draft numerous multilateral and bilateral treaties. I had the privilege of participating in the negotiations of several treaties, particularly in the domains of arms control, counter-terrorism, law of the sea, and international criminal law.

A  memorable experience was undoubtedly the negotiation of the Statute of the International Criminal Court, which started in 1997. Such an institution may have appeared utopian at first. Its development was an extraordinary collective adventure that required the search for original solutions, especially in order to reconcile different legal traditions. Working within the drafting committee of the Rome Conference, under the presidency of the esteemed Egyptian jurist Cheriff Bassiouni, was a truly exceptional experience.

By participating in numerous contentious proceedings before the International Court of Justice, the European Court of Human Rights, the Court of Justice of the European Union, arbitration tribunals, and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, I have been able to serve as the legal representative of my country, while also cultivating close relationships with the judges. These interactions have enabled me to understand the demands of their roles and the conditions necessary for the proper functioning of the courts.

Having been in The Hague for two years, I maintain my dedication to the advancement of international law. I appear before the International Court of Justice and closely follow its activities. I prepared and presided over part of the work of the third congress of the members of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2024. I also cooperate closely with the International Criminal Court, particularly within the framework of the Assembly of States Parties, and provide ongoing support to the Hague Academy of International Law and other international legal institutions (such as the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, the Kosovo Specialist Chambers, the Hague Conference on Private International Law, Eurojust).

Being an ambassador in The Hague, the capital of International Law, offers the privilege of daily participation in a legal and diplomatic community of exceptional intellectual and human qualities. I express my gratitude to its members and to the Dutch authorities for their invaluable dedication.

I am greatly honoured to have been selected as a candidate for the forthcoming elections of judges to the International Court of Justice by the French Group of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, chaired by Judge Ronny Abraham, following extensive consultations with the supreme courts, universities, and learned societies in France.

International Law faces considerable challenges, but it holds, particularly through the International Court of Justice, an increasing importance for the unity and survival of the human community. Serving this law, particularly in The Hague, is the honour of my life.

Angola’s 49th National Day Celebration

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
Angola’s 49th National Day Celebration

Theme: National Unity, Production, and Sustainable Development

By Roy Lie Atjam

The Hague, 12 November 2024 – H.E. Ambassador Maria Isabel Resende Encoge proudly hosted a animated reception to celebrate the 49th  Anniversary of the National Independence of the Republic of Angola. This event showcased Angola’s unparalleled artistic talent, a hallmark of the National Day celebrations. Attendees were treated to an engaging video that highlighted Angola’s recent developments, and the esteemed saxophonist, affectionately called Nanutu, delivered powerful performances of both the Angolan and Dutch national anthems, which received enthusiastic applause from the guests.

H. E. Ambassador Jelte van Wieren, Director of the Sub-Saharan Africa Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.

H. E. Ambassador Jelte van Wieren, Director of the Sub-Saharan Africa Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, recognized Angola’s 49th National Day and paid tribute to the national hero Nzinga for her exceptional courage and determination.

H.E. Mr. Vusimuzi Madonsela, Ambassador of South Africa, H.E. Ms. Ramatoulaye Ba Epse Faye, Ambassador of Senegal, Hon Halima Yussuf Mucheke, Ambassador of Kenya, H.E. Ms. Caroline Chipeta Kitana, Ambassador of Tanzania, H.E. Ms. Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua, Ambassador of Cameroon, H.E. Mr. Diarrassouba Mifougo Youssouf, Ambassador of Cote d’Ivoire, H.E. Ms. Maria Isabel Resende Encoge, Ambassador of Angola, H.E. Ms. Isabelle Ndahayo, Ambassador of the Republic of Burundi, Ms. Omaima Alsharief, Charge d’affaires of the Sudan and H. E. Ms. Salima Abdelhak, Ambassador of Algeria.

In a commanding speech, Ambassador Maria Isabel de Resende Encoge emphasized the significance of Angola’s independence. “The proclamation of the Republic of Angola’s independence occurred during a critical juncture marked by the Cold War and considerable regional instability. This backdrop honed Angolan diplomacy, firmly establishing our commitment to respect and equity among nations, peaceful conflict resolution, global cooperation, progress, and social justice. Angola assumed the vital role of solidifying its sovereignty and demonstrating its leadership on the international stage.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Simas Magalhães, Ambassador of Brazil, H.E. Ms. Maria Isabel Resende Encoge, Ambassador of Angola, H.E. Ms. Maria Clara Nunes, Ambassador of Portugal and H.E. Mr. Zacarias da Costa, Ambassador of Angola to the CPLP in Portugal.

