By Barend ter Haar.Good diplomacy serves the interests of a country, but bad diplomacy helps a country to destroy itself.
Take for example the year 1914 when bad diplomacy led to the first World War. Among the many reasons why diplomacy failed, two should be mentioned here: Governments avoided a realistic look at the price of modern warfare and were unwilling or unable to look beyond their narrow (perceived) national interests. The result is well known: the fall of the Russian, German and Austrian empires and the beginning of the European Civil War that lasted at least until 1945, if not 1989.
Is diplomacy doing any better nowadays? Are governments now looking reality in the eye? Are they now looking beyond their short term national interests? And why is it that governments conduct policies that are self-destructive? These are very difficult, but also very important questions. Too important, one could argue, to leave it to diplomats and foreign policy specialists to answer. But who can help?
Diplomats might follow the good example of the development experts at the World Bank. In its most recent World Development Report Mind, Society and Behavior the World Bank invoked the help of many disciplines, such as neuroscience, psychology, and anthropology, to answer the question why the results of development aid are so often disappointing. Diplomats should do the same. A discipline that might be of much use is biology. Since Darwin wrote The Descent of Man, a lot has been learned about human nature. What is important to realize is that the way we act and react is not only influenced by what we have learned from other people (our culture), but also by hundreds of thousands years of evolution (our genetic predisposition).
Genetic adaptation is a very slow process, certainly in comparison with the enormous speed human civilization developed since the late stone age. Our current genetic predisposition therefore dates from before that time, when our forefathers still had to gather and hunt their food in the wild. However, some of the genetic adaptations that worked very well at that time have now become dysfunctional.
Take for instance our innate impulse to eat sweets and nuts when they are placed in front of us, whether we are hungry or not. Our far ancestors were right to eat whenever they had the chance, but for modern man this impulse is dysfunctional. If we want to remain healthy, we have to withstand this temptation. In principle we can do that, but nevertheless obesity has become a very serious public health problem. Another problematic genetic trait is our inclination to make a sharp distinction between our âownâ group and âotherâ groups. We are genetically predisposed to consider the âothersâ as potential enemies and not to care very much about their lives.
Hundred thousand years ago that was probably useful, but under current circumstances this inclination has become dysfunctional. The sociobiologist Edward Wilson said it quite eloquently in The Social Conquest of Earth: âWe have created a Star Wars civilization, with Stone Age emotions, medieval institutions, and godlike technology. (..) We are terribly confused by the mere fact of our existence, and a danger to ourselves and to the rest of life.â Now what to do? We cannot change our nature, but we can be aware of our genetic handicaps. Studies on the evolutionary origins of war and ethnic conflict are therefore not only of academic interest, but deserve the attention of pragmatic diplomats.
A closer look at the results of biological research with regard to our hereditary handicaps will help us to realize that policies that feel good because they were effective 100 000 years ago might now be self destructive. A better understanding of our genetic predispositions can therefore help us to prevent avoidable disasters.
By Jhr. mr. Alexander W. Beelaerts van Blokland LL.M., Justice (Judge) in the Court of Appeal and honorary Special Advisor International Affairs of the City of The Hague.Â
Since 2005 the city of The Hague âInternational City of Peace and Justice- supports every two years an international organization that is active for peace and / or justice. In that year UNICEF was chosen as the first one to support, because in that year UNICEF The Netherlands existed fifty years. After UNICEF came the Red Cross, Warchild, AMREF Flying Doctors and Save the Children.
Since January 1st, 2015, the municipality of The Hague has chosen again for UNICEF in the year of 60 years UNICEF The Netherlands. UNICEF is an UN organization like The Hague is an UN city.
As probably everyone will know, UNICEF is one of the biggest organizations for the rights of children in the world. UNICEF helps children in no less than 190 countries all over the world, with better education, vaccinations, clean drinking water, emergency help, etcetera.
Not only the city of The Hague itself helps UNICEF during the whole year of 2015 , but also inhabitants, schools, businesses and other organizations in The Hague do so. Big local events in The Hague like the City â Pier â City run, the Entrepreneurs Gala and the Just Peace weekend in september will be in favour of UNICEF. The money that will be collected will be used for children in Indonesia, which is a former colony of The Netherlands (until 1945/1949). UNICEF is very much concerned about the situation in that country with its enormous violance against children. For example: one out of six girls is given in marriage before the age of eighteen against their will.
Of course UNICEF and The Hague would be very grateful to the 30.000 to 40.000 expats living in and around The Hague, if they would be able and willing to support UNICEF in one way or the other. By themselves and / or by the expat organizations they belong to. During 2015 there are a lot of possibilities in The Hague to do so.
a.beelaerts@planet.nl
By Dr. Davor Jancic, Senior Researcher in EU Law, T.M.C. Asser Institute The Hague, Faculty of Law, University of Amsterdam.
