The Hague Cyprus twenty Years After

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The Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cyprus  H.E. Ambassador Alexandros N. Zenon. By Roy Lie A Tjam. His Excellency Ambassador Alexandros Zenon is a veteran of Cypriot diplomacy who he has been active in the diplomatic world since 1979. He is married with one daughter (24) who is a lawyer. She had her formative years in the Netherlands and, according to her father, has retained some pleasant Dutch characteristics, including the famous punctuality and organization. Ambassador Zenon studied Law at the National University of Athens and holds a post-graduate DEA degree from Paris IV-Sorbonne University in History, International Relations and Defence. He was also awarded a diploma in European Studies from the International Institute of Public Administration in Paris, and completed the Harvard University course on negotiating processes. He is fluent in Greek, English, French and Italian.
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Ambassador Alexandros Zenon.
Ambassador Zenon joined the Foreign Service early in his career and has served in the diplomatic missions of Cyprus in Rome (1982-1989), Vienna-CSCE (1989) and Paris (1991-1996), as well as in various positions and departments of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Nicosia, including in the Foreign Minister’s private office. He was also a Member of the Board of Governors of the Commonwealth Secretariat. He later became Cyprus’s first resident Ambassador to the Netherlands in 1996. Until that time the Cyprus Ambassador accredited to the Netherlands was based in Brussels. “It’s good to be back in The Hague twenty years after the establishment of the embassy,” remarked His Excellency. Like the novel Twenty years after by Alexander Dumas (père), the Netherlands has a special place in AZ’s heart. He speaks fondly of the then Queen Beatrix, having been impressed by her warmth, broad interests and intelligence. Ambassador Zenon recalls well the day he presented his credentials to HM Queen Beatrix, a remarkable piece of Dutch diplomatic tradition. He has served as the Cypriot envoy to a number of European countries, and is currently Cyprus’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Permanent Secretary. Cyprus has always been an important country, strategically located at the crossroads of Europe, Asia and Africa. Many world powers have tried their hand at dominating the island, including the crusaders. Britain was the last foreign power to control Cypriot shores. Cyprus adheres to a high standard of justice, and it is for this reason that the country has made the donation of the 3rd century BC sculpture to the International Court of Justice. For over seventy years, the court has been a beacon to nations seeking justice. Cyprus would like the ICJ and the world to know the nation recognises the efforts the court has made in the cause of justice worldwide. According to Ambassador Zenon, Cyprus is making great strides in ending the dispute over Famagusta, Europe’s ghost city. There is cautious optimism that within the coming months a plan for the (re)unification of Cyprus might be agreed. Peace talks have been taking place in various locations. Recently, UNSG Ban Ki Moon visited the ongoing negotiations in Switzerland to encourage stakeholders to pursue the road to unification.
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Ambassador Elpidoforos Economou, Ambassador Alexandros Zenon, Harald Hameleers Press and Communication Counsellor and Roy Lie A Tjam.
His Excellency Ambassador Elpidoforos Economou has organized many interesting activities in 2016. Among them was the Famagusta photo exhibition which was a great success. The Ambassador revealed there will be more promotional events to follow in 2017.                                

