In an official statement, the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs marked the International Day of Women in Diplomacy, highlighting the steadily increasing participation of women in Greece’s diplomatic service and public administration.
June 24 was designated by the United Nations General Assembly as the International Day of Women in Diplomacy, recognizing the vital role of women’s equal participation in decision-making processes in advancing peace, sustainable development, and democracy.
The 2022 UN resolution underscores the importance of gender equality at all levels of public life, with particular emphasis on the field of foreign policy.
In Greece, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs reports significant levels of female representation within its workforce. According to the latest available data, women account for 50.1% of the Ministry’s permanent staff, while their presence in leadership positions continues to grow steadily.
Women currently head 37.7% of Greece’s diplomatic missions and other Foreign Service offices abroad, while they occupy 40.4% of senior leadership positions within the Ministry’s Central Service.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening women’s participation in diplomacy, emphasizing that this progress is founded on the principles of meritocracy, transparency, and equal opportunity.
By H.E. Ambassador Lizeth N. Satumbo Pena, Ambassador of the Republic of Angola to the Kingdom of the Netherlands
The relationship between Angola and the European Union has grown steadily over the years, supported by a strong framework of political dialogue and economic cooperation. Instruments such as the Cotonou Agreement and the Angola–European Union Joint Way Forward have reinforced our shared commitment to sustainable development, investment and mutual prosperity. Seven high-level meetings under this framework have already produced encouraging results, paving the way for an even closer partnership.
Within this context, the Netherlands has emerged as an important partner in Angola’s economic diversification strategy. While Angola remains one of Africa’s leading energy producers, our vision extends far beyond oil. We are committed to building a diversified, resilient and competitive economy that offers opportunities across agriculture, logistics, renewable energy, digital governance and human capital development.
A significant example of this cooperation is the European Union’s Global Gateway initiative, through which more than €2 billion has been committed to the development of the Lobito Corridor. This strategic infrastructure project, linking Angola with the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia, is becoming a major economic gateway for Southern and Central Africa and an engine for regional integration.
Dutch expertise has already contributed to several landmark initiatives. The Caála Logistics Platform will strengthen Angola’s agricultural value chain by improving the storage, preservation and distribution of agricultural, industrial and mineral products while creating an efficient connection between the Central Plateau and the Lobito Economic Development Corridor.
Equally promising is the Angola Highlands Avocado Cluster, an initiative that is positioning Angola as a competitive supplier of premium avocados to European markets. Benefiting from the unique microclimate of Huambo Province, the first certified shipment reached the Port of Rotterdam in 2025, demonstrating Angola’s growing capacity to meet the highest international quality standards. The successful export of dried mango, papaya, pineapple and ginger from Benguela to Rotterdam further illustrates the expanding potential of our agricultural sector.
These achievements confirm that agriculture and logistics are becoming important pillars of Angola’s economic transformation. At the same time, opportunities for Dutch investors extend to renewable energy, water management, technical and vocational education, healthcare, digital governance, public finance management and sustainable infrastructure.
Energy, however, remains a strategic sector for Angola. The volatility of global oil and gas markets reminds us of the importance of balancing immediate economic realities with long-term sustainability. We believe that closer cooperation with strategic partners such as the Netherlands—recognized worldwide for its expertise in renewable energy and energy logistics—can accelerate Angola’s transition towards a more diversified energy mix.
The Government of Angola is pursuing this transition through ambitious projects that complement our traditional energy sector. These include the Caraculo Photovoltaic Project in Namibe Province, developed by Sonangol and ENI; the Quilemba Solar Project in Huíla Province, in partnership with TotalEnergies; a Green Hydrogen Project, currently in its feasibility phase; biofuel initiatives involving ANPG, Sonangol and ENI; and an innovative reforestation programme designed to restore arid regions while contributing to environmental sustainability.
Economic diplomacy, however, is not measured solely by trade figures or investment flows. Long-term development depends equally on people, knowledge and innovation.
For this reason, education and vocational training occupy a central place in Angola’s National Development Plan 2023–2027. Through the 2026 Annual National Development Plan, our Government has prioritised human capital development with thousands of development activities and public investment projects designed to improve skills, increase employability and strengthen national competitiveness.
In this area, the Netherlands offers valuable experience. Its internationally respected education system, closely aligned with labour market needs, provides an excellent model for cooperation. Expanding partnerships between Angolan and Dutch universities, technical institutions and research centres would facilitate knowledge transfer, promote innovation, strengthen vocational training and prepare a new generation of professionals capable of driving Angola’s economic transformation.
The future of Angola–Netherlands relations rests on complementary strengths. Angola offers abundant natural resources, a young and dynamic population, expanding infrastructure and strategic access to regional markets. The Netherlands contributes world-class expertise in logistics, agriculture, water management, renewable energy and innovation.