The world has become too globalised, too interdependent and too interconnected for diplomacy to be left to executive actors alone. For better or worse, Westphalian sovereignty belongs to a bygone era. Many decisions and policies with a decisive impact on the lives of both individuals and states as socio-political and economic communities are nowadays made outside the framework of those states. A vast multitude of international or supranational organisationsâwhose scope is global (e.g. the UN, WTO), regional (e.g. the EU, Council of Europe, Mercosur, African Union) or crossregional (e.g. NATO, OSCE)âset the parameters, or even directly govern, important segments of domestic regulatory affairs. Since this rapid development of global governance is a corollary of governmental action, parliaments are effectively denied the possibility to legislate on transnational policies and exercise democratic control over their creation. To compensate for this, parliamentary diplomacy has flourished in the past several decades. This phenomenon testifies to the evolving nature of representative democracy in the 21st century.
Parliamentary diplomacy encompasses foreign affairs activities of individual parliamentarians (e.g. Speakers, chairpersons), groups of parliamentarians (e.g. committees, delegations, intergroups, friendship groups), bilateral interparliamentary forums (e.g. Transatlantic Legislatorsâ Dialogue), or international parliamentary institutions. The latter is the most advanced form of parliamentary diplomacy and ranges from parliamentary organs of international organisations (e.g. Parliamentary Assemblies of the OSCE and the Council of Europe), those that are only loosely linked to an international organisation (e.g. NATO Parliamentary Assembly), to those that are not associated to an international organisation whatsoever (e.g. Interparliamentary Union, Latin American Parliament). The world leader in parliamentary diplomacy is the European Parliament. It possesses a rather developed internal structure for conducting autonomous international affairs not only via its committees (e.g. AFET, DEVE, INTA, LIBE), delegations and intergroups, but also via assemblies it has created with international and regional parliamentary partners (e.g. Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly, Euronest Parliamentary Assembly).
All of these institutional manifestations of parliamentary diplomacy exercise soft power, because they as a rule possess no legally binding powers. However, their impact is realized through functions that complement those carried out internally within the legal orders in which these parliaments are established. These functions of parliamentary diplomacy are aimed at debating global challenges (e.g. terrorism and climate change), conflict resolution (e.g. advocacy in the Libyan and Syrian crises), discussing bilateral or multilateral international agreements, assessing the implications of extraterritorial legislation, approximating regulatory approaches to prevent legal disputes and political frictions, protesting diplomatic misconduct (e.g. US NSA online surveillance over the EU), strengthening domestic scrutiny and accountability mechanisms, nurturing the exchange of information and best practices, capacity building (e.g. democracy support, election observation missions, exchange of parliamentary know-how), and, generally, improving diplomatic relations between states and regions. These activities are carried out through dialogue fostered during countless visits and meetings that parliamentarians organise around the globe.
Yet this does not mean that parliamentarians must become political globetrotters, traveling the world in search of peace and cooperation. In legal terms, the soft power of parliamentary diplomacy can become hard if it is firmly embedded in internal constitutional orders, where binding legal powers are available. Parliamentary diplomacy is therefore also a cognitive category. Parliamentarians should incorporate the outcomes of their diplomacy in domestic affairs by taking a broad perspective in conducting their daily business. Though elected locally, parliamentarians must think globally. This is important not only to shield domestic interests from unwanted external influence, but also to avoid backlash that is likely to occur due to the high level of interlacement between polities if action is taken in complete disregard of the interests of âothersâ. These two sides of the same coin are pertinent. Acting as diplomats, elected representatives can attend to these exigencies of contemporary policy making.
Combining the soft power of parliamentary diplomacy in external affairs with the hard power in internal affairs is a recipe for reconceptualising representative democracy. To borrow the terminology of Harvardâs Joseph Nye, parliaments need to exercise smart power in the fast-paced global, digital age of today. They are advised to adapt to the changing nature of global governance if they are to preserve the good functions they perform in shaping their societies. Failing to do so could harm the interests of their constituents in the long term and parliamentary diplomacy is one of the ways of addressing this.
ICCT Summer Programme: Targeted Killings and the Use of Drones as a Counter-Terrorism Measure.By Mr. Mark Singleton, Director International Centre for Counter-Terrorism â The Hague (ICCT)
In January 2015, an American drone strike killed to two al Qaeda hostages, American citizen Mr. Warren Weinstein and Italian Mr. Giovanni Lo Porto. This caused the Obama administration to disclose more information about the killings, showing that the responsible senior official authorised the attack without knowing who exactly was in the targeted compound and surrounding areas. This made clear once more that there is a risk in the use of drones caused by the gap between the intelligence and technology used and the reality on the ground. The killings raised questions about the effectiveness and legality of the use of drones and targeted killings in countering terrorism.