The Morning After

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By John Dunkelgrün. Of course the best sight is hindsight. The US election results, so devastating to so many, should not have come as a surprise. We live in a time when neglected voters are finally protesting. In The Netherlands it started with Pim Fortuyn and Geert Wilders, in France with the Le Pens, in the (not so)UK with UKIP and in the US with Bernie Sanders. And now we have President elect Donald Trump in the US. img_4749What are some of the causes? Politically Correct speak and policies fuelled by misplaced guilt over a colonial past eventually make the traditional populations uneasy. This is especially so when minority groups are seen to be overly favoured. This causes “Local people first” type of political movements. By far most people are in favour of accepting and assisting refugees, but when a trickle becomes a wave and then a tsunami that threatens the economy, the social programs and the very culture of a receiving country, it becomes too much to bear for many. No reassuring “Wir schaffen das”, will alleviate that anxiety. Globalisation has demonstrably improved the economy all over the world. So, and even more so, has automation. However in its wake of creative destruction these developments have left behind many manual and clerical workers. It is for society at large to use part of the gains to set up facilities for retraining these people and, where that is impossible, caring for them. img_4783 The political elites are too aloof, too far away from the anxieties and real worries of the affected people. They have been blind to the damage caused by the absurd extreme differences in wealth and income between “the 1%” and the rest. It causes mistrust in the political establishment that can, is and will be be used to great effect by populist politicians. Mrs. Clinton was made aware of the anxieties of the young liberal left by the success of Bernie Sanders and adjusted her campaign (too little, too late?). She totally ignored the states with large populations of people who were left behind by globalisation and automation. She didn’t counter Republican claims of the danger of immigrants, not did she repudiate in a forceful way the slander of crookery, untruthfulness and unreliability poured out forcefully and continually on Republican publications, radio, TV and social media. She did not heed the lessons from the policies of Josef Goebbels and Der Stürmer that lies, when repeated often enough become truths. “Truths” that have put her opponent in The White House. If leaders everywhere don’t heed these lessons, next year we may be looking at a world not just with Donald Trump as US President and a UK in the process of leaving the EU and perhaps of breaking up, but with a Germany without Mrs. Merkel, Ms. Le Pen as President of France and Mr. Wilders as Prime Minister of The Netherlands.  

Parliamentary diplomacy as a significant cornerstone of (further) democratisation

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By Khadija Arib, President of the House of Representatives of the States General. Before her appointment as President of the House of Representatives in January 2016, Khadija Arib served as an MP for 18 years and spent many years as a member of the Council of Europe. In this capacity, she worked as an election observer on numerous occasions, including in Indonesia, the Palestinian territories and Morocco. ‘I was moved by how eager people are to exercise their democratic right to vote. The Dutch parliamentary system can play a role in the democratisation, or further democratisation of these countries, with parliamentary diplomacy playing a pivotal role.’   Dutch parliamentary democracy has a lengthy history. On 1 March 1796, Pieter Paulus opened the inaugural formal session of the National Assembly (Nationale Vergadering); at the time, the Netherlands still went by the name of the Batavian Republic. Even then, the members embraced the notion of a unitary state based on a constitution, the separation of church and state, and the conviction that members of parliament should be democratically elected. These are concepts that continued to be adhered to in the years that followed; in the Constitution of the Netherlands that was drafted in 1814 by a committee headed by Gijsbert Karel van Hogendorp, in the bicameral system of checks and balances that was introduced in 1815 with the first joint sitting of the States General, and in Johan Rudolph Thorbecke’s sweeping constitutional amendments of 1848. For us, democracy is a matter of course. Our political transactions are rooted in fundamental, shared convictions, such as equal treatment in equal circumstances, freedom of expression and lifestyle and an independent judiciary system – all focused on an inclusive, fair society. Our system of representation also ensures that parliament is a reflection of society. While that used to relate primarily to established religious or ideological movements, nowadays, ‘representative’ means that the voice of new, sometimes one-issue interest groups without historical ties is also represented in parliament. For example, there are parties in the House of Representatives that specifically represent the interests of Christians and the elderly, and the Netherlands is the only country with a party that specifically represents the interests of animals. Many countries lack these democratic foundations, and the first stones are now cautiously being laid. During my time as an MP, I worked as an election observer on numerous occasions. I visited places including Indonesia and the Palestinian territories, but also my native Morocco. I witnessed long queues, which people joined early in the morning to spend hours waiting in the rain or searing sun in order to exercise their democratic right to vote. There were often not enough polling stations, and it was not always guaranteed that the elections would be conducted honestly. I remember an elderly woman in Indonesia – she must have been in her nineties – who was absolutely delighted, especially as a woman, to witness a free election during her lifetime. It made me appreciate all the more what a great asset it is that our Dutch democracy functions as it does. It may seem perfectly normal to us, precisely because our system is centuries old, but many countries have yet to gain some rudimentary democratic principles. I believe that the Dutch parliamentary system can play a role in the further democratisation of such countries. They have started on the road towards democracy and can learn from the best practices of countries and parliaments that, like ours, are democratically elected and work based on the confidence and mandate of their voters – consider, for instance, our neighbouring countries such as Belgium, Luxembourg, France, Germany and the United Kingdom. Parliamentary diplomacy will be pivotal in such efforts. Not as an objective in itself, but as an instrument that we – as parliamentarians – can use to share experiences and learn from each other. This takes place during organised conferences linked to the Council of Europe, the EU, NATO or the OSCE, for example, as well as through bilateral relations. We discuss specific policy areas and mutual relations, but I believe that these discussions should also address the matter of how we can contribute to the realisation of a democratic process in countries where this is not a matter of course. The Netherlands has long had a reputation as an outward-looking country. It is in our nature to share our experiences with countries that intend to work towards becoming a democratic constitutional state, with elected MPs who act in accordance with a written constitution. That is not something that will happen overnight. We know from experience that democracy is something that develops organically. It did not emerge out of nothing in the Netherlands either; repeated steps were taken towards a more open, transparent and accessible system, with equal rights for all. In this regard, the introduction of universal suffrage in 1917 and women’s suffrage in 1919 are two significant milestones. And our political system remains in a state of flux. For example, the constitutional amendments of 1983 determined that the term of office of the Senate would be reduced to four years and that all senators would be appointed at the same time, while the decision was recently taken to appoint a government committee for ‘constitutional review’. Democracy is not static and can take many forms. In mutual relations, open dialogue is required, with due respect for each other’s political history and landscape, and culture. I believe that these are the most significant cornerstones of parliamentary democracy: mutual understanding, combined with an intrinsic desire to help each other advance and learn from each other. ——— Photography by Hans Kouwenhoven.

