In September 2023, the Embassy of Ecuador in The Hague hosted a spectacular series of activities in order to promote the economy, business and gastronomy of Ecuador. The week-long series of events, was a evidence to Ecuador’s rich culture, business potential, and gastronomic delights. His Excellency Ambassador Andres Teran Parral presided over these festivities, which included an Investors & Buyers Dinner and an enlightening presentation titled “Ecuador Open to Business” by Juan Carlos Yepez, Counsellor and Head of the Commercial Section at PRO ECUADOR.
Ambassador Andres Teran Parral, addressing his guests at the Investors & Buyers Dinner.
The highlight of the week was the “Ecuador Open to Business” dinner, held on September 20, 2023. The event gathered more than 30 investors and importers from diverse sectors, ranging from well-known companies like Heineken, Nutreco, Holex, Sail Ventures, RVO, to representatives from the banking and finance sector, including FMO, CFC, ING, Rabobank, KVK, and NL in Business. Additionally, participants included importers of flowers, coffee, fruits, and vegetables, such as Trading Organic, Inti Harvest, Favorita BV, ILLIMANI, IFE Frozen Fruits, as well as notable representatives from the tourism sector, including Air Europe. Diplomatic staff, including the Consul and Honorary Consuls of Ecuador in The Hague, Amsterdam, and Rotterdam, also graced the occasion.
One of the most pleasant surprises of the evening was the introduction of Ecuadorian wines, a hidden gem relatively unknown to many attendees. During the reception and dinner, three exceptional wines, Armonia (Cabernet Sauvignon), Paradoja (Cabernet Sauvignon / Malbec) and the Enigma (Chardonnay) from Bodegas Dos Hemisferios, took center stage. Dos Hemisferios Winery, located in the town of San Miguel del Morro, Guayas, Ecuador, charmed everyone with its unique wines, influenced by the region’s radiant days, cool nights, chalky soil, and constant sea breeze. This revelation underscored the strong potential of Ecuador’s wine industry.
Juan Carlos Yepez, “Ecuador Open to Business”
Ambassador Teran Parral, in his opening remarks, emphasized Ecuador’s commitment to deepening economic engagement with the Netherlands, highlighting the country’s open-for-business stance. He noted that the Netherlands had become Ecuador’s second-largest destination for exports, with $665 million dollars worth of products exported in 2022. He also announced upcoming negotiations for a double taxation treaty, which would further boost investments and service exports between the two nations.
Juan Carlos Yepez’s presentation, “Ecuador Open to Business,” provided a comprehensive overview of Ecuador’s economic landscape. He highlighted Ecuador’s advantages, including a dollarized economy, low inflation, tax incentives, infrastructure development, highly qualified human resources, and an impressively low inflation rate of 0.65%. Yepez outlined priority sectors for investment, such as agroindustry, aquaculture, the orange economy, IT services, tourism, energy, real estate, infrastructure, and transport.
However, the crowning moment of the celebration was the Investors & Buyers Dinner, where Ecuadorian chef David Reyes, hailing from Quito, showcased his culinary mastery. He crafted a sumptuous menu featuring authentic Ecuadorian dishes, allowing guests to savor the nation’s rich gastronomic heritage. The dinner was a gastronomic journey, characterized by warmth, abundance, and flavors that transported guests directly to Ecuador. The four-course dinner featured a range of succulent dishes, including appetizers like Corn with coriander sauce, Chifles (fried plantain chips) with avocado sauce, and Pork croquet with dried roasted corn sauce. It was followed by three types of ceviche, three main courses, and three delectable desserts, all accompanied by Ecuadorian coffee from Illimani.
Ecuador’s week of activities in The Hague, orchestrated by the Embassy of Ecuador, transcended mere diplomacy. It exemplified Ecuador’s openness to international collaboration and investment while showcasing its cultural richness, culinary excellence, and the potential of its emerging wine industry.
This event will undoubtedly be remembered as a memorable and fruitful gathering for all who had the privilege to participate, a true celebration of the Ecuadorian soul.
New winter exhibition in Dutch National Museum of Antiquities
This winter, the Dutch National Museum of Antiquities (Rijksmuseum van Oudheden in Leiden) is going back in time over a thousand years with the grand overview exhibition ‘The Year 1000’. The middle of the Middle Ages, the period 900-1100, often seems an episode in history where nothing happened. But for what is now the Netherlands, these are in fact times of great changes in landscape, construction, climate, language and society.
The exhibition takes visitors on a colourful time journey through the landscape of this medieval world, with the year 1000 as its final destination. The journey brings visitors close to the people of this time at the imperial residence in Nijmegen, the cathedral of Utrecht, the treasuries of Maastricht, the Rome of a thousand years ago and the wealth of Byzantium.
Viking horn – Onze-Lieve-Vrouwebasiliek-Maastricht-F-2008-IV-63 / Dutch National Museum of Antiquities
On display are over four hundred archaeological finds, artefacts and manuscripts from the Netherlands and far beyond. A starring role is reserved for the ‘power couple’ Empress Theophanu and her husband Otto II. ‘The year 1000′ is an exhibition for young and old and will be on display from 13 October 2023 through 17 March 2024.
In the period 900-1100, a ‘Netherlands’ emerged that is still recognisable today, with dykes around reclaimed land, a fortress after every river bend and church towers on the horizon. The Netherlands is ruled by bishops and belongs to the ‘Holy Roman Empire’. These are also the centuries when Eastern and Western knowledge are widely exchanged: music notation, the number 0 and chess are new arrivals in the Netherlands. At the end of the millennium, the end of the world was expected. People saw omens in solar eclipses, floods and comet appearances. But in the end … nothing happened. The exhibition tells the stories of these medieval people, about their daily lives, their ideas about the world and expectations of the turn of the millennium.
Almost all important Dutch archaeological finds from the period 900-1100 can be seen in ‘The year 1000’. On display are, among other things, a Viking drinking horn from the Basilica of Our Lady in Maastricht and the famous Egmond Gospels from the KB, National Library of the Netherlands, swords, ship’s timbers, gold jewellery including the recently found treasure find from Hoogwoud, coin hoards, books full of precious stones, the pectoral cross of Saint Servatius, the oldest chess pieces in the Netherlands and a wooden ladder from a well.
Astrolabium – Kassel-Hessisches-Landesmuseum – Dutch National Museum of Antiquities
Besides Leiden’s own collection, there are numerous loans from the Netherlands and abroad. These include important pieces from international collections such as the Castello Sforzesco (Milan), the National Museum of Finland (Helsinki) and the Landesmuseum Kassel. In addition, there are loans from more than forty Dutch museums, heritage institutions and private collections including the National Numismatic Collection (Amsterdam), Museum Catharijneconvent (Utrecht) and the Fries Museum (Leeuwarden).
Extras
To accompany the exhibition, curator Annemarieke Willemsen wrote the book ‘Het jaar 1000’ (€24.95, NL). In addition, there will be lectures, guided tours and events including a medieval chess tournament. Young and old can explore the exhibition together with a blacklight tour (from 4 years old, NL) or get started with a ‘Year 1000 discovery tour’ (from 8 years old, NL).
Fibula – Photo RMO
Triptych on Early Middle Ages completed
The content of the exhibition and exhibition book is based on the three-year research project ‘The Year 1000’, led by Dr Annemarieke Willemsen. With the exhibition ‘The Year 1000’, Willemsen completes a triptych on the archaeology of the Early Middle Ages. About the centuries preceding the year 1000, she made the successful exhibitions ‘Dorestad – Medieval metropolis’ about the Carolingian period (8th-9th centuries, in 2009) and ‘Golden Middle Ages’ about the Merovingian period (5th-7th centuries, in 2014). As with the previous exhibitions, this third one features an international congress (24-27 January 2024): The Fourth Dorestad Congress ‘Dorestad and Everything After’, focusing on new finds and research on the 10th-11th centuries in Europe.