Today, as we celebrate Angola’s Independence Day, we also honor the Day of the Angolan Diplomat, commemorating the establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs through Decree-Law No. 1/75.

This pivotal moment empowered Angola to declare its status as an independent and sovereign state while laying the foundation for its foreign policy.

Angola National Day 2024 The Hague.

Under the decisive leadership of H.E. João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço, President of the Republic, Angola stands resolute in its dedication to strengthening democratic governance, fostering a dynamic, effective, and inclusive market economy, promoting ethical standards within our society, ensuring good governance, and vigorously combating corruption.”

Malta Renews Contribution for ICC Victims

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
Malta Renews Contribution for ICC Victims

The Trust Fund for Victims at the International Criminal Court announced that the Government of Malta, a State Party to the ICC since 2002, renewed its voluntary contribution to the TFV for a total amount of EUR 20,000. This unrestricted contribution will be used to redress the harm suffered by victims of Rome Statute crimes, through reparations awards ordered by the ICC and other programs for their benefit.

“The TFV Board of Directors extends its heartfelt gratitude to Malta for its generous contribution, underscoring the importance of global collaboration in addressing the harm endured by victims of Rome Statute crimes,” said Kevin Kelly, member of the Board of Directors, representing the Western European and Other States Group. “Malta’s dedication strengthens efforts to deliver reparative justice, bringing meaningful relief to victims within harmed communities.”

The Republic of Malta has been consistently supporting the programs for the benefit of victims implemented by the Trust Fund for Victims since 2021.

H.E. Mr. Jeffrey Curmi, Ambassador of Malta to the Kingdom of the Netherlands said, “The Republic of Malta is a committed advocate of the International Criminal Court and its Trust Fund for Victims. At such a delicate junction, Malta stands firm in its support which is aimed at ensuring that the International Criminal Court will continue to provide its unique service towards the international multilateral framework by addressing the gravest international crimes and delivering justice. ”

Within this context Ambassador Curmi noted that “Malta acknowledges the importance of pursuing a victim-centered approach. As such, Malta’s voluntary contribution is primarily aimed at assisting the Trust Fund for Victims in its noble mission to deliver reparative justice by empowering victims and communities.”

The History and Impact of Japan’s Loans to China

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
The History and Impact of Japan’s Loans to China

By Xia Ri, Industry Researcher at ANBOUND

1979 was a critical year for the economic, political, and diplomatic development between China and Japan. During his visit to China, then-Japanese Prime Minister Masayoshi Ōhira explicitly stated that Japan would support China’s reform and opening-up efforts. Subsequently, Japan formally began providing government development loans to China, primarily in yen. In December 2007, China and Japan signed the yen loan agreement, and 28 years later, the Japanese government officially announced that it would cease the loans to China starting in 2008.

In its entire process, Japan provided loans to China in batches, with the initial scale rapidly increasing, peaking in 2000, then sharply decreasing. Overall, yen loans show the five characteristics of high amounts, large increases, low interest rates, long repayment periods, and high cooperation.

The first three batches of yen loans saw a significant increase in scale. The first batch (1979-1983) amounted to JPY 330.9 billion, with an interest rate of 3% and a 30-year repayment period, including a 10-year grace period. The second batch (1984-1989) was announced during Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone’s visit to China in 1984, with a loan of JPY 470 billion, an interest rate ranging from 3% to 5%, and the same 30-year repayment period, including a 10-year grace period. The third batch (1990-1995), announced during Prime Minister Takeshita Noboru’s visit in 1988, involved JPY 810 billion, a 2.5% interest rate, and a 30-year repayment period, also with a 10-year grace period.