Together, we can build a partnership that goes beyond traditional trade—one that creates sustainable growth, generates opportunities for both our peoples and contributes to a more resilient and prosperous future.
Michael Schmid, President of Eurojust, brings to the leadership of the European Union’s judicial cooperation agency a rare combination of operational experience, institutional knowledge, and strategic policy insight. His professional journey mirrors the evolution of Eurojust itself. Beginning as a public prosecutor in Vienna specialising in economic crime, he joined Eurojust as a trainee in 2013 and has since served in nearly every operational role within the organisation before being elected President in November 2024. This unique trajectory gives him both a practitioner’s perspective and a strategic vision for the future of European judicial cooperation.
“My background is as a public prosecutor from Vienna, specialised in economic crime,” he explains. “But my career has been related to Eurojust for a long time. I started here in 2013 as a trainee.”
After returning to Austria to work as a prosecutor, Schmid came back to The Hague, serving in several positions at the Austrian Desk and working directly on operational cases. That experience fundamentally shaped his understanding of Eurojust’s mission.
“I really know what counts on the ground and what colleagues, prosecutors and judges need from us,” he says. “We are a sort of service provider for the judicial authorities of the Member States and, of course, for countries outside the European Union.”
His career later expanded to Brussels, where he worked at the Austrian Permanent Representation to the European Union. The experience gave him valuable insight into the EU’s legislative process.
“It helps to understand the system well in order to explain to the authorities what we need.”
Returning to Eurojust in early 2022 as National Member for Austria, Schmid was elected President in November 2024. The appointment, however, came unexpectedly.
“I don’t know whether I was really the ‘natural President’, as you suggested,” he says with a smile. “It came as quite a surprise for me. It wasn’t part of my personal planning. I had a very young baby at home.”
Following several inconclusive rounds of voting requiring a two-thirds majority, colleagues encouraged him to stand as a candidate. Once elected, he had just three days to prepare before taking office.
“I would not recommend anyone to have such short notice before starting a job,” he recalls. “It took me probably a year to really settle in.”
Looking back, Schmid believes his years within the organisation made the transition possible. Today his responsibilities extend well beyond operational casework to strategic leadership, diplomacy and representing Eurojust on the international stage.
International Crime Requires International Trust
For Schmid, the greatest transformation in recent years has been the internationalisation of organised crime.
“Criminality has evolved rapidly over the past decade,” he says. “It has a truly international dimension—not only across countries, but across entire regions of the world.”
Traditional instruments such as mutual legal assistance requests remain important, but no longer suffice on their own.
“What we really need is collaboration built on mutual trust.”
For Schmid, trust is not an abstract concept but the foundation of effective judicial cooperation. In his experience, successful investigations are often built upon long-term personal relationships between prosecutors and judicial authorities across borders.
This philosophy underpins Eurojust’s international strategy, which today rests on three pillars.
The first is a worldwide network of contact points in approximately 100 countries, providing an initial channel for legal discussions, coordination and operational cooperation.
The second consists of Working Arrangements with non-EU countries. While these agreements facilitate strategic cooperation, Schmid believes the negotiation process itself is equally valuable because it establishes confidence between institutions.
The third and most advanced level is the conclusion of International Agreements, allowing the exchange of personal data and the secondment of liaison prosecutors to Eurojust’s headquarters in The Hague.
“This would be a prosecutor from their national system who has an office here in our headquarters,” he explains. “We cooperate with them on a daily basis.”
Eurojust currently hosts liaison prosecutors from countries including the United Kingdom, Norway, Ukraine, the United States and several Western Balkan partners. However, Schmid sees this as only the beginning.
“It is our aim to significantly increase this number. We need to go beyond Europe.”
Organised Crime Without Borders
One of Eurojust’s major priorities is combating organised crime, particularly international drug trafficking.
“The cocaine comes from Latin America,” Schmid explains. “We have increased our cooperation with Latin American countries.”
He offers an analogy that vividly illustrates how organised crime has evolved.
“Criminal groups act sometimes like diplomats. They are all over the world, have contacts and work very well together.”
The consequences are increasingly visible throughout Europe.
“In some countries these criminal networks have become more violent,” he notes, pointing to rising violence associated with drug trafficking, including in the Netherlands.
For Schmid, criminal prosecution alone cannot solve the problem.
“It is very important to have a holistic approach towards drugs and drug trafficking,” he says, pointing to broader issues such as poverty, inequality, education and demand reduction alongside effective law enforcement.
Cybercrime and Artificial Intelligence
Digitalisation has transformed virtually every area of criminal activity.
“Online fraud cases represent approximately one-third to forty percent of our work,” Schmid explains. “Almost all of those offences are now committed online.”