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Collaboration and thanks
The exhibition was made possible thanks to the Mondriaan Fund, the Nico Nap Foundation, Friends Association RoMeO, the Elizabeth Huss Fund and Labrys Reizen. The National Museum of Antiquities is supported by the Vriendenloterij.
Ljubljana/Ulcinj September 30 -International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES)[1] awarded a special award “for a special contribution to the affirmation of minority communities” to the Prime Minister of Montenegro Dr. Dritan Abazović.
The award was presented to him by the honorary president of the International Institute IFIMES Stjepan Mesić, former president of the Republic of Croatia. President Mesić emphasized the role and contribution of Prime Minister Abazović in Montenegro and the Western Balkans in consolidating democracy and developing a multi-ethnic society and affirming minority communities and strengthening peace and stability in the region. As a young and recognizable politician and a distinguished intellectual, he contributed to the strengthening of the European path of Montenegro, which aspires to become the next member of the EU. Dr. Abazović is a convinced European, who contributes to cooperation in the region and beyond, and from Montenegro sends positive messages and stories to Europe and the world.
The International Institute IFIMES believes that it is necessary to highlight the role of Prime Minister Abazović, who emphasizes that the institutional future of the countries of the region is membership in the EU. Economically, commercially and culturally, these countries will always be tied to the region, which is why regional cooperation is of exceptional importance. There are individuals who, through their work, have become an inspiration and role model for many. They are recognizable for their dedication, courage and perseverance, one of them is Dr. Dritan Abazović. That is why it is our honor to present them with recognition and to express our gratitude for everything they have done for their fellow citizens, states, region, the world and a better future for all of us.
The director of the institute Dr. Zijad Bećirović also addressed those present at the award ceremony. He emphasized, among other things, that we live in multi-ethnic societies with numerous differences. However, it is necessary to manage all these differences and find the most optimal solutions. He cited examples of mono-ethnic and multi-ethnic states, and as it turns out – multi-ethnic states are the most successful if they know how to manage differences, for example the USA. Montenegro has every chance of becoming a strong and responsible leader in the Western Balkans.
Prime Minister of Montenegro Dr. Dritan Abazović thanked for the recognition and in his ceremonial speech emphasized the role of Montenegro in regional and international relations and emphasized that his country will continue to play an active role in the region through the process of cooperation, reconciliation, coexistence, strengthening of multi-ethnic harmony and economic prosperity in the Western Balkans and in Southeastern Europe and also on the international stage with the additional affirmation of minority communities.
In doing so, it is important to speed up the process of European integration, which will lead to all the countries of the region becoming full members of the EU. Montenegro remains a reliable and strong ally in NATO. Each country and their politicians must do their homework by creating a general consensus on the path to joining the EU. The process of cooperation, reconciliation, creation of a welfare society, intensive fight against crime and corruption, EU membership and strengthening of regional cooperation can only bring good and progress to the entire region.
[1] IFIMES – International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies, based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, has Special Consultative status at ECOSOC/UN, New York, since 2018 and it’s publisher of the international scientific journal “European Perspectives”.
Earlier this year, the American investment consulting group the Hindenburg Initiative Research and Reporting made headlines by releasing a research report claiming the prominent Indian entrepreneur Gautam Adani’s company, the Adani Group, of fraud and stock price manipulation. This report sent shockwaves through the financial sphere. Subsequently, companies linked to Adani experienced a prolonged dip in their stock prices, causing the combined market capitalization of these publicly listed entities to drop by more than USD 150 billion at its lowest ebb. Swiftly responding to this crisis, the Adani Group took proactive steps to reduce its debt and actively sought investments from foreign entities, notably securing support from the Qatar Sovereign Fund. These astute maneuvers resulted in a noteworthy resurgence in the market valuation of Adani Group companies, witnessing an uptick of approximately USD 40 billion.
However, after the dust seemed to settle, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) published a new investigative report in August, revealing that Nasser Ali Shaban Ahli from the United Arab Emirates and Chang Chung Ling from Taiwan had been trading Adani Group stocks worth hundreds of millions of dollars for years. OCCRP noted that these two individuals had long-standing business dealings with the Adani family, serving as directors and shareholders of Adani Group companies. They also had significant connections with companies under Vinod Adani, the brother of Gautam Adani. OCCRP’s documents showed that Chang and Ahli had spent years trading Adani stocks through offshore shell companies to obscure their tracks and earn substantial profits. As of March 2017, Chang and Ahli’s offshore companies had invested USD 430 million in Adani company stocks, constituting 100% of their investment portfolios.
Simultaneously, both individuals were paying Vinod Adani’s companies for investment advice through their management firms. These allegations further fuel suspicions of internal corruption within the Adani Group. The Securities and Exchange Board of India has initiated a review of the group, and the latter announced its withdrawal from a series of infrastructure projects launched by the Indian government. As it stands, this massive conglomerate is embroiled in a predicament with an uncertain future. However, a review of the Adani Group’s development journey reveals that Indian companies like the group have already posed a significant challenge to the continuous advancement of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
The group’s more remarkable achievements perhaps lie in competition with China. In July 2022, a consortium led by the Adani Group won the privatization tender of the Haifa Port in northern Israel and completed the acquisition of the port along with the local logistics company, Gadot, for USD 1.15 billion. Adani Group also outbid China in a tender for the Colombo Port in Sri Lanka. In August 2016, under pressure from India, Sri Lanka changed the permanent land use rights given to China in the Colombo Port City project from 20 hectares to a 99-year lease. In summary, large Indian multinational corporations like Adani will continue to be key competitors to China’s BRI in the present and future, with their impact expected to persist and strengthen.
To begin with, Indian enterprises are poised to receive substantial backing from Western nations, led by the United States, on a global scale. Within the Western world, China’s perceived role as the foremost geopolitical challenge has spurred actions aimed at constraining and managing its ascent. This has evolved into an unwavering strategic priority for the U.S. The European Union’s “risk mitigation” strategies, coupled with strategic maneuvers by Japan, South Korea, and various Southeast Asian nations, underscore the collective determination of the U.S. and its allies to actualize this overarching strategy. Given India’s active engagement in geopolitical competition with China, it emerges as an ideal ally for the U.S. to advance its Indo-Pacific strategy.
Earlier this year, the U.S. and the EU solidified their economic, trade, and technology collaborations with India through a series of agreements and memoranda of understanding. These agreements significantly bolstered economic, trade, and technological relations. In particular, the U.S. has granted India access to pivotal domains such as aircraft engine technology. It is conceivable that India will continue to receive an array of technology transfers and support from the West in the foreseeable future, especially in critical sectors such as energy transition. This will further elevate India’s standing and competitiveness in the technological arena, positioning it favorably in the ongoing technological rivalry with China.
Furthermore, many nations situated along the BRI regions are displaying a noticeable degree of caution regarding China, primarily due to geopolitical considerations. Consequently, they are increasingly open to embracing Indian influence as a means to hedge against potential risks stemming from heavy economic and trade reliance on China.
Illustrating this shift, in May of this year, Karan Adani, the CEO of Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Ltd. (APSEZ), a subsidiary of the Adani Group, convened a meeting with Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh in Hanoi to deliberate on investment opportunities in Vietnam. Following the meeting, a statement issued by the Vietnamese government expressed the country’s willingness to create a conducive environment for Indian enterprises, including the Adani Group, to invest within its borders. There was a particular aspiration for the Adani Group to lead investments in Lien Chieu Port, situated in the central Vietnamese city of Da Nang. In addition, the statement highlighted the Adani Group’s commitment to long-term investments in various sectors within Vietnam, encompassing ports, logistics, energy, and technology. The potential total investment could reach up to USD 10 billion in the future.