Lebanon has a new President, but the old problems still exist

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  “We must break with the past to build the future and turn the grim pages of our history” Michel Aoun   anuary”   By Corneliu Pivariu, CEO INGEPO Consulting, MG (two stars general – ret.) On 1 October 201, the Lebanese Parliament ended the longest period in the history of Lebanon without a President (2 months since the end of President Michel Suleimans term of office – May 2014) after parliamentary sessions in which no candidate could reach the needed quorum to be elected. The new President is General Michel Aoun, whose election had been expected by many people, including the longeval (first elected on 20 October 1992 and re-elected several times) President of the Lebanese Parliament, Abih Berri, President of the Amal movement (since1980). General Michel Aoun (born 18 February 1935) can be considered a legendary figure in Lebanon. He was promoted to the rank of general in 1984 and the same year he was appointed commander in chief of the Lebanese army. His military education includes training courses in France and the US. From 22 September 1988 to 13 October 1990 he acted as Prime Minister, having been assigned by President Amine Gemayel at the end of his term of office (a controversial decision which led to the existence of two parallel governments, one led by General Aoun, the other led by Prime Minister Selim Hoss). On 14 March 1989 Aoun announced the liberation war (against the Syrian armed forces), and on 13 October the Syrian army strongly supported by aviation attacked the area controlled by Aoun, including the presidential palace in Baabda, killing hundreds of Lebanese soldiers and civilians. General Aoun took refuge at the French Embassy in Beirut, later being evacuated in an operation of the French intelligence services and army and he received political asylum in France, where he has remained for 15 years – until 2005. He returned to Beirut on 7 May 2005, 11 days after the withdrawal of the Syrian troops from Lebanon, being cheered by hundreds of thousands of Lebanese people in the streets of Beirut. His political evolution is marked by a high tenacity, a great understanding of the complicated political developments in Lebanon, of the relations between different parties, groups and personalities, but also of the regional and global geopolitical developments. In 2006, as head of the Patriotic Liberation Movement, he signed the Memorandum of Understanding with Hezbollah, an alliance that remained in effect even today, and in 2009 he proved his political maturity again by visiting Syria. His complex personality made us insist and succeed in obtaining an interview for the Geostrategic Pulse during our travel to Beirut in the summer of 2010, which has been published in a special issue dedicated to Lebanon.     Michel Aoun continued to prove maturity and appropriateness on the Lebanese political arena in order to reach a political consensus to elect a President at the end of Michel Suleimans mandate in 2014 and he gradually succeeded it. The public statement made by Saad Hariri on 20 October in which he showed that his parliamentary block – Alliance 14 March ( 45 MPs) would vote for the election of Michel Aoun as president, is another signal for the settlement of the presidential crisis. There are also the positions of other Lebanese political leaders, of which we mention Samir Geagea, which does not mean that they have a less important role.   Although Michel Aoun was elected with 83 votes out of 127, this majority was reached only in the second valid ballot (after the first round, two other rounds were invalidated due to a number of votes higher than the numbers of MP present). General Aoun obtained 84 votes in the first round (one vote less than the two-thirds majority required), for the second round being required only a simple majority of 50 % plus one (64 votes). These details highlight the fragility of the Lebanese political arena and if from the outside it would seem that a new President would be mostly the result of the agreements between Tehran and Riyadh or of Moscows influence (in early October Saad Hariri met Sergei Lavrov in Moscow), the election of President Michel Aoun is primarily due to the domestic political arrangements. In his first speech after being elected as President, Aoun spoke about: the primary concern for “political stability, respect of the law, the National Pact and the Constitution”; “the necessity to adopt a new electoral law to ensure fair representativeness to the next parliamentary elections” (scheduled for June 2017); Lebanons neutrality; economic and social reforms; “the provision of security and stability through cooperation between security services and justice” the consolidation of the army – as a priority.   A new prime minister is to be appointed, most likely in the person of Saad Hariri, the new government is to be formed, but that does not mean that the old problems will be solved in Lebanon.
About the author: Corneliu Pivariu, former first deputy for military intelligence (two stars general) in the Romanian MoD, retired 2003. Member of IISS – London, alumni of Harvard – Kennedy School Executive Education and others international organizations. Founder of INGEPO Consulting, and bimonthly Bulletin, Geostrategic Pulse”. Main areas of expertise – geopolitics, intelligence and security.   Photography by  INGEPO Consulting Photographer Ionus Paraschiv.