One of the greatest future challenges, he believes, will be ensuring lawful access to encrypted communications and digital evidence while maintaining fundamental rights.
Artificial intelligence presents both opportunities and risks.
“Criminals can use artificial intelligence to impersonate other people,” he warns. “A video can quite easily be produced with artificial intelligence.”
At the same time, AI has enormous potential to support investigators.
“We very often encounter enormous amounts of data that no person could realistically analyse on their own.”
For Schmid, artificial intelligence should enhance judicial work, never replace professional judgement.
“AI can help prosecutors—but there must always be human control.”
Preparing Eurojust for the Future
A major priority during Schmid’s mandate will be the revision of the Eurojust Regulation.
“We need additional resources,” he says. “Otherwise it is just language on paper that we cannot action.”
One of his principal objectives is ensuring that judicial cooperation develops at the same pace as police cooperation.
“Judicial cooperation must not become the bottleneck.”
Without effective prosecution, he argues, organised crime cannot be deterred.
“Without prosecution there is no deterrence.”
Schmid also hopes the revised legal framework will strengthen Eurojust’s ability to combat online crime, recover illicit assets more effectively and welcome additional liaison prosecutors from regions beyond Europe.
Accountability for International Crimes
Another priority remains Eurojust’s support for investigations into war crimes committed in Ukraine.
The Agency coordinates a joint investigation teams, manages the Core International Crimes Evidence Database (CICED) and hosts the International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression (ICPA), which brings together prosecutors from multiple countries to prepare future proceedings.
“This will probably become the most important platform to prepare the work of the future tribunal,” Schmid explains.
Leading an Organisation Built on Trust
Beyond operational achievements and legislative reforms, Schmid ultimately measures success by the strength of the institution itself.
While Eurojust’s mission is to support prosecutors and judges across Europe and beyond, he believes leadership also means building an organisation where people are proud to contribute.
“I would like Eurojust to continue growing—to be a place where colleagues from all over Europe and from many other countries want to come to work; a place where they are proud of what we are doing and fully committed to the aims and goals of the Agency.”
For Michael Schmid, the future of Eurojust rests on three pillars: trust, international partnership, and the conviction that effective justice depends equally on strong legislation and strong relationships.
By H.E. Dr. Dren Doli, Ambassador of the Republic of Kosovo to the Kingdom of the Netherlands
As we celebrate the 18th anniversary of the Republic of Kosovo, we mark more than a milestone in the life of a young nation. Eighteen is the age of adulthood—a moment to reflect on how far we have come, to acknowledge those who made our journey possible, and to look ahead with confidence and responsibility.
What began with the international community’s humanitarian intervention has evolved into one of Europe’s youngest and most dynamic democracies. Kosovo’s story demonstrates what can be achieved when the principles of justice, the rule of law, and international solidarity prevail over violence and oppression.
Yet beyond political achievements and economic progress, there is one lesson that has defined Kosovo’s journey above all others: hope.
Hope carried our people through the darkest chapters of our history. It sustained us when our future seemed uncertain and taught us resilience when our very existence was under threat. Hope inspired us to imagine a country where future generations could live in freedom, peace, and prosperity. It also enabled us to build lasting friendships with nations and partners who believed in our cause and continue to stand with us today.
Eighteen years after declaring independence, Kosovo stands as a democratic, sovereign Republic committed to peace, multilateralism, and the protection of human rights. These accomplishments are not an endpoint but part of a longer journey envisioned by previous generations. They honour the sacrifice of all those who gave their lives for Kosovo’s freedom and independence.
Our democratic institutions continue to mature. During the past year alone, Kosovo successfully conducted two rounds of general elections and two rounds of local elections, all free, competitive, and fair. Such democratic continuity reflects the strength and resilience of our institutions. At the same time, our economy recorded GDP growth of 4.5 percent, among the highest in both the European Union and the Western Balkans, demonstrating our determination to build a prosperous future.
Kosovo remains firmly committed to peace, regional cooperation, and good-neighbourly relations throughout South-East Europe. We also remain deeply grateful to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, whose political, diplomatic, and economic support has been instrumental in strengthening our strategic partnership.
The friendship between our two countries has deep roots. During Kosovo’s struggle for liberation, Dutch soldiers serving within NATO stood alongside our people in defence of freedom and human dignity. Many of those veterans continue to support Kosovo today, serving as guardians of historical truth and reminding us that peace is built upon courage, solidarity, and shared values.
Looking ahead, Kosovo’s strategic objectives remain clear: membership in NATO and the European Union. These aspirations are not merely political ambitions; they reflect our identity and our place within the family of democratic European nations.