These questions and issues will be addressed during the Summer Programme on Countering Terrorism in different sessions. The effectiveness of this counter-terrorism tool will be discussed, along with how it fits into different (international) legal frameworks and what the position of EU Member States is on the use of drones. These sessions will be provided by Dr. Eric Pouw (Netherlands Defense Academy) and Ms. Jessica Dorsey (Asser Instituut) who both have done extensive research on the topic.
From 24 â 28 August 2015, the International Centre for Counter-Terrorism â The Hague (ICCT) and the T.M.C. Asser Instituut are organising the Fifth Advanced Summer Programme on âCountering Terrorism: Legal Challenges and Dilemmasâ. The objective of this unique Summer Programme is to explore the theoretical and more practical questions of the legality of many counter-terrorism strategies and measures. Two study visits to the Special Tribunal for Lebanon and Eurojust are included in the course. The programme is tailored towards policy-makers from the international, national and local level working on CT issues, as well as other CT professionals working at think-and-do tanks, international organisations, universities and the criminal justice sector, who want to expand their knowledge of the underlying legal tenets and dilemmas in CT. It should be noted that a legal background for this course is desirable but not required.
A draft agenda for the programme is available on ICCTâs website, along with further information on the registration and other logistics. For further questions, please contact educationtraining@asser.nl.
By Petra van der Ham, Managing Director UPEACE The Hague.Â
The University for Peace (UPEACE) has been founded in 1980 by the General Assembly of the United Nations in order to give substance to its peace and security objectives. UPEACE fosters strong ties with various components of the UN-system, among which the UN Secretariat. The mission of UPEACE is to provide an international institute for graduate peace education for humanity.
The headquarters of UPEACE are situated in Costa Rica, with its own campus and various facilities for students, employees and visitors. At this international and multicultural academic institution for peace and peace related issues, applied research and education go hand in hand. At UPEACE, experts are brought together with students from all over the world, in order to educate a new generation of peace negotiators and peace builders. They are being trained to bring peace to a global level, to manage conflicts and to uphold human rights. Mobilizing worldwide support, awareness and education of the (world) population play an important role. Over the past years UPEACE has relied on a mix of resident and visiting faculty members to teach its face-to-face courses, among whom Jan Pronk, former Dutch Minister for Development Cooperation, and Bert Koenders, Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Throughout its almost 35 years of existence, UPEACE has developed a range of Master- and capacity building programmes in the field of peacebuilding and conflict resolution, and has provided courses and trainings for students as well as for professionals and practitioners from across the world.
Currently UPEACE offers three Master programmes, each with various specialisations: 1) âEnvironment and Developmentâ, 2) âPeace and Conflict Studiesâ, and 3) âInternational Law and Human Rightsâ. Each year approximately 150 Master students from some 60 different countries spend a year at the UPEACE campus; another 150 students study at the affiliated centres.
UPEACE The Hague
UPEACE has centres in Addis Ababa, Belgrade, Manila and, since 2012, in The Hague. The Hague: âInternational City of Peace and Justiceâ, hosts numerous institutes in the field of (international) law, but still relatively few in the specific fields of peace issues and peace education. The Centre in The Hague, called UPEACE The Hague, has a small office in the Academy Building of the Peace Palace. UPEACE The Hague focuses on education and research in the field of peace issues, in close cooperation with renowned academic and policy-oriented institutes in The Hague region. It provides, for instance, educational services (âpeace educationâ) to The Hague University of Applied Sciences, organizes conferences, workshops and lectures, and performs peace research. An important characteristic is the emphasis on interaction between theory and practice, with a strong policy-oriented character. This combination makes its educational supply attractive to students, academics and professionals alike, building on the existing knowledge and expertise of the worldwide network of the University for Peace in Costa Rica.
For the time being UPEACE The Hague focuses on two programmes: âPeace and Conflict Studiesâ, and âWater and Peaceâ. Recently preparations have begun for a new programme on âBusiness and Peaceâ.
If you wish to receive a copy of the Annual Report 2014 please send an e-mail to info@upeace.nl.
For further information on UPEACE and UPEACE The Hague see: www.upeace.org and www.upeace.nl.
By Eugene Matos De Lara and Amelia Baxter.
Agricultural liberalization can have nefarious effects on the poorest countries. More powerful states use liberalization processes to gain concessions from weaker states without lowering their own domestic protections. Agricultural trade in some developing countries should be strongly regulated and in turn, diminish neoliberal market trends within these states because of its negative effects on local producers. The negative effects can be dismantled by over viewing its causality by domestic subsidies and the market flooding.