Kosovo: again a new international tribunal to settle in The Hague

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By Jhr. Alexander W. Beelaerts van Blokland LL.M. The Hague hosts many international courts, tribunals and other organizations and soon a new one will be added: the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and the Specialist Prosecutor’s Office. What is it ? The former Prosecutor of the ICTY (the Yugoslavia Tribunal) Mrs. Carla Delponte pointed out in her memoirs that allegedly in the years 1998 – 2000 very serious crimes were committed in Kosovo and Albania by (former) members of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). The Council of Europe started an investigation and the result was the Marty report in 2011, that confirmed Mrs. Delponte’s accusations. The Special Investigative Task Force, established by the European Union, concluded in 2014 that there was sufficient evidence to start legal cases. But: for which court ? The EU reached an agreement with Kosovo about additional chambers on every level of the Kosovo court system (Basic Court, Court of Appeal, Supreme Court and Constitutional Court) and a Public Prosecutor Office to conduct the trials. They will function according to relevant Kosovo laws as well as customary international law and international human rights law. Because of experiences with other cases, it was decided for safety reasons to establish these chambers outside Kosovo: in The Netherlands. There is now a (provisional) host state agreement with The Netherlands. The Dutch parliament agreed. Apart from the EU the project has been supported and co-sponsored by Canada, Norway, Switzerland, Turkey and the USA. The Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor’s Office will have jurisdiction over crimes against humanity, war crimes and other crimes under Kosovo law in relation to allegations reported in the Council of Europe Parliamentary Report of 7 January 2011. They will be established in the former EUROPOL-building at the Raamweg in the International Zone of The Hague. A Prosecutor (Mr David Schwendiman from the USA) and a Registar (Ms Fidelma Donlon from Ireland) have been nominated. The judges will come from EU-countries and the abovementioned supporting countries from outside the EU. Only the President will be nominated full time, the other judges will work via the so called roster system. All will start in 2017 or 2018. The City of The Hague is happy and proud to host another important international tribunal. About the author:  Jhr. Alexander W. Beelaerts van Blokland LL.M. Justice (Judge) in the (Dutch) Court of Appeal and honorary Special Advisor International Affairs, appointed by the Mayor & Aldermen of The Hague. a.beelaerts@planet.nl          

A positive approach to the criticism of the ICC: a case for the Hybrid Court for South Sudan.