Hope continues to guide us. It is hope that gives us the determination to keep knocking on every door until our voice is heard. We do not seek special treatment, nor do we ask for what we have not earned. We seek our rightful place in a united Europe because we share its values, its responsibilities, and its vision for the future.
As Kosovo enters adulthood, we do so with confidence, humility, and hope. Our journey has shown that hope is not passive optimism; it is the determination to persevere, to build, and to believe that a better future is always within reach.
Hope never dies. It simply transforms into the courage to keep moving forward.
Diplomatic tax privilege is often misunderstood. In public discussion, it is sometimes described as if a diplomat simply lives outside the tax system. That is not how the law works.
The better question is not whether diplomats pay tax. The better question is which tax, imposed by which state, on which type of income, and in what capacity the diplomat is acting. Once those distinctions are made, the popular idea of a “tax-free diplomat” becomes far less accurate.
The starting point is the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, especially Article 34. The convention provides that a diplomatic agent is exempt from many dues and taxes in the receiving state. That protection has a specific purpose. It protects the independence of the diplomatic mission. It is not designed to create a private tax privilege for personal enrichment.
The receiving state should not be able to tax a foreign diplomatic agent in a way that pressures, punishes, or interferes with the sending state’s mission. Tax exemption is therefore part of the wider architecture of diplomatic independence. It helps diplomacy function even where political relations are tense.
But Article 34 is not a blank check. It contains important exceptions. A diplomatic agent is not exempt from indirect taxes normally included in the price of goods or services. He or she is not exempt from dues and taxes on private immovable property in the receiving state, unless the property is held on behalf of the sending state for mission purposes. Nor is there a general exemption for estate, succession, or inheritance duties; private income sourced in the receiving state; capital taxes on investments in commercial undertakings in the receiving state; charges for specific services; or certain registration, court, record, mortgage, and stamp duties connected with immovable property.
Those exceptions are not technical details. They show the logic of the system. Diplomatic tax privilege protects official diplomatic activity. It does not turn a diplomat into a private economic actor beyond local law.
Consider ordinary consumption. A diplomat who buys groceries, clothing, restaurant meals, or hotel services may still bear taxes embedded in the price. Some host countries operate special exemption systems for eligible diplomats, such as tax exemption cards, refund procedures, or tax-free purchasing mechanisms. But those systems are domestic administrative arrangements. They vary by country and are often shaped by reciprocity. The Vienna Convention does not mean that every purchase by every diplomat in every jurisdiction is automatically tax-free.
Real estate is another useful example. If a mission owns or leases premises used for official purposes, international law gives significant tax protection. But if a diplomatic agent personally owns an apartment, villa, office, or commercial property in the receiving state, the position changes. Article 34 permits taxation of private immovable property unless the property is held on behalf of the sending state for mission purposes. The distinction is simple: official mission use is protected; private ownership is not automatically protected.
The same principle applies to income. A diplomatic agent’s official remuneration from the sending state is generally protected from host-state taxation. But private income earned in the receiving state can be treated differently. Rental income from private local property, fees from a private consulting arrangement, income from a local business, dividends or capital gains connected to local commercial undertakings, or other earnings unrelated to official functions may fall outside diplomatic tax protection.
This is not accidental. Article 42 of the Vienna Convention provides that a diplomatic agent must not practice for personal profit any professional or commercial activity in the receiving state. The rule reflects a basic concern: diplomatic status should not be used to compete with local residents under a privileged legal and tax position.
The home-country issue is separate. Exemption in the receiving state does not decide what the sending state may tax. A diplomat may be exempt from host-state income tax on official salary while still owing reporting duties or tax at home. Some countries tax citizens or residents on worldwide income. Others use residence-based or territorial systems. Some have special rules for public officials posted abroad. Some exempt certain foreign-service allowances but not base salary. The result depends on domestic law, residence rules, nationality, tax treaties, and the employment relationship with the sending state.
This is where public commentary often becomes misleading. A diplomat posted abroad may not pay income tax to the receiving state on official remuneration, but that does not necessarily mean the income is untaxed. The sending state may still tax it. Alternatively, the sending state may exempt it under domestic law. The Vienna Convention does not create a universal global income-tax exemption. It limits what the receiving state may impose.
Status also matters. The broadest protections apply to diplomatic agents. Administrative and technical staff, service staff, private servants, consular officers, consular employees, honorary consuls, locally engaged employees, nationals of the receiving state, and permanent residents may all be treated differently. The Vienna Convention itself distinguishes categories of mission personnel. Consular law has a separate structure under the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations.
Consular officers, for example, may benefit from tax exemptions under consular law, but the structure is not identical to diplomatic law. Honorary consular officers are more limited still. Under Article 66 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, an honorary consular officer is exempt from dues and taxes on remuneration and emoluments received from the sending state for the exercise of consular functions. That is not the same as a general exemption from tax on private income, private business activity, or local investments.