Secondly, after the fourth batch of yen loans, the scale sharply declined after reaching its peak. The fourth batch of loans was divided into two stages: JPY 580 billion for the 1996-1998 period and JPY 390 billion for the 1999-2000 period, totaling approximately JPY 970 billion. The annual interest rate ranged from 0.75% to 2.3%, with a repayment period of 30 years, including a 10-year grace period. By 2000, yen loans peaked at JPY 2.14299 trillion, which was about three times the amount of the first batch. However, after 2001, the loan amount significantly decreased, reaching its lowest point by 2007 at only JPY 46.302 billion, a reduction of about 78.4% compared to 2000.

Finally, there were also industry-specific loans. In 1988 and 1994, the Japanese government provided China with two capital recycling yen loans, amounting to JPY 100 billion and JPY 40 billion, respectively. These loans were mainly used for industries such as textiles, electromechanical, light industry production, and raw materials for export. The development of these sectors supported China’s efforts to expand exports and generate foreign exchange. In October 2000, Japan also provided China a special yen loan with a 40-year repayment term, with a 10-year grace period, and an interest rate of only 0.95%, totaling JPY 17.202 billion.

These yen loans played a significant role in China’s reform and opening-up, driving the rapid development of the Chinese economy. This impact is reflected in the following three areas:

First, they opened the door for China to introduce foreign capital and develop its economy. In June 1979, the Chinese-foreign Equity Joint Venture Law was passed, signaling China’s official abandonment of its 1960s policy of rejecting foreign investment. This marked a shift towards encouraging foreign capital. In 1978, China’s foreign exchange reserves were only USD 167 million. In 1979, China and Japan signed the first loan agreement, which was the earliest and largest foreign government loan received by China since the reform and opening-up began. Japan was the first country to offer government loans to China, thus opening the door for China to introduce foreign capital to develop its economy.

To facilitate this loan, the Japanese government proposed and convinced other Western countries and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) to classify China as a “developing country” and include it in the list of countries eligible for assistance from developed nations. This was very helpful for China in securing funding and development aid from international financial institutions such as the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, thus accelerating China’s economic development and integration into the global economic system.

Japan was also the largest donor of government development assistance to China, with the total loan agreement amount accounting for over 60% of all foreign government loans to China. Among the 24 countries and regional financial institutions that provided government loans to China, Japan’s loans were the largest. China was the third-largest recipient of Japan’s foreign aid, following Indonesia and Vietnam. In 2006, Japan’s Ambassador to China, Keiji Ide, noted that, in terms of U.S. dollars, Japan’s aid to China amounts to USD 144.1 billion, exceeding the total aid from Germany (USD 39.6 billion), France (USD 13.4 billion), and the UK (USD 6.6 billion) combined.

Second, the loans promoted China’s infrastructure and economic development plans through valuable long-term investment funds, thereby reducing financing costs for construction. The multi-year decision approach to loans aligned with China’s five-year economic plans, effectively advancing infrastructure development in areas such as resources, energy, transportation, and communications. According to data from Japan-China Economic Cooperation, the share of yen loans in China’s fixed asset investment increased from 1.54% in 1985 to 10.41% in 1992. Through joint efforts between the two countries, a number of large-scale, long-term, technologically advanced, and capital-intensive infrastructure projects were completed across China’s provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities. By the end of 1995, the major construction projects included the expansion of the Beijing-Qinhuangdao railway, Qinhuangdao Port expansion, Lianyungang Port expansion, Qingdao Port expansion, the Tianshengqiao hydropower project, the Datong-Qinhuangdao railway construction, Beijing subway construction, Beijing water supply improvement projects, urban gas improvement projects, export base construction projects, Hainan Island development, telephone network expansion in nine provinces and cities, Beijing Capital Airport development, the Xi’an-Ankang railway project, and numerous city infrastructure projects in railways, gas, water supply, electricity, and communications. For instance, between 1991 and 1995, the Tianshengqiao Hydroelectric Project utilized JPY 4.367 billion in loans to build a 1,200 MW dam-style hydroelectric power station, extend 984 kilometers of transmission lines, and support China’s eighth Five-Year Plan and the West-to-East Gas Pipeline Project.

Furthermore, since Japan launched the transformative economic cooperation plan for China in 2001, yen loans have supported national regional strategies such as the plans for developing the western and central parts of the country. These loans greatly facilitated development in the recipient areas in sectors such as education, healthcare, and the environment, including projects like the Heihe-Beian highway in Heilongjiang, local road development in Gansu, and afforestation plans in Inner Mongolia.