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By Dr Rens Willems. Burundi, South Africa and Gambia have recently announced their withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. Kenya, Namibia and Uganda are also deliberating a withdrawal. This article argues that it is through action, not withdrawal, that African countries can truly promote justice and human rights in Africa. Critiques underlying the withdrawal from the ICC are that the Court unfairly targets African countries and that it serves as a neo-colonial tool for oppression of Africa by the West. Harsh accusations, which are fueled by the fact that most investigations of the Court are on the African continent, and all convicted or currently on trial are African nationals. There are some arguments against these critiques. The majority of these cases were referred to the ICC by the governments of these countries themselves. And sadly, many countries outside of Africa that are involved in war have not ratified the Rome Statute, and referral by the UN Security Council is blocked in cases where its permanent members are involved. These rational counter-arguments notwithstanding, the critiques on the ICC should not simply be brushed aside as politically expedient remarks by African politicians. Serious efforts should be made to re-engage critical countries with the Court, including a serious reflection on the Court’s functioning and how it can better integrate its vision of justice with local practices. The criticisms and withdrawal should furthermore be considered as an opportunity to promote justice and human rights in Africa. Even where the ICC has jurisdiction, it is a court of last resort. A positive approach to the critiques on the ICC would be to promote alternative judicial processes dealing with war crimes and crimes against humanity at national and regional levels. African leaders have the opportunity to take matters in their own hands and work towards the promotion of human rights for people living on the African continent. The African Union and its member countries have a responsibility to act. One promising step in this direction was the special court set up by the African Union to try former president of Chad Hissène Habré. Another opportunity has presented itself in South Sudan. In August 2015, the warring parties in South Sudan signed the Agreement for the Resolution of the Crisis in South Sudan (ARCISS). Chapter V of the ARCISS details the parties’ plans for combating impunity and addressing the legacies of past conflicts, including the establishment of a Hybrid Court for South Sudan (HCSS) to bring cases against individuals bearing responsibility for genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and sexual violence and gender-based crimes. The Agreement mandated the African Union Commission (AUC) to establish the HCSS, and provide guidelines to regulate its functioning. In September 2015, the African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC) authorized the Chairperson of the AUC to take all necessary steps towards the establishment of the HCSS. The AUC should take action and continue with the establishment of the HCSS. Because it is through action that African countries can promote their vision on and future of justice and human rights on the continent. ——– About the author:   Dr Rens Willems. Research Fellow and Programme Leader Peace and Conflict Studies, University for Peace (UPEACE) Centre The Hague.[1]   [1] UPEACE recently completed a 2-year research project on transitional justice in South Sudan together with SSLS and PAX. More information can be found here: http://www.upeace.nl/index.php?page=Thematic_Programmes-Thematic_Programmes-&pid=154&id=1&projid=39