The US provides 56% of worldwide food aid with Haiti as its biggest client. However, the US also retracts what it offers with farm subsidies. This initiative is a national legal project that directs the benefits towards US farmers by giving them ownership of a food aid monopoly. The âFood for Peaceâ program costs US taxpayers 1.5 billion in 2012 alone. The total amount of agricultural subsidies per year averages to 300 billion US. Quality standard control in developed countries tends to be significantly higher than the developing counties, sometimes barring the possibilities for mutual trade. Additionally, subsidies allow American agricultural producers to export and sell in developing states at a competitive or sometimes cheaper price than its equivalent found domestically. These reflect a double standard that hinders a developing countryâs full potential. The effects of these policies on Haiti have lead to a market flood of US grown products.
In 2011, US exports to Haiti totalled $326 million and drove former President Bill Clinton to state that these neoliberal market actions âmay have been good for some farmers in Arkansas, but it has not worked for Haiti, it was a mistakeâ. The distributional and collateral effect on the poor has witnessed the disappearance of Haitian rice and with it, Haitian food sovereignty. Haiti had self-sustained food security up until the 1980s, supported predominantly by its rice production. Since the 1990s, Miami Rice aid and trade imports have âoutpacedâ the domestic production. In 2000, US rice imports totalled 219,590 metric tons (t), when domestic production was 130,000t, in contrast to 1985 when local production amounted to 163,296t and US imports were weighed at 7,337t. This empirical evidence demonstrates two things. One is the substantial decrease of agricultural production in Haiti. Two, the drastic decrease of the price of rice and the apparition of an additional 178,957t per year demonstrate that the consumption of rice in Haiti has changed to the extent that it outpaces the Haitian agro-productive force of rice in any year. Consequently, by relying more on American prices and quantity, food sovereignty in Haiti is almost nonexistent.
In summary, not all developing countries benefit from agricultural liberalization. âFew developing countries find themselves in a position to compete internationally in liberalized agricultural markets most notably, Brazil, Argentina, China, and those of the former Soviet Union âhave demonstrated the competitiveness to take advantage of such market openings. The smallest-scale farmers are likely to benefit the least, as large-scale industrialised producers capture most growth in export marketsâ.
As an alternative, food sovereignty stipulated by Kim Burnett professor at the University of Ottawa, offers a more direct solution than agricultural liberalization in the food crisis by identifying the potential strength of local market and small scale producers socially, economically and on the global macroeconomic scale. Food sovereignty is a right to âhealthy and culturally appropriated food produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methodsâ ( K.Burnett & S.Murphy, 2014).
This idea offers a counter proposal to todayâs neo-liberal macroeconomic trend. Food sovereignty has unraveled many initiatives aiming to increase smallholder representation, their market power, awareness of organics, and indigenous cultures in agriculture. In hindsight, it is safe to state that food sovereignty carries the perspective of food producers in most developing states while liberalization does not.
Amelia Baxter
By Roy Lie A Tjam.
Bangladesh House in Wassenaar, this is where I met Dr. Dilruba Nasrin for a causerie on a chilly winter day in February 2015. It was then agreed to ascertain whether it would be possible for Dr. Nasrin to give a lecture at the upcoming IWC Monthly meeting.
The IWC (International Womenâs Contact, The Hague) is after all an ideal platform to present the global issues where women from all over the world meet. This was materialized on 11 May 2015 at the Crowne Plaza Hotel in The Hague. Dr.Nasrin was the keynote speaker at the IWC monthly meeting and she gave a lecture on the following topic:
“Child health in the developing world: where the future lies in the past”.The speakerDr. Dilruba Nasrin is an Assistant Professor at the Centre for Vaccine Development, at the University of Maryland School of Medicine. She is a medical graduate from Bangladesh and she pursued her PhD in the field of Epidemiology at the , in 2000. Her doctoral research was based on child health. Since then, she has been working in the field of child health in different parts of the world.
Dr. Nasrin is closely involved in the study of the global burden of diarrheal disease in children and the rota-vaccine effectiveness against diarrhoea which is funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. Dr. Nasrin also worked with several diarrheal and pneumonia studies in children during her tenure at the International Centre for Diarrheal Disease Research, Bangladesh (ICDDR, B). She is the author of more than 25 international publications.
In January 2015, Dr. Nasrin came to the Netherlands to join her husband Sheikh M. Belal, who is posted as an Ambassador of Bangladesh to The Netherlands.
The lecture
Dr. Dilruba Nasrin commenced her lecture by telling her audience what prompted her to study and research the effect of Ăą lactam antibiotic used in children on pneumococcal resistance to penicillin: It was in Canberra, Australia where as a young mother with a six-month old child and the spouse of an Ambassador that Dr. Nasrin decided to closely follow the medical treatments administered to her son Sammy.
Dr.Nasrin’s lecture evolved around three questions:
Why child health?
Why developing world?
Why future lies in the past?
With about 555,000 child deaths each year, diarrhoea remains one of the notorious silent killers. The number of child deaths due to diarrhoea is similar to the loss of life caused by the Asian tsunamis each year. This is still so despite some significant successes achieved in the field of diarrheal child mortality by UNICEF and the World Health Organization.