Third, it accelerated the rapid development of China-Japan economic and trade relations. After the 1980s, the two countries’ economic and trade relations evolved from simple import-export trade to comprehensive economic cooperation, which included bilateral trade, the change of Japan’s government development aid policy to China, direct investment, and intergovernmental financial cooperation. During this decade, leveraging Japan’s government-to-government financial cooperation with China, bilateral trade between the two countries grew from around USD 10 billion in 1981 to USD 20.282 billion in 1991, an increase of over 100%.

During this period, trade between the two nations experienced sustained and rapid development overall. Moreover, direct investment from both countries also saw a significant rise, leading to the first surge of private Japanese investment in China. According to data, between 1979 and 1985, the investment amounted to USD 1.23 billion; from 1986 to 1990, total investment reached USD 1.29 billion. Although these investment surges were mainly focused on China’s Special Economic Zones and were smaller in scale compared to later investments, they were crucial in opening up direct private investment between the two countries and played a significant role in developing China-Japan economic and trade relations. Later, due to political factors and the Asian financial crisis, China-Japan trade experienced several setbacks. In 1990, bilateral trade declined significantly; from 1994 to 1996, growth slowed notably compared to previous years, and negative growth occurred in 1998. However, overall, China-Japan trade continued to rise, from USD 12.927 billion in 1990 to USD 66.167 billion in 1999. In the 21st century, the development of China-Japan economic and trade relations accelerated rapidly, showing characteristics such as mutual dependence, increasing deepening, a mutually beneficial structure becoming more evident.

At the same time, Japan’s increasing dependence on China surpassed China’s dependence on Japan. This made an important contribution to China’s economic development. Meanwhile, Japanese investment in China continued to grow. In 2002, Japanese investment in China remained high, with an agreement amount of USD 5.3 billion and an actual investment of USD 4.19 billion. By the end of 2002, the total agreed investment from Japan to China had reached USD 49.53 billion, with actual investment amounting to USD 36.34 billion.

All in all, the 28 years of Japanese loans had a significant impact on China’s reform and opening-up, opening the door for it to introduce foreign capital and develop its economy, promoting infrastructure and economic development plans, and accelerating the rapid development of China-Japan economic and trade relations. Therefore, a proper understanding of these loan aids is crucial for China to effectively manage and advance its relations with Japan.

RoboCop29

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
RoboCop29

The recent (nomadically arranged Climate event called Review Mechanism – Conference of the Parties to the UN FCCC, or shortly) COP – this time the 29th, hosted by Azerbaijan – showed once again how the natural process of climate change is being misused as an instrument of political and techno-economic dominance and deeper psychologisation of developed countries over developing world.

Nature does not change. Change, as a cosmic constant, is a nature itself. Still, even Heraclitus understood, that this force is never eruptive or destructive (explosive, combusting and polarising), but eternally gradual and constructive; holistic, inclusive and implosive. Look up the evening skies and this backbone of night above us: That will be the exact way how entire clockwork of universe functions.

Hence, Climate change is an intrinsic, cyclical process that takes place over millions of years. Our planet went through significant climatic variations long before the emergence of modern civilization – from ice ages to warm periods. All credible scientific data shows that the Earth’s temperature has changed dramatically throughout its geological history, even without any human influence.

Although Homo Sapiens undoubtedly has its impact on the troposphere, it is fundamental to understand that human activities are still sequesterable part of the Earth’s eco-system. Nature has exceptional self-regulatory mechanisms that maintain equilibrium despite various changes and periodic disruptions. For example, varying CO2 levels throughout the geomorphologic history of planet, and its relation to the growth size properties and quantities of Earth’s biota, etc.

Despite these well-established facts, the developed countries, which have built their wealth and posture on carbonics over the past 200 years, are now trying to impose expensive and often untested ‘green technologies’ all over the world, using the climate change as an excuse. Ultimately, these ‘novel technologies’ would require a new financial and technology-transfer exposure and dependency for the poor of South vis-à-vis North.