Locally engaged employees are another common source of confusion. A person may work inside an embassy and still not have the tax position of a diplomatic agent. If the person is a citizen or permanent resident of the host country and is employed locally by a foreign mission, domestic law may treat that person much like any other local employee. The building does not automatically confer the tax status of the ambassador.
The United States illustrates the point. The IRS explains that employees of foreign governments may be able to exempt foreign-government compensation from U.S. income tax under the Vienna Conventions, a bilateral agreement, a treaty, or specific U.S. tax law, but the exemption applies only to compensation for official services. It does not apply to other U.S.-source income such as interest, dividends, rents, or royalties. The IRS also distinguishes withholding treatment from ultimate income-tax reporting obligations. For example, certain compensation may not be treated as wages for withholding purposes while still being reportable by U.S. citizens.
That distinction is important because tax privilege is often confused with tax invisibility. Diplomatic or foreign-government status may affect withholding, taxability, filing duties, social security treatment, or residence calculations, depending on the jurisdiction. Those are different questions. They should not be collapsed into one claim that diplomats “do not pay tax.”
For governments, the lesson is administrative clarity. Missions should explain to their personnel which exemptions apply, which do not, and what documentation is required. Host states should apply tax privileges consistently and transparently. Diplomats and mission staff should avoid assuming that protocol status automatically resolves tax exposure.
For the public, the lesson is even simpler. Diplomatic tax privilege is not a personal escape hatch. It is a functional protection for interstate representation. It prevents a host state from using taxation to interfere with a foreign mission. It does not protect private commercial activity, local-source private income, ordinary consumption taxes in every case, or home-country tax obligations.
The myth of the “tax-free diplomat” survives because it is simple. The law is more precise. Diplomats may receive important exemptions from host-state taxation, especially on official remuneration and mission-related activity. But those exemptions are conditional, role-specific, and jurisdictional.
In diplomatic law, the question is rarely “taxable or not taxable.” The real question is capacity. Official capacity is protected. Private capacity is not automatically protected. That distinction is where the tax myth ends and the legal framework begins.
About the author:
Peter Kovacs is Director of Strategy at William Blackstone Internacional, Inc., a Panama-based advisory firm focused on diplomatic protocol, public international law frameworks, documentation readiness, and compliance. His work focuses on non-career diplomatic appointment structures, consular status, jurisdictional analysis, and risk controls for private clients, counsel, and institutions.
On 11 June 2026, the Humanity Hub in The Hague hosted the presentation of the Report Offering a Preliminary Review of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers (KSC), published by the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC). The briefing was co-hosted by the Ombudsperson Institution of Kosovo and the Embassy of the Republic of Kosovo in the Netherlands.
Authored by Dr. Gus Waschefort and Ms. Lauren Lederle, the report is presented as the first independent review of its kind assessing the work and functioning of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers since their establishment.
Ms. Lauren Lederle and Dr. Gus Waschefort
The event opened with remarks by H.E. Dr. Dren Doli, Ambassador of the Republic of Kosovo to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, and Mr. Naim Qelaj, Ombudsman of the Republic of Kosovo.
Ambassador Doli reflected on Kosovo’s experience over the past 25 years in addressing war crimes and crimes against humanity through a combination of domestic and international judicial mechanisms. He emphasized that constructive scrutiny strengthens judicial institutions, noting that an independent assessment can reinforce “the strength of their reasoning, the fairness of their procedures, and the confidence they inspire among those they serve—in this case, the people of Kosovo.”
Mr. Qelaj highlighted that the work of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and the Specialist Prosecutor’s Office raises important human rights questions extending beyond Kosovo, touching on broader issues of democracy, the rule of law, and the protection of fundamental rights across Europe. He explained that the report had been commissioned to provide an independent human rights assessment of these institutions, making it relevant not only to Kosovo but also to the wider European legal community.
The Ombudsman further stressed that the report reflects exclusively the views of its authors and was prepared without any influence from his institution, ensuring its independence. He concluded by observing that judicial independence and democratic oversight are complementary principles, arguing that public confidence in the justice system depends on institutions that are independent, transparent, and open to objective evaluation.
Dr. Waschefort and Ms. Lederle then presented the report’s methodology, principal findings, identified human rights concerns, and recommendations. Their analysis addressed several key issues, including provisional release, the right to a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law, the admissibility of evidence, and the principle of legality. The presentation was followed by an open discussion with participants.
Beyond its examination of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers, the briefing provided an opportunity to reflect on the broader role of international courts and tribunals based in The Hague. The discussion explored wider questions surrounding international justice, accountability, judicial legitimacy, and the continuous development of international legal institutions.