Even for children who survive these illnesses, subsequent repeated infections in the early years of life can lead to serious life-threatening health problems later in life despite the scale of this on-going catastrophe, the death from diarrhoea does not manage to achieve prime-time headline coverage. Why? Because this catastrophe affects mostly children in the developing world. To make it even more frustrating is the fact that there is no dearth of research showing that an investment of as little as ten cents for a packet of Oral Dehydration Solution (developed in Bangladesh), or 20 cents for zinc supplements or a dollar worth of antibiotics for dysentery could save the life of a child.
Other interventions, such as exclusively breastfeeding in the first six months, improved personal and household hygiene, access to safe water and better sanitation could go a long way to reduce the risk of diarrhoea ever occurring in a child. Even the most desirable outcome of protecting children from diarrhoea through vaccination is possible, if the research is backed up with the required resources and goodwill.
Dr. Nasrin focused on diarrheal disease research in seven developing countries in Africa and Asia; Basse in Gambia ,Kisunuin Kenya, Bamako in Mali, Manhica in Mozambique, Karachi in Pakistan, Kolkata in India and Mirzapur in Bangladesh, the regions where more than 80% of under-five deaths occur.
The Global Enteric Multicenter Study (GEMS) is the largest, most comprehensive study of childhood diarrheal diseases ever conducted in developing country settings. The study investigated: a. the cause, B. The incidence and C. The impact of moderate-to-severe diarrhoea (MSD) which was characterized by severe dehydration, dysentery or hospitalization.
The key findings across the seven sites are:
Cause: Four pathogens were responsible for majority of MSD cases: Rotavirusâvaccine exists, Cryptosporidium, Shigella, and ST-producing ETEC
Mortality risk; cases with a single episode of MSD had 8.5-fold increase risk of death over the next two-month period compared to control children without MSD, 61% of deaths occurred more than one week after children were diagnosed with MSD, when children may no longer be receiving care, 56% of cases died at home.
Without the single 60-day follow-up visit many deaths would have been missed. Earlier studies in health centers may underestimate the burden of MSD
Delayed growth, Impact on Growth: Children with MSD grew significantly less in length in the two months following a diarrheal episode compared to their matched controls. Implications for Diarrheal Disease Control GEMS help researchers, policymakers, donors and advocates make evidence-based decisions around addressing diarrheal diseases.
Implications for Diarrheal Disease Control
GEMS help researchers, policymakers, donors and advocates make evidence-based decisions around addressing diarrheal diseases.
Key takeaways:
Expanding access to existing tools to prevent and treat diarrhoea:
 By H.E. Mr Abdalla Hamdan Mohammed Ahmed Alnaqbi, Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
Under the direction of President H.H Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the cabinet of the United Arab Emirates approved the naming of 2015 The Year of Innovation in a special meeting convened on 30 November 2014.
His Highness Sheikh Khalifa stressed that the UAE is giving the utmost priority to innovate, saying, âWe live today in a world witnessing rapid changes and continuous developments, full of opportunities, discoveries and invention. Announcing 2015 as the Year of Innovation comes to support federal government efforts, attract national skills, increase distinguished research, as well as boost efforts to build a national cadre who are able to lead our future in this field towards more progress, prosperity and innovation.â
The declaration follows the launch of the National Innovation Strategy in October 2014, by H.H Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice president and Prime Minister of the UAE and ruler of Dubai. The strategy aims to make the Emirates the most innovative country in the world by 2021.
Focusing on seven sectors of the economy — renewable energy, transport, education, health, technology, water and space — the National Innovation Strategy involves 30 initiatives to be completed within three years, including new legislation, innovation incubators, investment in specialized skills, private-sector incentives, international research partnerships, and an innovation drive within the government.
After launching the strategy last year, H.H Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, said, âToday, more than any other time, we need to boost innovation among young people, build nurturing environments in our society, and encourage our schools and universities to equip our youth with skills in research and discovery methodologies. We want our public and private sectors to explore new horizons to develop our economy. Innovation is our only way to build a great history of the UAE. The future will be for those who adopt innovation.â
Current annual investment in innovation is Dhs14 billion (approximately $4 billion), of which Dhs7 billion goes to research and development. Even so, under the new initiative, spending on innovation will increase significantly. This may seem ambitious, but that is nothing new for a nation renowned for its daring projects and home to the richest city in the world, Abu Dhabi.
“The UAE is already the most innovative Arab nation. Our target is to be among the most innovative nations in the world. The competitiveness race demands a constant flow of new ideas, as well as innovative leadership using different methods and tools to direct the change,” said Sheikh Mohammed.