First presidential election without Karimov

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Tashken, Uzbekistan, December 2, 2016 – On December 4, the first presidential elections will be held first time in history the Republic of Uzbekistan since the sudden death of Islam Karimov on September 2nd this year. In power since 1991 when the country reclaimed its independence from the Soviet Union, Islam Karimov became the first and unique president since. The Constitution of the Uzbek Republic specifies in articles 96, 117 and article 8 of the Electoral Law on Elections that political parties must present their candidates sixty-five days before the elections. A political campaign with Uzbek accent on reforms started immediately after in Tashken and then in every city. Today a big concentration has been announced in Bukhara, 300 kms from the capital. ” On the death of President Karimov on 2 September, in my capacity as President of the Central Electoral Commission, called for an extraordinary consultation with the members of the commission and we decided to call for early elections.” The president of that entity, Mirzo-Ulugbek, Abdusalomov, declared this morning during the conference organized to inform 400 international observers about all the details of the presidential elections at the Tashken ‘According to the Law on elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan the most important guarantees for adhering to and ensuring universally recognized international principles of electoral law are: First, conducting transparent and open, free and genuine, fair elections (art. 5, Law); Second, organization and conduct of elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan by independent electoral commissions (art. 4, Law); Third, state financing the elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan and electoral campaign of candidates (art. 6, Law); Fourth, state informational support to elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan and pre-election agitation (chapter IV, Law); Fifth, participation in elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan by national, international and foreign observes (art. 5, Law); Sixth, appealing and responsibility for violation of legislation on elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan (art.7, Law) and finally Seventh, taking non-discrimination measures (art. 2, Law).’ Tashken Convention Center. Four parties will be represented on tomorrow´s Uzbek elections: Uzbekistan Liberal Democratic Party, Founded 15 November 2003. To create new opportunities for entrepreneurs building democratic market economy. Creating new opportunities for development of civil societies. Mirziyoyev Shavkat Miromonovich Uzbekistan People’s Democratic Party, was founded on 1st November, 1991. Social support to candidate Ketmonov Xotamjon Uzbekistan National Revival Democratic Party, founded 20 June, 2008. To value and restore Uzbek culture, also trying to build links with other states in central Asia. Sarvar Otamurodov. Justice, Social Democratic Party, founded on 18 January, 1995. Improving social life of citizens developing international relationship. Candidate Narimon Umarov. Saidov Akmal Xolmatovich, first ambassador of Uzbekistan to France and one of the speakers during the conference mentioned that the right to vote exists since the origins of the Republic of Uzbeksitan. Participation of NGO’s is 3%, 90,000 commission lection participants , every political party participates, having 9,398 polling centers ready for tomorrow´s elections.’ The elections Last September the Central Election Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan led by its Chairman Mirza-Ulugbek Abdusalomov, organised a meeting with the heads of political parties and the mass media to officially determinate the date of the next presidential election. After the death on September second of President Islam Karimov, first president of the Republic of Uzbekistan, four parties will present their candidates on December 4th. The contestants are Shavkat Mirziyoyev candidate from the Uzbekistan Liberal –Democratic Party, Sarvar Otamuratov from the Milly Tiklanish Democratic Party, Hatamjon Ketmonov from the Uzbekistan People’s Democratic Party and Narimon Umariv candidate of the Adolat Social Democratic Party. The Chairman of the Commission said that the pre-electoral activities are carried out in strict accordance with the requirements of legislation. Furthermore the Commission invited many international organisations and medias among them Diplomat Magazine, OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, CIS Executive Committee, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and the World Association of World Election Bodies to participate as observers in the Presidential Elections