Evidently, in countries that China traditionally views as integral to the BRI, there is now a discernible shift toward perceptions of geopolitical competition. Many of these nations are actively seeking enhanced collaboration with India across diverse sectors, spanning physical infrastructure to financial development. This transformation is poised to bolster the presence and influence of Indian businesses within these domains while contributing to the gradual displacement of Chinese counterparts from relevant sectors.
The fundamental trajectories of the Indian and Chinese domestic economies imply that Indian businesses will pose a formidable challenge to China’s BRI. According to a report by a research team from Nankai University, private enterprises in China accounted for over half of the total investment in the BRI, making them the driving force in this endeavor. However, since 2016, both of its annual count of investment projects and the total investment volume have witnessed a consistent decline. By 2022, both figures had fallen to less than half of their historical peaks.
China’s annual investment in BRI has also been on the wane. While the shift of investment priorities plays a part, there is still the constraining impact of broader economic trends on available public and private financial resources. Following the conclusion of pandemic-related lockdowns, the lackluster performance of the Chinese economy suggests that state-owned and private enterprises alike are gradually finding it more challenging to secure the financial means required to support their foreign investment and financing endeavors. Additionally, the ongoing trend of an aging population is placing additional strain on the Chinese economy. In contrast, India not only exhibits a robust economic trajectory but also boasts a younger demographic profile, signifying a more promising overall outlook. Consequently, Chinese companies like the smart device maker Xiaomi, despite encountering challenges in India, continue to maintain a presence in the country. This trend extends to various international giants that are also in the process of relocating their supply chains to India. India’s vast and dynamic market provides Indian businesses with a solid domestic foundation to underpin their global expansion ambitions, fostering greater confidence in sustaining competitive strategies against China.
Currently, the Adani Group, closely tied to the Indian government, has essentially completed the establishment of a railway and port infrastructure network spanning from the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, and the Mediterranean, to the Balkan Peninsula. This development has also effectively created a situation where Chinese companies face increased competition, a trend that is expected to persist and potentially intensify in the future. This situation is unlikely to bode well for BRI projects.
As of the end of August this year, the financial controversy surrounding the Adani Group is still ongoing, with international media continuously reporting on it. If these allegations are substantiated, it will undoubtedly deal another significant blow to the Adani Group’s stock price and may even lead to internal issues. Nevertheless, the gap left by Adani in India’s domestic market is likely to be filled by other Indian corporate giants, and the void in the international arena will also be occupied by different Indian enterprises. Several factors favoring Indian companies are expected to persist in the long term. Even if Adani ceases to be a dominant player, other Indian companies will continue to wield significant influence globally.
The impact of disinformation on human rights is a growing concern in contemporary society. Disinformation, defined as the deliberate spread of false or misleading information, has become increasingly prevalent due to advancements in technology and the ease with which information can be disseminated. This phenomenon poses substantial threats to the enjoyment of basic human rights, including freedom of expression, access to information, and the right to a fair trial.
One of the primary ways in which disinformation affects human rights is by undermining freedom of expression. Disinformation campaigns aim to manipulate public opinion by spreading false or misleading information that often aligns with specific agendas or biases. This hinders individuals’ ability to access accurate information and form reliable opinions, thus undermining their freedom of expression. When people are exposed to disinformation, they may unknowingly promote falsehoods, unknowingly contribute to the spread of disinformation, or self-censor out of fear of backlash for expressing dissenting views.
One of the most significant impacts of disinformation on human rights is its ability to create division and hostility among different groups in society. Disinformation campaigns often target vulnerable populations, such as ethnic or religious minorities, to fuel discrimination and prejudice. This can result in the erosion of the right to equality, as marginalized communities face increased marginalization and hostility.
Moreover, disinformation can also undermine freedom of expression and access to information. When false information is widely circulated, it becomes increasingly difficult for individuals to discern truth from fiction. This can lead to self-censorship and a reluctance to engage in open and honest discussions, ultimately restricting freedom of expression.
What is disinformation for the United Nations?
The United Nations reports verbatim that there is no universally accepted definition of disinformation. No one definition may be sufficient on its own, given the multiple and different contexts in which concerns over disinformation may arise, including with regard to issues as diverse as electoral process, public health, armed conflicts, or climate change. UNDP Europe and Central Asia, on the other hand, indicates various types of the concept of disinformation. The narratives, in fact, list the differences between: Disinformation, Misinformation, Malinformation and Hate speech.
What are the differences?
The disinformation concerns false information and deliberately created to harm a person, social group, organization, or country. Misinformation is, on the other hand, referred to false information, but not created with the intention of causing damage.
Malinformation is an information based on real facts, but manipulated to harm a person, organization, or country. And finally the Hate Speech is “any kind of communication in speech, writing or behaviour, that attacks or uses pejorative or discriminatory language about a person or a group based on who they are, in other words, based on their religion, ethnicity, nationality, race, colour, descent, gender or other identity factors. This is often rooted in prejudice, and generates intolerance and hatred and, in certain contexts, can be demeaning and divisive” and even lead to offline harm or violence.
What effects in war?
Misinformation, disinformation, and hate speech (MDH) can have significant harmful effects on populations affected by conflict and humanitarian operations. These forms of communication, often spread through social media and other online platforms, can exacerbate existing tensions, intensify violence, hinder peacebuilding efforts, and undermine humanitarian action.
One of the main ways MDH is harmful to these populations is by fueling and escalating conflicts. In conflict zones, false or misleading information can spread quickly, leading to a breakdown of trust and inciting violence between different groups. Disinformation campaigns can manipulate narratives and mislead people about the causes or perpetrators of the conflict, further polarizing communities and deepening divisions. This can make it more challenging for humanitarian organizations to provide assistance and protection to those in need.
MDH can also hinder peacebuilding efforts by spreading hatred and sowing discord among communities. Hate speech can further marginalize already vulnerable groups, leading to discrimination, exclusion, and even violence. It can amplify existing prejudices and stereotypes, making it harder for people to come together and find common ground for peaceful resolution of conflicts.
Furthermore, MDH can undermine humanitarian action by spreading false information about aid organizations, their intentions, and their activities. This can lead to mistrust and reluctance among affected populations to seek and accept assistance, creating barriers to delivering much-needed aid and support. Additionally, disinformation campaigns can spread rumors and misinformation about public health issues, vaccination campaigns, or other essential services, which can have detrimental effects on public health and exacerbate the humanitarian crisis.
To mitigate the harmful effects of MDH in conflict and humanitarian situations, it is crucial to promote media literacy and critical thinking skills among affected populations. Providing accurate and timely information through reliable and trusted sources can help counteract the spread of misinformation and disinformation. Collaborations between humanitarian organizations and local communities can also play a vital role in identifying and debunking false or harmful narratives.
Countering disinformation
Seventy-seventh session of the provisional agenda on “Promotion and protection of human rights: Human Rights questions, including alternative approaches for improving the effective enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms”,clearly indicates the current useful tools for countering disinformation for the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. One of the key paragraphs in the published report “State approaches to tackling disinformation”.
In this narrative it is literally reported that the States have a crucial role to play in combating the impacts of disinformation, both with regard to their own actions and relating to their duty to protect against human rights abuses by third parties, including business enterprises. Addressing the multifaceted phenomenon of disinformation is a complex task. Human rights and freedom of expression standards, developed over time, provide suitable guidance for the challenges raised by disinformation, establishing normative signposts for a well- informed citizenry to engage in democratic processes. By creating the conditions for human rights, pluralism and tolerance to flourish, States can help reduce the risks associated with disinformation.
An extremely necessary tool for the protection and safeguarding of human life and dignity that should be strengthened by governments to prevent targeted psy-operations from drag the world into a third world war
Four talented young musicians from Hungary took part in the Huygens Festival in Leidschendam-Voorburg from September 21st to 24th, 2023. This group traveled from both Szeged and Budapest and performed two times during the festival.