The event brought together ambassadors and legal advisers from diplomatic missions in The Hague, alongside academics, journalists, and representatives of Dutch research institutes, NGOs, and think tanks, who actively participated in the exchange of views.
En 2026, la oficina de ProChile en los Países Bajos conmemora 35 años de presencia ininterrumpida en uno de los mercados más estratégicos de Europa. Durante más de tres décadas, esta representación comercial ha sido un puente entre Chile y el Reino de los Países Bajos, promoviendo el intercambio económico, la inversión, la innovación y el desarrollo de relaciones empresariales de largo plazo.
Los Países Bajos constituyen una puerta de entrada privilegiada al mercado europeo. Con el Puerto de Róterdam —el más grande e importante de Europa— como eje logístico continental, el país se ha consolidado como un centro neurálgico para el comercio internacional, ofreciendo a las empresas chilenas acceso eficiente a millones de consumidores europeos.
Desde su establecimiento a comienzos de la década de 1990, la oficina de ProChile en La Haya ha acompañado a cientos de empresas chilenas en su proceso de internacionalización. Lo que comenzó con la promoción de productos tradicionales como frutas frescas, vinos y productos del mar, ha evolucionado hacia una agenda mucho más diversa que incluye alimentos innovadores, servicios globales, tecnología, energías renovables, industrias creativas y soluciones sostenibles. Destacan áreas como hidrógeno verde y materiales críticos, que hoy están presentes en la agenda bilateral comercial, dando cuenta de la necesaria evolución del comercio e intercambio entre ambos países.
La relación económica entre Chile y los Países Bajos se caracteriza por una notable complementariedad. Chile aporta una oferta exportable de alta calidad y reconocidos estándares sanitarios y de sostenibilidad, mientras que los Países Bajos ofrecen experiencia en logística, innovación, agricultura de precisión, economía circular y desarrollo tecnológico.
En las últimas décadas, ProChile ha desempeñado un papel fundamental en la organización de misiones comerciales, participación en ferias internacionales, encuentros empresariales y actividades de promoción sectorial. Las exportaciones no tradicionales (no cobre no litio) de Chile a Países Bajos han batido récord durante dos años consecutivos, superando los 1.700 millones de dólares en 2025.
Actualmente, la oficina comercial de ProChile en La Haya continúa fortaleciendo la presencia chilena en Europa bajo el liderazgo del Agregado Comercial Osvaldo Marinao, junto a un equipo multicultural que trabaja estrechamente con empresas, importadores, inversionistas e instituciones de ambos países. Desde sus oficinas en Parkstraat, en el corazón de La Haya, ProChile sigue promoviendo oportunidades de negocio y cooperación entre Chile y los Países Bajos.
La celebración de estos 35 años, es el reconocimiento a miles de empresarios, exportadores, socios comerciales y funcionarios que han contribuido a fortalecer una sólida relación bilateral. También constituye una oportunidad para proyectar un futuro marcado por la innovación, la sostenibilidad y la creciente cooperación entre dos países que comparten una profunda vocación internacional.
En un contexto global donde la resiliencia de las cadenas de suministro, la transición energética y la transformación digital adquieren cada vez mayor relevancia, ProChile reafirma su compromiso de seguir conectando el talento, los productos y los servicios chilenos con el mundo, fortaleciendo desde los Países Bajos una de las plataformas comerciales más importantes para Chile en Europa.
In 2026, ProChile’s office in the Netherlands marks 35 years of uninterrupted presence in one of Europe’s most strategic markets. For more than three decades, this trade representation has served as a bridge between Chile and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, fostering trade, investment, innovation, and long-term business partnerships.
The Netherlands is one of Europe’s principal gateways to international trade. With the Port of Rotterdam—the largest and busiest seaport in Europe—serving as the continent’s primary logistics hub, the country provides Chilean companies with efficient access to millions of European consumers.
Since its establishment in the early 1990s, ProChile’s office in The Hague has supported hundreds of Chilean companies in their international expansion. What began with the promotion of traditional exports such as fresh fruit, wine, and seafood has evolved into a far more diverse agenda encompassing innovative food products, global services, technology, renewable energy, creative industries, and sustainable solutions. Green hydrogen and critical minerals have also become prominent areas of bilateral trade cooperation, reflecting the evolving commercial relationship between the two countries.
The economic partnership between Chile and the Netherlands is built on strong complementarity. Chile offers a high-quality export portfolio backed by internationally recognized sanitary, sustainability, and production standards, while the Netherlands contributes world-class expertise in logistics, agricultural innovation, precision farming, the circular economy, and technological development.