Thus far, the UAEâs booming economy has been reliant on petroleum products: oil-related activities accounted for 49.38% of its total GDP in 2009. To develop the country, the UAE has spent billions of dollars from oil income on infrastructure and construction. Much of this development has been intangible, but many projects have contributed to the UAEâs worldwide reputation for daring greatly: Khalifa Tower, the tallest skyscraper in the world, Ski Dubai, a state-of-the-art indoor ski slope, the man-made Palm Islands and World Islands, Sheikh Zayed Grand Mosque, and other spectacular structures.
Yet the leadership of the UAE is well aware of the unsustainability of depending on one source of national income. With the infrastructure and urban environments now largely completed, the UAE has developed the Vision 2021 plan to diversify the economy by 2021 through expansion of a number of new industries.
Vision 2021 aims to âtransform the UAE economy into a model where growth is driven by knowledge and innovation.â
The focus on cultivating innovation — the ability to achieve change that creates a new dimension of performance — is meant to support this economic diversification, and cultural barriers to innovation, such as fear of failure and an aversion to taking risks, are starting to diminish in the UAE. According to research, 71% of UAE millennials (those 35 years old or younger) currently have entrepreneurial aspirations.
Another essential element of an innovative ecosystem is fostering and supporting these young entrepreneurs, accomplished in the UAE via more than 10 incubators and accelerators, a substantial increase from the 3 active in 2008. These include in5 (in Dubai Internet City), Turn8 (by DP World), i360âŻaccelerator, Silicon Oasis Founders, SeedStartup, Endeavor, twofour54âs Ibtikar, afkar.me, the First Steps Business Center, and the Dubai SME (small-to-medium enterprises) Business Incubation Center. These incubators and accelerators offer a variety of mentorship and business support services for UAE nationals and immigrants alike. SeedStartup, for example, brings international start-ups to a three-month acceleration programme held in Dubai.
The government has undertaken many initiatives to support the funding of innovation. The Telecommunications Regulatory AuthorityÂŽs ICT Fund aims to drive the countryâs ICT sector by providing R&D funding, scholarships for students of ICT engineering programmes, and support for incubators. Additionally, the Khalifa Fund for Enterprise Development (with approximately $550 million in capital) aims to develop local SMEÂŽs in Abu Dhabi by providing microfinance and start-up loans and by supporting entrepreneurs with training programmes.
Meanwhile, the government continues to revise economic policies and the institutional framework to empower the private sector and to strengthen foreign investment. One recently revised policy is a new law opening the door for innovation-based companies operating in specific activities defined under the law to benefit from the 100% ownership, tax-free, and other benefits regulated by the Dubai Technology and Media Free Zone. The establishment of free zones specially tailored for innovation-based companies that invest heavily in research and development activities in both the public and private sectors is a vital step in fostering innovation goal attracting SMEs from all over the world.
In our pursuit of international partnerships in support of innovation, the UAE Embassy in The Hague works with our Dutch counterpart to strengthen our ties and explore every possibility for collaboration. One cooperative project is Gas Storage Bergermeer, a collaboration between UAE Energy Company TAQA and Royal Dutch Shell, which opened in April and is Europeâs largest open access gas storage, contributing to security of supply, the energy transition, and lower energy prices for the people of Northwest Europe.
For 2015, we are exploring ways to increase our cooperation. The Netherlands is renowned for its educational institutes that focus on innovation, such as Wageningen University and TU Delft. To learn from their experience and reputable research, we invite the possibility for future collaboration in pursuit of innovation in the sectors of agriculture, technology and technological research with these institutes. In addition, we are working with multiple Dutch ministries and institutes to reach out to Dutch SMEs to explore benefits and accessibility to the UAE market.
We are determined not to leave any stone unturned as we explore possibilities for innovation in all sectors and we will continue to work with our Dutch and other international partners to achieve this goal.
Throughout its almost 35 years of existence, UPEACE has developed a range of Master- and capacity building programmes in the field of peacebuilding and conflict resolution, and has provided courses and trainings for students as well as for professionals and practitioners from across the world.
Currently UPEACE offers three Master programmes, each with various specialisations: 1) âEnvironment and Developmentâ, 2) âPeace and Conflict Studiesâ, and 3) âInternational Law and Human Rightsâ. Each year approximately 150 Master students from some 60 different countries spend a year at the UPEACE campus; another 150 students study at the affiliated centres.
UPEACE The Hague
UPEACE has centres in Addis Ababa, Belgrade, Manila and, since 2012, in The Hague. The Hague: âInternational City of Peace and Justiceâ, hosts numerous institutes in the field of (international) law, but still relatively few in the specific fields of peace issues and peace education. The Centre in The Hague, called UPEACE The Hague, has a small office in the Academy Building of the Peace Palace. UPEACE The Hague focuses on education and research in the field of peace issues, in close cooperation with renowned academic and policy-oriented institutes in The Hague region. It provides, for instance, educational services (âpeace educationâ) to The Hague University of Applied Sciences, organizes conferences, workshops and lectures, and performs peace research. An important characteristic is the emphasis on interaction between theory and practice, with a strong policy-oriented character. This combination makes its educational supply attractive to students, academics and professionals alike, building on the existing knowledge and expertise of the worldwide network of the University for Peace in Costa Rica.