Their inaugural performance took place on September 21st at the Old Church in Voorburg during the opening concert. The musicians showcased their skills on the cello, violin, and harp, treating the audience to enchanting classical pieces. The Ambassador of Hungary H.E. Mr. András Kocsis graced the event with his presence and, in his speech, extended a warm welcome to the Hungarian participants. He also commended the festival’s emphasis on music as a universal language.
Following the opening concert, these Hungarian talents, in collaboration with other music ensembles from the Netherlands, Flanders, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia, engaged in a masterclass program. This preparation was aimed to prepare for a joint international performance at the closing concert of the festival on 24 September.
The Hungarian participation at the Huygens Festival was supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade of Hungary.
This article comprises an analysis of the influence / interference directly or indirectly wielded / carried out by a foreign government, with malign purposes, on Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) and research institutes of another country, affecting both individuals and organizations. This piece is the result of bibliographical research and of an exclusive interview with Professor Luís Ferreira, Rector of the University of Lisbon (UL)*. Located in Portugal’s capital, the UL has inherited an academic tradition dating back seven-plus centuries (About ULisboa). Currently, the UL is the largest Portuguese HEI, with 50,000 students (Welcome to ULisboa).
Within the context of this piece, foreign influence is considered to correspond to open and transparent actions, on the part of foreign states, aimed at influencing major decisions (Counter-Espionageand Foreign Interference). With regard to influence over said decisions, foreign interference entails covert activities and includes deception and corruption (Counter-Espionage and Foreign Interference). In principle, for governments, foreign interference is more worrisome than foreign influence (Defining Foreign Interference), although, in practice, it isn’t always possible to clearly distinguish both (Bauer, et alii October 2021). This difficulty in differentiating them is underscored by several experts (Berzina, Soula March 18, 2020, p. 8). This piece considers that the terms foreign influence and foreign interference can be synonymous (Foreign Interference and You, p. 2 / Homeland SecurityAdvisory Council Interim Report of the Countering Foreign Influence Subcommittee May 21, 2019, p. 11).
To the extent predictable, the topic of foreign influence / interference is increasingly important (Bauer, et alii October 2021). However, Long and O’Connell (2022, p. 16 / 35) maintain that policymakers and scholars urgently need to pay more attention to said topic, in relation to which little research has been conducted.
International academic cooperation
Historically, since their inception, HEIs have welcomed scholars from all over the world, for the purpose of engaging in information exchanges and collaboration in producing new knowledge (McLennan July 17, 2021). International contacts have increased over time, both in the field of teaching and in the sphere of research (McLennan July 17, 2021). As part of international relations, education can be regarded as a soft power tool.
On the one hand, international scientific exchanges are important for the success of academic research institutions and for scientific progress (Federal Focus on InappropriateForeign Influence on Research: Practical Considerations in Developing an Institutional Response August 18, 2021, p. 5). On the other hand, opening HEIs internationally renders them vulnerable to foreign entities that harbor malign purposes (Long, et alii Summer 2021, p. 8).
This reality needs to be properly managed, by taking full advantage of the positive aspects while resolutely minimizing negative ones. This minimization comprises various spheres, including risk management (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for CzechAcademic Sector, p.17). According to Professor Margaret Hyland, from Victoria University of Wellington (New Zealand), while international cooperation is necessary, we need to be aware of the risks related to it (Guarding Against International Threats April 28, 2021). The entry of foreign students and scholars in a given university, under international mobility programs, for instance, makes that institution more vulnerable to espionage (Damaging and Dangerous:Espionage and Proliferation in the Academic Community April 11, 2023). Still, most of the said students and scholars do not constitute a threat to institutions welcoming them (Folsom, Garretson May 4, 2020).
Academic espionage and Human Intelligence
HEIs are of interest to foreign powers, for several reasons, namely because they contain sensitive information and since they are attended by students that are part of the national elites, in a variety of spheres, such as cultural, social, business and political (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p.13). Generally speaking, HEIs are vital to nations (Foreign Interference and You, p. 3). According to Ali (May 5, 2021), said institutions should be regarded as critical infrastructures, given that they play a significant sociopolitical and economic role on the local and national scene.
This is why HEIs’ physical and virtual aspects need to be duly safeguarded, for example, by applying anti-phishing IT programs and controlling access to their premises (On Campus Pod-Cast – Critical Infrastructure and College Campuses July 19, 2023). In the U.S., recognizing HEIs as critical infrastructures enables them to receive funds earmarked for security training (On Campus Pod-Cast – Critical Infrastructure and College Campuses July 19, 2023). Though protecting HEIs against foreign powers’ possible hostile activities is important, this should be proportional to the risk (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 6 / Grubbs 2019, p. 259 / 265). Adopting balanced measures geared to countering foreign interference activities in an academic setting implies grasping the threats and risks (Governance and Risks Framework June 3, 2022).
For instance, HEIs in the U.S. are deemed to be top targets for foreign intelligence services (Folsom, Garretson May 4, 2020). In general, in several countries, foreign espionage, when looking for sensitive information at HEIs, involves technological means and Human Intelligence (HUMINT) (Consultation Document: Legislation to Counter State Threats(Accessible Version) July 12, 2022). This article focuses on HUMINT, including espionage, and on foreign influence / interference, chiefly through direct interpersonal contacts.
In academic and research settings, foreign intelligence activities, among several aspects, aim to access research projects and sensitive information, while seeking to steal and transfer know-how (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 10). Said activities also include gathering information concerning strengths and weaknesses of individual employees and the work atmosphere in diverse departments (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 10). In this context, an intelligence officer is someone working under the guise of a student or researcher, for example, using their relations with others to achieve their goals, while benefitting the Government for which they work (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 10). Foreign intelligence services can recruit students from their own country, when they are or will be studying abroad, as well as students of the country where such services are in operation (National Security Concerns for Study Abroad Students).
Intelligence service recruiters gather information on individuals targeted for recruitment, using a variety of means, such as, inter alia, social media, wiretapping and personal contacts forged with neighbors, friends and family of said individuals (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 35 / 43). Recruiters achieve initial contact with the targeted individuals only after having gathered enough information on them (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 36). When the person is actually recruited, they then consciously begin working for a foreign intelligence service. Another basic intelligence technique uses personal contacts and other means to cause the individual to provide information, without the latter being aware of that, let alone the fact that they are collaborating with a foreign information service (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 40). This can occur via casual conversation (Foreign Interference and You, p. 4).
On top of students, faculty and researchers, foreign intelligence services have highly diversified targets, such as administrative and research support staff (Tackling R&I ForeignInterference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 20). Within this context, it’s also important that those operating covertly, that is, foreign intelligence service officers and their collaborators, be selected and placed in strategic positions at HEIs and research institutes (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 20). This entails influencing decisions with regard to selecting staff and promoting their academic career (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 19). In this regard, we need to pay attention to those occupying every position, from the lower echelons to the higher-ups at HEIs. All of them may be useful for intelligence services of adversarial powers.
In reality, foreign espionage on research institutes is on the rise, which is why research security becomes particularly necessary (Wilner, et alii August 11, 2022). (A Government can engage in espionage activities in both adversarial and friendly countries (Braw June 4, 2021)).
Peer review and corruption
Interference from foreign actors in academia and at research institutes also includes peer review processes (Foreign Interference and You, p. 4). In fact, there are programs created by foreign entities to influence peer reviewers, so that the latter, for instance, unduly share confidential information or tamper with assessments they conduct, to the detriment of scientific merit (ACD Working Group for Foreign Influences on Research Integrity December 2018, pp. 5-6). According to the Association of American Universities and the Association of Public & Lang-Grant Universities, interference from foreign governments can also include bribing the peer review process, (Principles and Values to Guide Actions Relevant toForeign Government Interference in University Research May 2021).