De-psychologisation of issues, de-monopolisation of technologies  

Thus, the promised 300 billion dollars a year for the developing (and LDC – the Least Developed) world – as ‘won’ in Baku – is not a solution, but yet a new form of economic dependence. (Although the group of Vulnerable-77 – including Small Island Nations – vocally demanded 500 billion per annum.) A new market of beforehand patented technologies under the control of handful multinational corporations is being created, while ignoring the fact that nature itself is the best at regulating climate processes.

Nature conservation – to say understanding the intrinsic self-regulatory designs, is a key. But, this calls for the multilateral and all-stake-holders approach founded on real scientific facts, not on politically motivated or profit-driven myopic agendas. Global South have a right to economic progress (so-called Right to Development, and Right to Link Trade to Development as fundamental achievement of the UN through UNCTAD final acts decades ago). The imposition of expensive technological solutions and limiting access to cheaper energy sources and solutions directly hampers developing world.

It is particularly worrying that the natural processes of climate change are being used as an excuse to create new financial, technological, even psycho-social control mechanisms.

Sustainable environmental protection necessities reasonable management of natural resources and respect for fundamental laws of nature (intrinsic processes), not expensive, psychologised and monopolised technological intervention that disrupts the self-regulatory mechanisms of nature.

/The very same, simple efficient accessible and affordable, principle should be applied to our medicine: Real health protection assumes reasonable consumption of organic food and respect for natural intra-body processes, and not expensive and harmful chemical (or similar artificial) interventions that can disrupt the intrinsic self-regulatory mechanisms of our body./

It is time to rethink the current approach to climate change (alarmism for exclusivity and monopolisation purpose), and architect a model that will truly serve nature conservation, not the interests of large corporations and (few related circles of influence, concentrated within the several) developed countries. We need a system that will respect intrinsic and indigenous designs, and enable sustainable development for everyone, without creating new forms of politico-economic subordination.

After all, holistic and all-inclusive is a mechanism that nature itself uses when creates, preserves and enhances. Eruption, polarisation, exclusion collisions are rare occurrences when our nature is about to destruct and eliminate.  

Consequently, instead of fighting natural climate cycles, we should rather focus on protecting our environment from provoked encouraged and extended armed conflicts, from unjust distributions of eruptive asymmetries, from over-exploitation and over-production and to it related pollutions of all sorts velocities and spectres, while respecting the right of all peoples and generations to learn, develop and prosper.

The 3M principle, as easily quantifiable SD matrix is beautiful in its simplicity: maximum good, for maximum spices (not to forget: continents, nations generations and classes too) over maxium period of time.

The new Bandung of 1955 is needed today. This spirit that engaged South for the first time in history, and soon after gave a birth to the NAM (Non-Aliened Movement) could be the right answer at the right time. (Neither of the present formats fits: G-7, G-20, BRICS.) Strong and powerful block of Climate ‘alarmists’ must be faced with the New Bandung, NAM, or to say Climate ‘realists’, block of a raising yet not coherent South.

Climate Change and sustainability are planetary issues that require our universal response. Instable and unjust international order, as such, is more of a problem generator than of a solution provider. Our developed world can hold its might – but Global South has its Right.

About the author:

Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic

Prof. Anis H Bajrektarevic is chairperson and professor in international law and global political studies, Vienna, Austria. He is the first European university professor to introduce Sustainable Development as the obligatory subject at the tertiary level institution in the EU (almost 25 years ago). Professor’s main research interests are focused around geopolitics, energy and technology. His 10th book ‘JHA Diplomacy’ is scheduled for release later this year in New York.

 

Uruguay’s Elections and Its Upcoming Changes

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
Uruguay’s Elections and Its Upcoming Changes

On Sunday, November 24, Uruguay faces a critical moment in its democratic history as voters prepare to decide between two distinct visions for the country’s future. 

This second round of presidential elections pits the ruling Coalition led by Álvaro Delgado against the Frente Amplio’s Yamandú Orsi, offering citizens a clear choice between continuity and change.

The ruling Coalition, backed by current President Luis Lacalle Pou, champions a centrist approach to governance with incremental reforms and increasing development. The coalition led by Álvaro Delgado confirmed that the country experienced significant advancements in various critical areas during their mandate. 

They highlighted notable improvements in education, with increased access to quality learning opportunities and innovative reforms aimed at reducing disparities. In the area of security, they reported enhanced measures that successfully curbed crime rates and bolstered public safety. 