For the time being UPEACE The Hague focuses on two programmes: âPeace and Conflict Studiesâ, and âWater and Peaceâ. Recently preparations have begun for a new programme on âBusiness and Peaceâ.
If you wish to receive a copy of the Annual Report 2014 please send an e-mail to info@upeace.nl.
For further information on UPEACE and UPEACE The Hague see: www.upeace.org and www.upeace.nl.
Throughout its almost 35 years of existence, UPEACE has developed a range of Master- and capacity building programmes in the field of peacebuilding and conflict resolution, and has provided courses and trainings for students as well as for professionals and practitioners from across the world.
Currently UPEACE offers three Master programmes, each with various specialisations: 1) âEnvironment and Developmentâ, 2) âPeace and Conflict Studiesâ, and 3) âInternational Law and Human Rightsâ. Each year approximately 150 Master students from some 60 different countries spend a year at the UPEACE campus; another 150 students study at the affiliated centres.
UPEACE The Hague
UPEACE has centres in Addis Ababa, Belgrade, Manila and, since 2012, in The Hague. The Hague: âInternational City of Peace and Justiceâ, hosts numerous institutes in the field of (international) law, but still relatively few in the specific fields of peace issues and peace education. The Centre in The Hague, called UPEACE The Hague, has a small office in the Academy Building of the Peace Palace. UPEACE The Hague focuses on education and research in the field of peace issues, in close cooperation with renowned academic and policy-oriented institutes in The Hague region. It provides, for instance, educational services (âpeace educationâ) to The Hague University of Applied Sciences, organizes conferences, workshops and lectures, and performs peace research. An important characteristic is the emphasis on interaction between theory and practice, with a strong policy-oriented character. This combination makes its educational supply attractive to students, academics and professionals alike, building on the existing knowledge and expertise of the worldwide network of the University for Peace in Costa Rica.
For the time being UPEACE The Hague focuses on two programmes: âPeace and Conflict Studiesâ, and âWater and Peaceâ. Recently preparations have begun for a new programme on âBusiness and Peaceâ.
If you wish to receive a copy of the Annual Report 2014 please send an e-mail to info@upeace.nl.
For further information on UPEACE and UPEACE The Hague see: www.upeace.org and www.upeace.nl.
The lecture
Dr. Dilruba Nasrin commenced her lecture by telling her audience what prompted her to study and research the effect of Ăą lactam antibiotic used in children on pneumococcal resistance to penicillin: It was in Canberra, Australia where as a young mother with a six-month old child and the spouse of an Ambassador that Dr. Nasrin decided to closely follow the medical treatments administered to her son Sammy.
Dr.Nasrin’s lecture evolved around three questions:
The key findings across the seven sites are:
The lecture
Dr. Dilruba Nasrin commenced her lecture by telling her audience what prompted her to study and research the effect of Ăą lactam antibiotic used in children on pneumococcal resistance to penicillin: It was in Canberra, Australia where as a young mother with a six-month old child and the spouse of an Ambassador that Dr. Nasrin decided to closely follow the medical treatments administered to her son Sammy.
Dr.Nasrin’s lecture evolved around three questions:
The key findings across the seven sites are:
In the afternoon a selection of interactive workshops took place, enabling participants to engage in greater depth with the various aspects of diplomacy. These included Diplomacy and the Media, Diplomatic Negotiations, Commercial Diplomacy, Diplomacy and NGOs, Military Diplomacy and the Future of Diplomacy, and were led by a host of experts and distinguished professionals from the field.
All told, the conference proved to be a successful and engaging event for speakers and participants alike. Many of the latter were inspired, and ended the day with enhanced knowledge and an increased desire to enter the field of diplomacy themselves.
In the afternoon a selection of interactive workshops took place, enabling participants to engage in greater depth with the various aspects of diplomacy. These included Diplomacy and the Media, Diplomatic Negotiations, Commercial Diplomacy, Diplomacy and NGOs, Military Diplomacy and the Future of Diplomacy, and were led by a host of experts and distinguished professionals from the field.
All told, the conference proved to be a successful and engaging event for speakers and participants alike. Many of the latter were inspired, and ended the day with enhanced knowledge and an increased desire to enter the field of diplomacy themselves.
I like to imagine that it is as a result of this that among the Pleiades of illustrious men produced by the city; there are mathematicians and scientists of the highest caliber along with watercolorists and more than a few caricaturists. The same conceptual clarity is also a necessity in the creation and administration of the law, and Arequipa is recognized as the juridical capital of the country as a result of the contributions of illustrious personalities and the proliferation of magistrates, lawyers, âpaper pushersâ of all classes and levels. The city is the official seat of the Constitutional Tribunal of Peru, and 3 of its 7 members (including their President) are originally from Arequipa.