In order for a Government to attain its foreign policy goals, it can corrupt institutions in another country (MacLachlan 2019, p.19). Actually, corruption also affects academia (Camacho November 9, 2021 / Kulkarni December 13, 2016), in several domains, such as recruiting staff and professional promotion, where some play favorites (Albisu, Chêne 2017, p. 4 / Kyria 2019, p. 11). This corruption can result in what is known as brain drain, to the extent professors leave the institutions and even the country, to look for better working conditions and professional development (Albisu, Chêne 2017, p. 2). This way, the quality of the education sector diminishes (Albisu, Chêne 2017, p. 2), thereby benefitting the interests of (an) adversarial State(s). The risk of corruption is heightened when the academic autonomy denotes a lack of control and oversight (Camacho November 9, 2021, p.2).
The selection process is related to peer review, insofar as, through judgments and evaluations, peers decide, for instance, which research projects will be funded, which people will be hired, which professionals will be promoted or which scientific articles will be published (Forsberg, et alii 2022, pp. 7-8). Relative to this latter aspect, dishonesty can also be present in double-blind peer reviews (McDermott January 31, 2014).
Countermeasures
To combat situations of foreign influence / interference and espionage, such as the ones previously touched on, it’s possible to present some countermeasures, among others. From the outset, countering these situations should comprise raising the general public’s awareness to the importance of this topic; to such end, the media have a notable role to play, given their ability to disseminate the subject matter in question. In this respect, awareness-raising initiatives also need to be conducted, specifically geared to academic circles (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 33 / 41).
At HEIs and research centers, ideally with a strong governance system, foreign influence / interference and espionage need to be safeguarded against, both at individual and institutional level (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 35). In this context, the best defense comprises endowing potential targets with information, so that they can identify and report the situations at issue to the appropriate bodies (Countering Foreign Interference June 5, 2023). HEIs’ and research institutes’ cooperation with counterintelligence services is essential (Scholars or Spies: Foreign Plots Targeting America’s Research and Development April 11, 2018 / Subbaraman March 12, 2020). (At universities, covert activities can also be undertaken by domestic (counter)intelligence services (Strauss October 25, 2017)).
Obviously, to tackle the problem under analysis, the role of the law must not be disregarded (Toman, Famfollet 2022, p.11), as there is even a certain tendency to create new legislation (Long, O’Connell 2022, p. 35). HEIs and research centers can also create a Code of Conduct for Foreign Interference as well as a Foreign Interference Committee (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 42). All of this needs to be suited to each institution’s specific circumstances (Tackling R&I ForeignInterference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 11).
Also as part of the countermeasures, screening and clearance processes can be added by the Government or by the HEIs and research centers themselves, with regard to foreign students, researchers, scholars and other kinds of staff seeking to be part of said institutions and centers (Mission Focused: Addressing the Threat Environment 2022 / ResearchSecurity Background Screening).
According to Kirya (2019, p. 31), corruption at HEIs is a global reality that is growing. This expert finds that corruption needs to be countered, firstly, by their intervening parties, such as the academic institution itself, higher education regulatory agencies, professional regulatory bodies and education ministry officials (Kirya 2019, p. 17). It should be added that civil society has a role to play in mitigating the situation at issue (Kirya 2019, p. 17). Everything becomes more difficult when corruption is present in various sectors of society (Kirya 2019, p. 4).
There are several measures to tackle corruption, such as the following, among others: university governance needs to base itself on the principles of transparency, accountability and participation; as part of its autonomy, each university should have a code of conduct and whistleblowers policies / procedures (Kirya 2019, p. 18).
The fight against foreign interference and academic espionage not only requires a great deal of time, attention and determination (Ziemnick June 21, 2022), but also depends on political will and decision-making. It may happen that, at a given point in time, a government decides to break a sort of tacit agreement (I’ll turn a blind eye to your spies and you do the same to mine) and to no longer tolerate certain espionage activities engaged in by other States, knowing that, with such a decision, it could suffer reciprocal retaliations (Martin March 28, 2018).
University of Lisbon, Portugal
In an exclusive interview for this piece, Professor Luís Ferreira, Rector of the University of Lisbon (UL), acknowledges that, in the context involving instances of potential foreign influence / academic espionage, there is a basic contradiction, perhaps even irreconcilable, between the principle of open science and the political constraints of the Nation-State, going by way of restrictions to the entry of persons and the disclosure of ideas from abroad, while justifying that national security and interests should prevail. This Rector considers that, on the one hand, universities need to allow international academic mobility, but, on the other hand, these institutions should bear in mind the political reality surrounding them. In this regard, Luís Ferreira maintains that universities have to make decisions that abide by the law, that are balanced and that amount to common sense.
The UL Rector feels that the Portuguese Government should not specifically legislate on the issue of foreign influence / interference at universities, since this would seriously counteract the basic principle of autonomy and academic freedom. This interviewee adds that the UL aims to go international and not have its own program intended to raise awareness to the national academic community regarding the possible dangers of foreign influence. The UL Rector recognizes that matters related to national security and interests can occasionally be the subject of reflections.
According to Luís Ferreira, the UL’s Code of Conduct and Best Practices does not involve students, faculty and staff, as the first line of defense, to be called upon to stay vigilant in relation to foreign activities. However, this interviewee states that members of the academic community, as citizens, need to remain attentive to the public interest and alert to possible dangers.
As concerns defending Portugal’s interests, Luís Ferreira acknowledges the importance of security services, underscoring that the activities of said services should not violate the principle of academic autonomy. With this in mind, the Rector finds it acceptable that security services, the Science, Technology and Higher Education Ministry and universities could engage in contacts among each other.
Luís Ferreira stresses the frequent link between scientific knowledge, chiefly in the field of natural sciences, and the military / defense sphere. From the UL Rector’s standpoint, even though social and human sciences, compared to natural sciences, do not comprise the same practical application potential to said sphere, they are also strategically important for outlining public policies.
Conclusion
Universities are vital institutions for a country: not only do they contain sensitive information, but they also comprise the current and future elites in the social, cultural, scientific, economic and political fields. At international level, with the aim of pursuing their interests, several States, through their intelligence services and other bodies, have many ways of spying and influencing / interfering, including HUMINT, at a variety of universities and research centers worldwide. As such, this reality largely exceeds the number of cases disseminated in the media, involving only a handful of countries. In defending national interests, countering said issue can include passing laws and putting in place countermeasures that, in a number of countries, some HEIs adopt and others reject, with the naysayers arguing in favor of university autonomy and the principles of open science and academic freedom. In this regard, the Government and HEIs need to make decisions with proportionality and a sense of responsibility. We need to bear in mind that, in reality, intelligence services, depending on what they wish to achieve, look abroad to try to find universities and research centers they deem to be easy targets.
The topic of influence / interference, espionage and corruption at HEIs, given its growing relevance, needs to be the subject of further research by academics and debated not only in closed circles, but also in society in general. This is a political issue.
About the authors:
Jorge Marinho
Jorge Marinho, PhD in Communication Sciences, BA in International Journalism
Júlio Ventura
Júlio Ventura
BA in Law, MA student in Political Science and International Relations at the Portuguese Catholic University (Lisbon, Portugal), member of the European Parliament trainee (Brussels, Belgium)
Forsberg, E., et alii (2022). Peer Review in Academia. In E. Forsberg, et alii (Eds.), Peer Review in an Era of Evaluation:Understanding the Practice of Gatekeeping in Academia. Palgrave Macmillan. Retrieved 28.8.2023 from https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-75263-7_1
Grubbs, E. (2019). Academic Espionage: Striking the Balance Between Open and Collaborative Universities and Protecting National Security. Retrieved 26.8.2023 from https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/346496971.pdf
Robotization is the final form of capitalist degeneration of humanity. Capitalism does not transform robots into humans, but humans into robots. Instead of human evolution having a historical character, it takes on a technocratic character. Capitalism destroys man’s personality and reduces him to a functional component of technical processes through which capitalism destroys the human and living world. Marx’s concept of “reification” (Verdinglichung) points to the prevailing tendency of world development. Capitalism abolishes man as a human and natural being and turns him into technical means for the development of capitalism
Robots are a projection of the capitalistically degenerated humanity. Capitalism abolishes interpersonal relationships and, in doing so, abolishes man as social being. Society becomes a crowd of atomized individuals reduced to a labor-consumer mass. People lose the need for human connection. Man no longer seeks humanity in another man, but in virtual worlds, pets and technological devices. Robots become a substitute for human beings.