Made in Azerbaijan

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By His Excellency Mr Mir-Hamza Efendiyev, Ambassador of Azerbaijan to the Netherlands. Azerbaijan has started promoting the ‘Made in Azerbaijan’ brand in foreign markets. Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev approved the rule of defining and regulating the mechanism of paying a part of the expenditures from state budget, organizing export missions to foreign countries, exploring foreign markets and marketing activities abroad. Local companies will receive certificates and patents in foreign countries for export, research programs and projects for development of export. The energy-rich country announced its intention to develop potential mechanisms and economic growth models with a view to adapt its own model to those of most advanced.  Azerbaijani President described the 2016 year as year of economic reforms, which should lead the state of the economy in accordance with the requirements of the post-oil period. Regardless of the ongoing deep economic and financial crisis in the world, Azerbaijan is doing its best to protect the domestic economy against the negative repercussions. The main priorities of the new phase will be increase in competitiveness of the domestic economy. Over the past 13 years, the gross domestic product has tripled. Significant steps to reduce unemployment and poverty have been taken. Nowadays, both unemployment and poverty are about 5 per cent in our country. A significant part of the Azerbaijani economy is connected with natural resources. The government’s main objective is to ensure macroeconomic stability and the normal rate of inflation. At the end of 2015, inflation was less than 4 percent. Azerbaijan’s economy is diversified, with the non-oil sector accounting for about 70 percent of the gross domestic product. Azerbaijan, which is keen to ensure further economic growth through the non-oil sector, is currently engaged in the creation of its strategic road map, which is expected to become the main document of the economic strategy for the next ten years. The document will be comprehensive, as academic circles and the community were involved in its creation. The government is preparing a number of documents, which include a road map for the period of one year, the strategy of economic growth for 2016-2020 and improvement plan, as well as long-term vision till 2025 and target vision after 2025. The State Agency for Public Services and Social Innovations (ASAN) serves as an excellent example of Azerbaijan’s institutional reform in the fight against corruption. This is a network of centers where government services are delivered in a unified and coordinated manner by highly skilled and motivated public servants. All of the services in the center are processed online. The six core principles of the ASAN are: being customer-centric, connecting up government, building capacity, delivering on its promise to the public, innovation and fighting against corruption. Currently, ASAN service provides 30 legal and 32 various functional services. On the other hand, the directions of tax reforms approved in August 2016 will make it possible to apply more favorable value-added tax rates for the socially vulnerable layers of the population, reduce the tax burden on small and medium-sized business, resolve problems during taxation of trade operations. The tax reforms also implies reducing the tax burden. First of all, this will apply to small and medium entrepreneurs. Azerbaijani government has recently taken serious measures for the development of small and medium-sized business. Cancellation of all types of inspections of entrepreneurial activities for a period of two years in November 2015 is among such measures. In recent years, Azerbaijan has paid importance to boost local production, allocating funds to both public and private sectors. An important role belongs to the factors related to economic reforms, which will continue to improve the business environment in the country. The government continues to ensure the transparency of the economic and financial sector. Bilateral business forums, visit of the Minister of Economy Shahin Mustafayev to the Netherlands in 2015, and his Dutch counterpart Henk Kamp to Azerbaijan in 2016 established more solid basis for future cooperation. It is an interesting fact that more than hundred companies with Dutch capital are operating in Azerbaijan. Planned visit of Azerbaijani Agriculture Minister Heydar Asadov to the Netherlands at the end of October 2016 will give an additional impetus for further cooperation. Introduction of the brand “Made in Azerbaijan” creates new opportunities for Dutch investors by introducing their know-how to Azerbaijani market, and therefore we invite Dutch entrepreneurs not to miss this opportunity. ————— Photography by Azertac.

Malta, at the presidency of the Council

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By The Honorable Dr Joseph Muscat, Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta. In January 2017, Malta will assume the Presidency of the Council of the European Union for the first time following its accession in 2004. That means we will be responsible for steering the legislative business of the most senior decision-making body of the EU, taking action on measures that will affect the lives of 500 million citizens. These include generating economic growth and jobs, ensuring financial stability, doing away with gender imbalance, creating access to new markets, combating climate change, improving access to digital goods and services, progressing a true energy union, and protecting our borders and security. Reform of the Dublin Regulation; elimination of roaming charges; a Cyprus peace deal; the creation of Travel Information and Authorisation Scheme (ETIAS) – these are just a few of the tangible things that we can achieve. Given the timing of our Presidency, I am reminded the old Irish joke about asking for directions and being told: “Well, I wouldn’t start from here if I were you.”
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Dr Joseph Muscat, Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta and European Council president Donald Tusk.
In the past eighteen months, structures and institutions have been stretched to breaking point by a series of complex, fast-moving and often inter-connected international crises. Differing views on how best to handle the migration crisis have revealed sharp divides among Member States; the closely related growth in extremism and nationalism has affected the domestic political landscape of many. The tussle with Russia over Ukraine has tested European resolve for a common security and foreign policy, while instability in north Africa, particularly Libya, threatens the EU Neighbourhood. The fragile state of the Greek economy, against a backdrop of stalled economic growth, continues to expose weakness in fiscal and monetary policy across Member States. And, on our watch, we have perhaps the biggest ‘Known Unknown’ of all…Brexit. That is a formidable cocktail of challenges. Yet, what better place to start from? Our small island in the middle of the Mediterranean looks north towards Europe, south towards Africa, and east towards the Levant. Our shores have seen Greek, Spanish, Italian, French, and British influence, blessing us with a truly pan-European outlook. We are the smallest, and one of the most enthusiastic of EU members – recent polling put support for the project at 82 per cent, which virtually any other Member States would struggle to match right now. Malta has enjoyed the fruits of EU membership, and we have positioned ourselves as a dynamic, high-performing economy, with the actual GDP growth for 2015 reaching a high of 6.2% in real terms. Our financial services and ICT sectors have grown exponentially, attracting significant foreign investment. pmm32-dr-joseph-muscat-prime-minister-of-the-republic-of-malta Now is our time to give something back. First, we must leave our national hats at the door, and truly feel ourselves to be Europeans, playing the “honest broker” role that has worked so well for many of the EU’s smaller countries when they take on the mantle of leadership. The recent Presidencies of Denmark and Belgium spring to mind in this respect. In order to deliver results, we must accept compromises, and the quality of those compromises depends on the good faith between partners that we manage to create. Second, we need to talk in a language that European citizens can understand. It is little wonder that ordinary people roll their eyes at talk of trilogues, anticis, and Council configurations. We are two-and-a-half thousand kilometres from the conference rooms and glass towers of Brussels. In some ways, that is an advantage. Anyone who has ever been to Malta, and seen us debate, knows how forthright we can be, whether the subject is football or finance. Therefore, we will try and speak, write, and think plainly. We want to translate the dry, often thankless policy work of the Presidency into concepts that are easy to grasp. Finally, we believe in trying to find a new kind of leadership. This seems fitting as our Presidency coincides with the 60th anniversary celebrations of the signing of the Treaty of Rome, which brought into being the first iteration of the European Union. The rule of thumb is that when something in Brussels is a success, then 28 (soon to be 27) Member State governments all try and take the credit. But when something goes wrong, or expectations have to be lowered, it is always Brussels’ fault. That needs to change, if we are to preserve the European ideal that has bound us together for so long. As members, we have to accept that it is often our own differences that prevent consensus, and not some nebulous concept of “the institutions”. That is the first step towards fuelling the kind of debate we need on Europe’s future. We do not expect that we can solve all of Europe’s ills in the next six months. But we do hope to leave the Union in better shape than when we took over.    