The coalition also pointed to the growth in national wealth and economic stability, underpinned by robust policies that encouraged investment, job creation, and sustainable development. 
Meanwhile, the Frente Amplio (FA), a left-leaning coalition, promises transformative policies with a clear socialist orientation. Polls show a narrow margin between the two sides, underscoring the importance of undecided voters in determining the outcome.

Campaigns and Strategies

In the days leading up to the election, both camps have relied heavily on grassroots outreach. The Frente Amplio has mobilized its base through “door-to-door” campaigns, while the Coalition has embraced its own version, the “timbrazo” strategy, emphasizing personal connections with voters. The shared emphasis on direct engagement reflects Uruguay’s tradition of organized and militant political activism.

Both Delgado and Orsi have ramped up their public appearances and speeches. Delgado has focused on highlighting divisions within the Frente Amplio, particularly on sensitive issues like Social Security, while also presenting himself as a candidate of dialogue capable of broadening the Coalition’s appeal. Orsi, on the other hand, has steered clear of major media engagements, concentrating instead on painting a vision of a government built on consensus and understanding.

The electoral debate, though eagerly anticipated, failed to sway large numbers of undecided voters. Its rigid, highly structured format limited meaningful exchanges between the candidates, leaving many voters feeling that the event lacked substance. This dynamic has reinforced the perception that voters remain largely entrenched in their political preferences, with only a small margin still up for grabs.

Key Challenges

A significant question hangs over the roughly 34,000  who cast blank or null votes in the first round. These voters could prove decisive in a tight race. Analysts suggest that some may be swayed by the high stakes of this runoff, while others might abstain again, reflecting disillusionment with both options.

Regardless of the outcome, the next government will face an immediate challenge: the need for dialogue and negotiation. Recent history, including 15 years of Frente Amplio rule and five years of Coalition governance, has been marked by deep political polarization and limited cross-party collaboration. Both sides acknowledge the necessity of bridging this divide to ensure effective governance.

What Lies Ahead

As Uruguayans prepare to cast their votes, the nation stands at a defining juncture. Will it embrace the bold reforms promised by the Frente Amplio, or will it opt for the continuity and cautious pragmatism of the Coalition? The answer will not only shape the country’s policies but also test the flexibility of its democratic institutions in navigating an increasingly divided landscape.

The final days of this campaign are critical. Both Delgado and Orsi must mobilize their bases, win over the undecided, and convince blank voters of their vision. What remains clear is that every vote counts in this closely contested race.


Mr Al Hassan sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment

Diplomat Magazine
-
0
Mr Al Hassan sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment

Today, 20 November 2024, Trial Chamber some of the charges brought against him of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed between early May 2012 and 29 January 2013 in Timbuktu, northern Mali. The sentence may be appealed before the ICC Appeals Chamber by either party to the proceedings.

Judge Kimberly Prost, Presiding Judge, read a summary of the Chamber’s decision. She highlighted that the sentencing phase is an important milestone in this trial. This stage of proceedings also underscores the importance of accountability, acknowledgment of the harm caused to the victims and the international community’s commitment to condemning the serious crimes committed in this case.

To determine the sentence, the Chamber assessed the gravity of each of the crimes, including the degree of Mr Al Hassan’s participation and intent, as well as the presence of any aggravating and mitigating circumstances, and Mr Al Hassan’s individual or personal circumstances.

The Chamber took into account the mitigating circumstances, namely the minor actions of Mr Al Hassan to assist the civilian population in 2012-2013 and his cooperation with the Prosecution at the investigation stage. The existence of these mitigating circumstances should not be understood as lessening, in any way, the gravity of the crimes that were committed, including the impact they had on the victims. In particular, the Chamber considered that this joint sentence is proportionate to the serious gravity of the crimes, namely the crimes of persecution, torture, other inhumane acts, cruel treatment, outrages upon personal dignity, mutilation and sentencing without due process.

The time spent in detention by Mr Al Hassan in accordance with an order of this Court, from 28 March 2018 to 20 November 2024, will be deducted from the sentence. The Chamber rejected a Defense request to deduct additional time spent by Mr Al Hassan in detention in Mali since 21 April 2017.

1...456...848Page 5 of 848