Measured by capitalist criteria, one of the most significant advantages of robots over humans is that robots, as technical “beings,” can constantly be improved based on the productivity and efficiency. The rate of capital turnover is the driving force behind the robotization of humans and the technization of the world. In the end, the process of robotization comes down to the development of capitalism, which involves the increasingly intensive destruction of man as a human and life-creating being. Robotization indicates that there are no limits to the capitalist future.
This is especially significant when it comes to the “conquest of space.” The technocratic approach to space and to the cosmic future of humanity is conditioned by a dehumanized technocratic mind. Man is abolished as a historical being, and thereby as a unique and irreplaceable cosmic being. Rather than endeavoring to create a humane cosmos, man is instead, through technical means, abolished as a human and natural being and reduced to cosmic processes that have an energetic and mechanical character.
Robots are an organic part of the technical world, and their characteristics are conditioned by the nature of capitalism. They are mass-produced and, as such, disposable commodities. Robots are not social or historical beings; they lack emotions, mind, libertarian dignity, cultural and national self-awareness, moral criteria, rights, they don’t get sick, they work 24 hours a day as programmed, they are replaceable, and can be instantly turned off and destroyed…
Capitalists do not strive to create robots that are increasingly similar to humans in their qualities but rather humans who are increasingly similar to robots. Humans are not the role models for robots; robots are the role models for humans. Through the spectacular model of robots, capitalist propaganda machinery imposes on people the image of the capitalist man of the future. In reality, robots are surrogates of humans turned by capitalism into ideal slaves.
Sport is an area where the robotization of humans in the existing world has reached its highest level. The human body has become a technical means to achieve records, and the “quest for records” is based on a productivistic fanaticism with a technical and destructive character. This is what defines the personality of an athlete, as well as their relation to the world and the future.
Considering that capitalism is increasingly destroying the living conditions in which man as a natural and human being can survive, the distinctive ability of robots to function in environments that are deadly to humans becomes of paramount importance. The destruction of the living environment devalues man as a human and natural being and further encourages the process of robotization.
Robotization suggests that capitalism can survive without humans. In the capitalistically degenerated world, humanity is not just superfluous; it has become an impediment to “progress.” With the development of consumer society, which means capitalism’s becoming a totalitarian order of destruction, capitalism has come to the final reckoning with the living world and with man as a human and natural being. Man has become an “obsolete being” that is to conclude his cosmic odyssey in the capitalist landfill.
In a fluid global order, initiatives to articulate cooperation to its best mutual outcome, as for exchange of resources and synergies are relevant more than ever. The mighty Asian triangular format of RIC (Russia – India – China) is relatively well known although underreported in scholarly and popular writings. However, the triangulation between Russia, Iran and India – largely overlooked – is a fact and a pressing necessity, especially for Russia and Iran, the most sanctioned countries in the world.
The strengthening of the International North-South Transport Corridor could implement that new triangulation. The multimodal North-South corridor is 7,200 km long and makes it possible to reduce costs and times for transportation of goods, if contrasted and compared to the Suez Canal passage.
According to estimates, the North-South could double the volume of goods from the current 17 to 32 million tons. Furthermore, over the past year, the reveal of this corridor has grown. So, this Project brings numerous geopolitical and geo-economic opportunities and challenges, making Asia autonomous and (self-)integrated for the first time.
The advantages of the corridor in pills:
1. Reduction of dependence on Suez;
2. Time and cost reduction;
3. Alternative route for Indian goods to Central Asia (primarily Kazakhstan) by bypassing Pakistan;
4. Alternative route for Indian goods to Europe bypassing Red Sea, Africa, Bosporus and traditional key ports of Europe (such as Port Said, Tangier, Rotherham, Hamburg, Genoa, Trieste, Thessaloniki, and the like);
5. Pivoting Iran as a median crossroad, and hence further stabilising it;
6. Breaking the isolation, and consequent circumvention of sanctions of Russia, while arching this corridor to the Arctic bridge;
7. Complete integration of the littoral states’ region around the Caspian Sea as a new global hub.
Bandung (1956), Belgrade (1961), Johannesburg (2023): Materialisation of the Grand Visions
Rather recently, the Asia-based researcher Dr. Maria Smotrytska – while marking the 60th anniversary of the inaugural, Belgrade conference of the Non-aligned Movement (NaM) (Aug-Sep 1961), recalled the famous argument of prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic ‘No Asian century without pan-Asian multilateral settings’ which was prolifically published as policy paper and thoroughly debated among practitioners and academia in over 40 countries on all continents for the past 15 years. Then and there, Smotrytska was revisiting and rethinking the professor’s very argument, its validity and gravity in retrospect.
Hence, she noted “Today Eurasia is the axial continent of mankind, which is home to about 75% of the world’s population (see Map 1), produces 60% of world GDP (see Map 2) and stores three quarters of the world’s energy resources (see Map 3) [Shepard, 2016]. In these open spaces, two giant poles of modern geoeconomics are being formed: European and East Asian, which are tearing the canvas of the familiar geographical concept of “Eurasia” and at the same time providing opportunities for new synthesis through the construction and connection of transcontinental transport arteries.”
Past the historical Johannesburg gathering of BRICS, with the “unprecedented (post-) Maastricht-like deepening (institutions’ building) and widening (massive enlargement with 6 robust either demographics or/and economies – hence larger than any of the EU /or for that matter NATO/ enlargements ever) – this grouping is the best living example of the grand idea of Tito, Nehru and Nasser’s postulated active and peaceful coexistence that came to life in Yugoslavia in 1961” – as professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic commented the 15th BRICS Summit.
How the active and peaceful coexistence is materialising itself without confronting but rather by complimenting the existing world order?
The Global Disorder and the Euro-Asian Synchronization
Rise, decline, marginalization, or collapse are inevitable stages in the life cycle of empires as gravity centres. Political power always tries to amortise, even reverse the decline (if in a good time admitting it self), but power transfer is an unstoppable historical constant. The Power’s disappearance leads to the emergence of a challenger capable of (re-)organizing space. In the VI Canto of Paradise, the poet Dante – talking through Emperor Justinian – uses the metaphor of the eagle flying “against the course of heaven” to depict the transfer of power from Rome to Constantinople, to the “new Rome”.
Nowadays, an irreversible power relocation has begun, even if there is not a precise gravitational centre. Indeed, the global order is archipelagic and “fluid”, as even the western media recently admitted. Since the Russian special operation in Ukraine, a magmatic phase started, incentivizing new triangulations and alliances, sometimes alternatives to the West primacy. Of course, the United States remains the global technological and military pivot, and NATO remains the first military alliance, but it is undeniable that the balance is evolving.
The International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) involving Russia, India, and Iran (in total, 13 members) fits into this multipolar-evolving context. If integrally implemented according to plans, it would make it possible to reduce the supremacy of Suez, through which about 12% of global trade transits. This project will encourage a Euro-Asian synchronization and provide an alternative to the traditional Suez route exclusivity, reducing approximately 40% distance and costs by 30%, as claimed by Silk Road Briefings.