Over the past three decades, ProChile has played a pivotal role in organizing trade missions, coordinating participation in international trade fairs, facilitating business matchmaking, and promoting key export sectors. Chile’s non-traditional exports to the Netherlands—excluding copper and lithium—have reached record levels for two consecutive years, surpassing US$1.7 billion in 2025.
Today, ProChile’s Trade Office in The Hague continues to strengthen Chile’s presence in Europe under the leadership of Commercial Attaché Osvaldo Marinao and a multicultural team working closely with companies, importers, investors, and institutions in both countries. From its offices on Parkstraat, in the heart of The Hague, ProChile continues to promote business opportunities and deepen economic cooperation between Chile and the Netherlands.
The celebration of this 35-year milestone is a tribute to the thousands of entrepreneurs, exporters, business partners, and public officials who have helped build this strong bilateral relationship. It also offers an opportunity to look ahead to a future driven by innovation, sustainability, and ever-closer cooperation between two countries that share a strong international outlook.
At a time when supply chain resilience, the energy transition, and digital transformation are becoming increasingly important worldwide, ProChile reaffirms its commitment to connecting Chilean talent, products, and services with global markets, while strengthening the Netherlands’ role as one of Chile’s most important commercial platforms in Europe.
By H.E. Ms. Halima Mucheke, Ambassador of Kenya to the Kingdom of the Netherlands
In a rapidly changing global landscape, nations are increasingly measured not only by economic performance but by their capacity to connect people, ideas, markets, and innovation. Kenya exemplifies this dynamic. Widely recognised as the birthplace of the safari and home to some of the world’s most celebrated wildlife experiences, Kenya today is equally distinguished as a regional economic leader, diplomatic centre, and innovation hub.
The country’s influence is reflected in the role it plays across East Africa and beyond. The Port of Mombasa serves as the principal maritime gateway for several neighbouring countries, while Nairobi has become one of Africa’s leading centres for diplomacy and international cooperation, hosting the United Nations Office at Nairobi alongside numerous international organisations, multinational companies, and development institutions.
Kenya’s active participation in the East African Community and the African Continental Free Trade Area provides businesses with access to a regional market of more than 300 million consumers. Combined with a stable financial sector, expanding infrastructure, and an increasingly favourable investment climate, these partnerships continue to strengthen Kenya’s position as a destination for trade and investment.
The country has also earned international recognition as one of Africa’s leading centres for digital innovation. Kenya pioneered mobile financial services and continues to advance digital inclusion through a vibrant technology ecosystem supported by expanding broadband infrastructure, entrepreneurial talent, and forward-looking public policy. New opportunities are emerging in artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, digital finance, health technology, and education, reinforcing Kenya’s reputation as a creator of solutions with regional and global relevance.
This innovation-driven economy is complemented by sustained investment in transport, renewable energy, and digital infrastructure, while ongoing reforms continue to improve the business environment and foster sustainable economic growth.
Alongside these achievements, Kenya’s natural and cultural heritage remains one of its greatest strengths. From the vast plains of the Maasai Mara National Reserve and the elephant herds of Amboseli National Park, framed by Mount Kilimanjaro, to the white-sand beaches of the Indian Ocean and the historic streets of Lamu Old Town, Kenya offers an exceptional diversity of landscapes and experiences. Equally remarkable is the richness of its many communities, whose traditions contribute to the country’s distinctive cultural identity.
Tourism continues to play a vital role in Kenya’s economy, increasingly shaped by a commitment to sustainability, wildlife conservation, and community development. The country’s internationally recognised conservation initiatives demonstrate how protecting biodiversity can go hand in hand with supporting local livelihoods and creating lasting economic value.
Kenya remains home to the iconic Big Five, the spectacular Great Wildebeest Migration, and some of Africa’s most successful conservation programmes. Beyond wildlife, visitors discover adventure tourism, cultural heritage, world-class conference facilities, and the renowned hospitality for which Kenya is known.
As governments, businesses, and investors seek new partnerships across Africa, Kenya offers an environment where innovation, entrepreneurship, sustainability, and international cooperation reinforce one another. It is a nation that embraces technological progress while safeguarding its extraordinary natural heritage, creating opportunities that extend well beyond its borders.
Kenya’s story is therefore not defined solely by its breathtaking landscapes or remarkable wildlife. It is the story of a confident nation investing in its future while remaining deeply connected to its people, culture, and environment. Whether engaging as an investor, diplomat, entrepreneur, or traveller, those who come to Kenya encounter a country where opportunity and inspiration go hand in hand.