In fact, one of the members of the Tribunal, Carlos Augusto Ramos Nuñez, has a thesis which is much less romantic and probably much more objective regarding the importance of Law in Arequipa: âPerhaps the abundance of lawyers and lawsuits in Arequipa can be explained by the preponderance of small rural landholders â a source of frequent judicial problems.â
If Arequipa is the juridical capital of Peru, The Hague is that of the world. I can speculate about the reasons for this (similar to and at the same time different from Arequipa: in the romantic version, the Dutch light, changing as in the landscapes of Vermeer, or in a dramatic chiaroscuro of Rembrandt, illuminates and clarifies the range of human problems. Looking at the situation more objectively it is obvious that a people engaged in commercial relations around the world need a method to resolve disputes). The result is that the iconic image of this city is the Peace Palace, the seat of the International Court of Justice.
In any case, in Peru, today, The Hague has gained a permanent place in the collective imaginary as source of justice in the world after the judgement of the International court of Justice on January 27th, 2014 which resolved in a definitive and peaceful manner our maritime dispute with Chile. The name of âThe Hagueâ has become a historic one for us; in the same way that cities and places all over the world identify themselves with great military victories or defeats. A fortunate and promising sign of the times.
When, shortly after taking up my post, I visited the then President of the International Court of Justice, the Slovaque jurist Peter Tomka, I presented him with a Peruvian publication commemorating the judgement of January 27th. In one of the photographs, the imposing figure of Tomka reading this ICJ decision from a giant screen in the Plaza de Armas of Lima is watched by an expectant multitude as though it were a World Cup football match.
Tomka was impressed and amused by the image. (He mentioned it anecdotally in a later public event). Following our meeting, he had the courtesy to offer me a guided tour of some of the halls in the Peace Palace.
In one of those august chambers, among portraits of the distinguished jurists who had made their contribution to world peace, he showed me that of Don José Luis Bustamante y Rivero, Peruvian president between 1945 and 1948, and President of the International Court of Justice between 1967 and 1969.
Did I mention that Don José Luis Bustamante y Rivero was born in Arequipa?
I like to imagine that it is as a result of this that among the Pleiades of illustrious men produced by the city; there are mathematicians and scientists of the highest caliber along with watercolorists and more than a few caricaturists. The same conceptual clarity is also a necessity in the creation and administration of the law, and Arequipa is recognized as the juridical capital of the country as a result of the contributions of illustrious personalities and the proliferation of magistrates, lawyers, âpaper pushersâ of all classes and levels. The city is the official seat of the Constitutional Tribunal of Peru, and 3 of its 7 members (including their President) are originally from Arequipa.
In fact, one of the members of the Tribunal, Carlos Augusto Ramos Nuñez, has a thesis which is much less romantic and probably much more objective regarding the importance of Law in Arequipa: âPerhaps the abundance of lawyers and lawsuits in Arequipa can be explained by the preponderance of small rural landholders â a source of frequent judicial problems.â
If Arequipa is the juridical capital of Peru, The Hague is that of the world. I can speculate about the reasons for this (similar to and at the same time different from Arequipa: in the romantic version, the Dutch light, changing as in the landscapes of Vermeer, or in a dramatic chiaroscuro of Rembrandt, illuminates and clarifies the range of human problems. Looking at the situation more objectively it is obvious that a people engaged in commercial relations around the world need a method to resolve disputes). The result is that the iconic image of this city is the Peace Palace, the seat of the International Court of Justice.
In any case, in Peru, today, The Hague has gained a permanent place in the collective imaginary as source of justice in the world after the judgement of the International court of Justice on January 27th, 2014 which resolved in a definitive and peaceful manner our maritime dispute with Chile. The name of âThe Hagueâ has become a historic one for us; in the same way that cities and places all over the world identify themselves with great military victories or defeats. A fortunate and promising sign of the times.
When, shortly after taking up my post, I visited the then President of the International Court of Justice, the Slovaque jurist Peter Tomka, I presented him with a Peruvian publication commemorating the judgement of January 27th. In one of the photographs, the imposing figure of Tomka reading this ICJ decision from a giant screen in the Plaza de Armas of Lima is watched by an expectant multitude as though it were a World Cup football match.
Tomka was impressed and amused by the image. (He mentioned it anecdotally in a later public event). Following our meeting, he had the courtesy to offer me a guided tour of some of the halls in the Peace Palace.
In one of those august chambers, among portraits of the distinguished jurists who had made their contribution to world peace, he showed me that of Don José Luis Bustamante y Rivero, Peruvian president between 1945 and 1948, and President of the International Court of Justice between 1967 and 1969.
Did I mention that Don José Luis Bustamante y Rivero was born in Arequipa?