Infrastructures have a substantial role in the growth and decline of power. The case of the Suez Canal is emblematic: it interrupted the complex circumnavigations and restored the centrality of the Mediterranean. For this reason, powers aspiring for a hegemonic role invest in infrastructural networks: China with the “Belt and Road” Initiative – Research Fellow at IFIMES/DeSSA Dr Maria Smotrytska described the shifting-balance project in her detailed analysis – while Russia and Iran with the Corridor. As a result, the project is fraught with enormous geopolitical implications.
However, these are not the only initiatives. Having overcome the internal turmoil, Algeria (as a forthcoming BRICS member) has heavily invested in the new Trans-Sahara Highway Project, 5,000 kilometres long, from Algiers to Lagos. In this way, the “republican” Algeria hopes to bypass the “monarchical” Morocco and, finally, the Strait of Gibraltar. The name “African Unity Road” testifies to the socio-geo-political significance.
The World Island and Russian Scramble for Warm Seas
At the beginning of the twentieth century, the great Anglo-Saxon geopolitical strategists –Mackinder, Spykman, Lea – asked themselves the problem of how to counter the rise of the gigantic Euro-Asian empires located in the Heartland and their expansion to the critical fault line of the Rimland. In The Day of The Saxon (New York Harper, 1912), Homer Lea warns of the risks of integration between Euro-Asian powers, such as Russia and Germany, as evidenced by the Berlin-Baghdad railway project.
The Anglo-Saxon thalassocrat powers – the authors argued – could not withstand the impact of such vast empires, with young and numerous populations set off for industrial and infrastructural development as well as with boundless natural resources. For this, it is essential to control the Rimland and try to hold back the momentum of the empires, fighting one at a time: once Russia, once China. The containment policy against the Russian giant also derives from these reflections.
They were well-justified fears. At the time, Russia, which had already become a pivotal protagonist on the European scene since the Napoleonic wars, had expanded into the Caucasus and Central Asia. Soon after, that very theatre scored significant rates of economic and demographic growth, primarily thanks to the Trans-Siberian railway and the consequent colonization of Asian Russia. The Czars also aimed at the seas, the Indian Ocean, and the Mediterranean. For that same reason, Crimea has historically been crucial in Moscow’s strategies.
Analyzing the complex geographical composition of the Euro-Asian mass in The Geography of Peace (Harcourt, Brace, 1944), Spykman notes that the seas arranged in an arc all around has facilitated the development of the coastal areas, while the more inland areas have always remained disconnected and without reliable communication routes; this prevented full integration. As a result, communications almost always took place with sea routes. However, there are infrastructural interventions that can break the setback of geography.
Counter-balancing gravities of both West and China: The Russia-Iran-India Triangulation
An escalation of Ukrainian crisis led the Western world to (unfold already prepared: to) sever relations with Moscow. However, as evidenced by the growth of the European import of Russian LNG and ever better rankings of Russia on PPP (Purchasing Power Parity which now stands better than one of Germany), it is nearly impossible to disconnect Russia from a fully integrated global economic system. For example, during the Cold World, Charles Levinson in Vodka Cola (Gordon and Cremonesi, 1977) highlighted a similar situation: the interdependence between the two opposing blocks – he also envisaged a hybridization in a more authoritarian sense.
South Corridor / Source: INSTC Map
Nevertheless, compared to the twentieth century, Russia is no longer an “ideological lighthouse”, no longer commands the Warsaw block, and, after the dissolution, has been increasingly marginalized. Past the shock caused by the loss of its historical territories, that Eurasia giantis successfully pressing its peripheries, and knocking on the global doors. Even in the harsh circumstances (past the February 2022 calamity), Russia has found numerous and is developing effective alternative channels to come out of isolation.
First, the Russian-Chinese integration is already a reality: trade could reach a value of about 200 billion USD by the end of 2023. Furthermore, China is a privileged end market for Russian resources, but Russia is also a relevant market for China that could compensate for the loss of shares in Taiwan and the United States with Russia.
Similarly, trade between Russia and Iran quadrupled in 2022. Interestingly, trade between Iran and the Caspian littoral states amounts to 5.54 million tons worth $3.03 billion (according to MMag Mak A. Bajrektarevic’ book ‘Caspian: Status, Challenges, and Prospects’).
The North-South Corridor / Source: Public Domain
Last but not least, after a long period in which the mutual value trade has not exceeded 10 billion dollars, in just one year the exchange between Russia and India has reached a record high of 44.4 billion; as a result, Russia is now the fifth largest trading partner. Trade between India and Russia has grown in the last year thanks to the International North-South Transport Corridor, which makes it possible to reduce logistics times from around 40 days to about 25. So, India is investing a lot in the corridor and reached an agreement for the Iranian port of Chabahar. This port is located about 790 nautical miles from Nhava Sheva and Mumbai.
The Geo-Economical Relevance of the Project
A comparable and particularly profitable route already existed a while ago. The United States, United Kingdom and Canada created a corridor, the so-called “Persian Corridor”, during WWII to transfer military aid to the USSR: over 4 million tonnes of cargo passed through the forerunner of the North-South Corridor.
After the capitulation of the European powers in 1939 and 1940-41, the USSR had to withstand an overwhelming shock force and was initially forced to retreat. As the Soviet military and industrial complex came into full swing, the corridor, especially in its initial stages, had a greater importance than is generally attributed. The corridor was the only reliable channel to support the USSR as the Nordic and Arctic routes towards Murmansk and Archangel were controlled by the Nazis.
After decades, the project was relaunched in the early 2000s and is listed as a priority by the countries’ governments. The corridor responds to the needs of the three major players involved: access to the Indian Ocean and the Gulf for Russia interrupting isolation, internal infrastructural strengthening for Iran – the country will become a pivotal crossroads of rail, road, and sea routes – and projection towards Central Asia for India bypassing Pakistan, which has become a key-country for China.
In addition, the initiative also has beneficial effects for all the other regional players: the former Soviet republics, Azerbaijan – the port of Baku is becoming an increasingly important hub (over 6.3 million tonnes of cargo in 2022) – and Armenia, but also the GCC (Gulf states), which are now the protagonists of a cautious and attentive policy to redefining the global politico-military and energo-economic balance.
Current forecasts predict the doubling of freight volumes from 17 million tons per year to 32 million in 2030. The completion of the project would also lead to a shift of the trade and transit axis towards the heart of Central Asia.
Source: Smotrytska (2022), the pre-C-19 World’s Crude Shipments Levels (UCL Energy Institute, 2019)
Therefore, the North-South Corridor has enormous potential, but there are many unsolved problems. First, complete the infrastructural works in unison, modernize often-outdated infrastructure sections, and finally complete additional complementary interventions, as in the case of the Volga-Don Canal, which could strengthen trade between the Caspian Water Plateau and the Sea of Azov.
This canal is crucial in Russian Iranian commercial exchange: an estimated 35 merchant ships passed through the Volga-Don passages in 2021 (annual average), but this number grew to 50 in 2022 (42% more). However, despite the growing importance of global trade, the intermodal capacity of the ports on the Caspian Sea is still limited (Mak A. Bajrektarevic’ ‘Caspian: Status, Challenges, and Prospects’). At the same time, the interconnection between ports and railways in Iran is still lacking, but the two partners are willing to invest.
Finally, it is very complex to scratch the supremacy of Suez, especially after the doubling. The data show constant growth: from 2011 to 2016, over 16 thousand ships passed through Suez, while in 2021, over 20 thousand (more than 56 per day), as reported by the Suez Canal (SCA). In 2021, about 1.27 billion tons of cargo were shipped through the canal. Therefore, Suez and Panama remain the fundamental facilitators of modern navigation.
Nevertheless, besides Iran – pivotal for the Caspian corridor, Suez becomes ‘overcrowded’ by the new BRICS members: Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia and Egypt are practically Red Sea’s littoral states while the last one is the Canal’s (solo) proprietor.