The Ambassador of Yemen, H.E. Ms Sahar Ghanem

H.E. Ms. Sahar Ghanem is the Yemeni Ambassador to the Netherlands. She presented her letters of credence to The King of the Netherlands on 30th November 2016.

Ms. Ghanem is simultaneously the non-resident ambassador to Norway and Sweden, as well as the Permanent Representative of Yemen to the Organization for Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). She is also Yemen’s Governor to the Common Fund for Commodities (CFC).

Additionally, Ambassador Ghanem is a member of the Advisory board of Women In
International Security Netherlands and was the coordinator of the Women Ambassadors Group in the Netherlands in 2020.

Ms. Ghanem held multiple roles and positions before serving as ambassador; she started her career with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and then made a lateral move to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). Here she coordinated a project aimed at empowering Yemeni women by delivering their voices to the decision-makers in the Transitional Process and National Dialogue following the 2011 Uprising.

Ms. Ghanem’s latter role, expertise, and activism enabled her to represent the revolutionist youth at the National Dialogue Conference (2013 – 2014) as a member of the State Building Group. After the Conference, Ms. Ghanem sustained her commitment to the transitional process. She was appointed to manage the Civic Engagement Unit that ran a campaign aimed at engaging Yemenis with the political transition process, raising awareness on outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference, and encouraging civic engagement on the draft of the “Constitution of the New Yemen.”

One of Ms. Ghanem’s more recent roles includes being an advisor on Women, Youth, and Civil Society Affairs at the former Prime Minister’s bureau.

Ambassador Ghanem is known for being a political activist and feminist; she is a member of several national and regional networks and has actively participated in various programs, seminars, interviews, and conferences worldwide. They include the 3-year Dutch program “Female leaders from the MENA Region” and the sixtieth session of the Commission on the Status of Women (UN). She also attended the 2016 Oslo Forum, which gathered senior conflict mediators, high-level decision-makers, key peace process actors, analysts, and experts from around the world to share their experiences, identify challenges, and reflect on mediation practice.

The Ambassador has a degree in Computer Engineering from Jordan University.
Expertise: Diplomacy, international relations, development policies, political transitions, civic engagement, gender equality, and women’s empowerment.

Languages: Arabic and English.