Kenya’s Iconic National Parks and Reserves
Park / Reserve
Highlights
Region
Maasai Mara National Reserve
Big Five wildlife and the Great Migration
Southwest Kenya
Amboseli National Park
Large elephant herds with views of Mount Kilimanjaro
Southern Kenya
Lake Nakuru National Park
Rhinos, flamingos, and exceptional birdlife
Rift Valley
Tsavo East National Park
Red elephants and vast wilderness
Southeast Kenya
Tsavo West National Park
Volcanic landscapes and rich biodiversity
Southeast Kenya
Samburu National Reserve
The unique Samburu Special Five
Northern Kenya
Meru National Park
Untouched wilderness and authentic safari experiences
Eastern Kenya
Aberdare National Park
Forest wildlife, waterfalls, and mountain scenery
Central Kenya
Nairobi National Park
The world’s only wildlife park within a capital city
Nairobi
Ol Pejeta Conservancy
Rhino conservation, chimpanzee sanctuary, and eco-tourism
Article 19(23.06.2026) – The passing of a law by the President of Poland which will establish stronger safeguards against Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) is a long-awaited victory for media freedom which will provide important legal protections for public interest journalism, the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today.
Our organisations welcome the passing of the amendment, which will establish a strong legal basis in Poland to fight SLAPPs. The law covers both domestic and cross border SLAPPs ensuring implementation of both EU Anti-SLAPP Directive and Council of Europe Recommendation Against SLAPPs. Crucially, the Polish law will provide safeguards against vexatious lawsuits filed against journalists and media domestically, as well as other individuals participating in the public debate.
The bill was signed into law on 19 June by Polish President Karol Nawrocki after being passed in the Sejm on 16 May. The Act on Special Protection Measures in Civil Proceedings for Persons Participating in Public Debate, known as the ‘Anti-SLAPP Act’, will come into effect soon.
The law includes several progressive elements which media freedom groups have long advocated for, including early dismissal mechanisms for vexatious lawsuits, the introduction of security deposits for claimants, and the reversal of the burden of proof on the claimant in SLAPP cases.
Lawsuits identified as manifestly unfounded and instead aimed at suppressing or disrupting public debate can now be declared an abuse of procedural law by a court and dismissed. However, the effectiveness of this protection will depend significantly on judicial practice. The law also provides detailed definitions for identifying SLAPPs.
These changes will significantly increase the power of the courts to swiftly reject extortionate or censorious lawsuits and protect journalists and media carrying out public interest reporting from costly and time-consuming legal battles.
Regrettably, defamation remains a criminal offence in Poland and the new law does not apply to criminal proceedings. As a result, Article 212 of the Criminal Code remains open to abuse by actors seeking to silence public interest speech and reporting. However, the Ministry of Justice has committed to supplementary reform of the country’s criminal code within the current parliamentary term, which runs until November 2027. In addition, the law falls short of allowing defendants to seek compensation within the same proceedings. Those wishing to claim damages will need to initiate a separate legal process, generating additional costs.
Overall, however, Poland’s legislation now represents one of the most well-designed anti-SLAPP laws in Europe, broadly aligns with Council of Europe standards, and should act as an example for other EU Member States in transposing the Anti-SLAPP Directive, the deadline for whichpassed on 7 May.
SLAPPs are a form of vexatious legal harassment commonly filed by powerful companies, businesspeople or politicians which aim to silence legitimate public interest speech, including journalism. In recent years, the MFRR hasdocumented how SLAPPs have become a powerful tool used by political actors in Poland for attempting to muzzle investigative reporting and intimidate watchdog journalism.
Poland has long been one of the EU countries to experience the highest numbers of SLAPPs, according to the Coalition Against SLAPPs in Europe (CASE). The vast majority of SLAPPs in Poland are filed domestically, underlining the importance of the bill going beyond the EU minimum standards and extending to domestic cases.
MFRR partners have long advocated for the passing of such legislation, including with the Ministry of Justice during a mission to Warsaw in 2024. Since 2020, MFRR partners havemonitored and documented different forms of legal threats and SLAPPs in Poland.
With wider media reforms by the Tusk government currently delayed due to political deadlock, the Anti-SLAPP Act represents one of the most positive elements of the current government’s press freedom record to date.
The passing of the bill should provide impetus forwider media freedom reforms in Poland under the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). MFRR partners welcome the approval of the Anti-SLAPP Act by President Nawrocki, who our organisationspreviously called upon to support such reforms, as well as the cross-party support for this bill in Poland.
MFRR partners hail the work of consortium member ARTICLE 19 Europe, which played a key role in the Polish anti-SLAPP working group, along with the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights and the Citizen Network Watchdog Poland, and all those who participated in the development and passing of this law.
MFRR partners will monitor implementation of the anti-SLAPP law, continue to document SLAPPs and other forms of abusive lawfare against media actors in Poland, and push for the full decriminalisation of defamation, in line with European standards.
Signed:
International Press Institute (IPI)
ARTICLE 19 Europe
European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