Why does such analysis matter? “Geopolitics often follows laws of quantum mechanics: if we (only) analyse locality we lose a sight of a speed, if we focus on the speed we miss to understand interaction of the triggering protagonist/s. Center and periphery are relative (to say, reversible) to its speed and position” – as professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic vividly explains subtle interplays of events, (gravity of) theatres and its actors. Hence, this awareness energetically invites us to illuminate less explored and underreported trends and localities, and to extrapolate them with those we perceive as a main-stream and acknowledge as the established.
In an earlier mentioned The Geography of Peace, Spykman highlighted some gateways or obligatory passages – the so-called “Gates to the Heartland” – potentially dangerous for “world peace”, from which the Russian giant (be it of that time or present day) could try to get out. In his vision, the gates are the Arctic route (the ancient Pomor Trade), the Crimea, central European plains, Caucasian passes, or the Khyber Pass. Preventing access to Russia at these points is a guarantee of peace – actually of the British domination of that time.
The northern road remains accessible for Russia even if less safe after Finland entered NATO; precisely, the war against Finland (1939-1940) finished with the conquest of the Karelia region and the Rybačij Peninsula to protect Leningrad and Archangel port. The post-1989 NATO advance – past Gorbatchov’s unilateral retreat, has made Russian penetration towards central Europe almost impossible at this stage. Finally, Russia’s returned to the war to protect the Crimea and the Azov Sea (now its ‘inner sea’) as well as it (re-)appeared in Syria and the Sahel, past the West’s disastrous politico-military meddling in the MENA during its decades of ‘unipolar moment’.
By implementing the International North-South Transport Corridor, always following Spykman’s vision, which represents a route that crosses the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea, Russia is finding a way to break the isolation up, reaching the “gates”.
The International North-South Transport Corridor (and its linking with the Artic Bridge and Northern Sea Route – as professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic already indicated over decade ago, in his ground work ‘Arctic and Antarctic: Two Poles – Different Scores’) demonstrates, together with the initiatives of China and Algeria (to cheapen and fasten delivery by cutting off Morocco) as well as other related triangulations, that there is a definite will of the revisionist powers and emerging global players to become central on the global supply lanes or to want to build new trade routes. In conclusion, transport infrastructures are one of the main factors in shaping the geopolitics, socio-economics and consequently, our history. Panama and Suez made it possible, and the new corridors can do the same.
If this would be one of the world’s best concretisations of the grand Bandung and Belgrade visions of our times, the following years will certainly show us.
About the Author:
Lorenzo Somigli
Lorenzo Somigli is a columnist specialised in the EU and Euro-MED energy and geopolitics (publications in Italian and international media and magazine like leSfide and Transatlantic Policy Quarterly). In his native Italy, Somigli is actively involved in the State Parliament’s MPs advisory.
The post-pandemic world and the Russia-Ukraine war is upon us and how we manage from this point on will determine our success. This article proposes a cadre of ideas in a world that has completely changed. The crucial role in preparing an organization for the post-pandemic world and the Russia-Ukraine war is at the heart of business acumen today. A new definition of the role of corporate strategy in managing innovation is crucial for success. A world that we once knew no longer exists. What does exist is you reading this article. Congratulations on your successful survival of the worst war and pandemic since the turn of the century.
In the wake of the worst war and pandemic since the turn of the century, strategic formulation has developed into a worldwide phenomenon. As organizations begin to migrate back into the office, settling in has taken on a new sensation. “Sitting at his desk on a Monday morning after being home for two years working remotely, I felt surreal,” said Vic, in Manhattan, New York, as he reminisced his entire career in a moment. It was knowledge management and technology that kept the dialogue going via large platforms of remote use. Now, respect for these two factors removes the barriers to developing more supportive workplaces for in-organization stationed workers and remote workers.
In this article, we ask the question: How to adapt to the post-pandemic world and the Russia-Ukraine war in strategic management? Your answer is your own personal journey, but we can imagine a workplace that is not the same, and perhaps, never will be again.
Strategic Management in the Post-Pandemic World and the Russia-Ukraine War
The world went under an edict of quarantine for many months in 2020. At that time, the mole people were the predominant residents roaming the streets of Manhattan.
Viewed as pejorative by the very folk it denotes, the term “mole people” describes those who live in the tunnels under Manhattan’s Grand Central Station, Penn Station, Port Authority, and Riverside Park.
The mole people had no idea of what knowledge management and corporate strategy had to do with them. They embraced the wandering streets and endured as they always do, successful in any environment. They did not know that behind the scenes the COVID-19 recovery was going to usurp them once again. They survived many decades of crowded streets, and they know that they will prosper as the Island of Manhattan begins to populate with a cadre of commuters once again.
The tumultuous post-pandemic is a survival ground as concerts, Broadway plays, restaurants, and organizations open for business. We wondered if knowledge management is a precursor for the post-pandemic recovery. We answer, yes! A few decades ago, various prominent scholars shed light on the crucial role of the knowledge-based strategy. In particular, these scholars highlight organizations as communities that have been developed to create organizational competitiveness through using and generating knowledge and new ideas. Hence, the post-pandemic recovery requires that organizations determine strategic initiatives required so that they as a whole more effectively manage knowledge. Ergo, post-pandemic recovery is a success.
The post-pandemic recovery is contingent upon the strategic initiatives’ performance as the facilitator of competitive advantage. Two prominent scholars by the names of Charles Hofer and Dan Schendel see strategy as a “fundamental pattern of present and planned resource deployments and environmental interactions that indicates how the organization will achieve its objectives”.
In a post-pandemic world, executives strive to meet and exceed the strategic goals of both the stockholders and the employees. Goals are the keys to business success if they best fit the relationship between the two as the world manages the lingering effect of the pandemic. Therefore, the goal is to develop more effective corporate strategies to efficiently deploy organizational capabilities and better manage internal and external sources, aiming at increasing and building rapport with the business environment, inspiring employees, and increasing their satisfaction with their careers so that they can become engaged and productive. Enter the Ukraine invasion by Russia and we have more havoc as supply chains are affected by oil prices, transportation, and the rising cost of goods.
Two predominant strategies come out of strategic formulation, one being the analysis strategy, and the other being the pro-activeness strategy. Both are geared toward recovery, but they also are imperative for survival. When the post-pandemic world and the Russia-Ukraine war have surfaced, executives need to intervene in the system and exert effective change at the organizational level to set a more effective analysis strategy for their organizations to create better and more innovative solutions for business problems. Reactive response to develop an effective analysis strategy included:
Focusing on coordination as they respond to customer needs.
Focusing on the successful application of management information systems to support decision-making at all levels of the organization.
Focusing on the successful application of business-planning methods.
Focusing on the successful application of cost control methods.
Focusing on the successful application of management performance methods.
Focusing on the successful application of performance appraisal and manpower planning methods.
A pro-activeness strategy determines proactive approaches required so that the organization, as a whole, searches and prepares to be better positioned in the external business environment. Pro-activeness strategy is applied more often today as all levels of the organization change and prepare for the post-pandemic crisis. Pro-activeness strategic responses to develop an effective analysis strategy are:
Searching for viable businesses if expansion is the goal.
Tracking new trends to find niches worth developing.
Focusing on research and development for competitive edge.
Eliminating operations that are not required anymore for the product life-cycle stages.
Focusing on indicators used for operations forecast which generally reflect long-term considerations
In Conclusion
This article offers novel insights into the direct impact of organizational strategies for the pos-pandemic world and the Russian-Ukraine war. The key is to develop a solid foundation that can be built upon to secure a vast future that can withstand any tumultuous activity facing organizations. Organizational strategy and knowledge management could help organizations better perform in the post-pandemic world and the Russian-Ukraine War.
