International organizations in The Hague
By Jhr. Mr. Alexander W. Beelaerts van Blokland, Justice (Judge) in the Court of Appeal and Special Advisor International Affairs of the Municipality of The Hague
Since the beginning of the Dutch Republic at the end of the 16th century (the Kingdom is only almost 200 years old), diplomats from other countries arrived and lived in The Hague. But apart from embassies a lot of other international organizations have been established here in the last 121 years. In 1893, The Hague Conference on Private International Law was the first one, but after the First Peace Conference in 1899 the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) was established in the same year and after the Second Peace Conference in 1907 the Peace Palace was built and a constantly growing number of international organizations started in and around The Hague, especially after World War II, such as the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 1946, the European Patent Office (EPO) in 1977,the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yougoslavia (ICTY) in 1993, the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapens (OPCW) in 1997, the International Criminal Court (ICC ) in 2002 and many others.
Nowadays there are 115 embassies and consulats in The Hague, including new ones since 2010: from Afghanistan, Angola, Armenia, Burundi, Moldavia, Panama, Senegal and Tanzania. And there are also 14 organizations related to an embassy such as trade offices and tourist bureaus.
Recently the number of other international organizations –IGO’s, NGO’s and others – in and around The Hague has grown immensly. In 2005 already 72 international organizations were here, in 2013 not less than 240: there are now 18 IGO/UN-organizations, 25 European, 128 NGO’s and 43 organizations in education and culture, as well as 26 expat service organizations.
The importance for The Hague and surroundings in terms of economy (employment and purchasing power) is enormous. Embassies and organizations spent about 2,500 million euros per year. The direct employment in the region is almost 20.000; almost 60 percent of the jobs are performed by international employees who spent here 676 million euros per year. But the economic importance is much bigger, because all these international organizations and their employees created many thousands of jobs for the Dutch in The Hague as well. Add to all that the purchases of many international visitors and tourists of the International City of Peace and Justice year after year.
a.beelaerts@planet.nl
Mahalia As A Basis For The Formation Of Civil Society
Mahalia (Citizens’ Self-Governming Body) As A Basis For The Formation Of Civil Society
By H.E. Mr. Vladimir Norov, Ambassador of the Republic of Uzbekistan to the Kingdom of Belgium and to the Kingdom of Netherlands
Recently Uzbekistan celebrated the 23rd Anniversary of its Independence. Thanks to the implementation of thoroughly thought government reforms for the years of independence the national economy has grown to about 5 times and the income per capita, which indicates the level of living standards of our population, has grown 8,7 fold. Despite the global financial and economic crisis, during the last 10 years the annual growth rate of Uzbekistan’s economy has exceeded 8 percent.
Most importantly – today Uzbekistan is self-sufficient state capable to further strengthen its independence, firmly standing on its feet and possessing the capacity to protect and promote the interests of the Uzbek people.
It should be noted that the key factor for further advancement on the path of development and progress, is prevailing in our country peace and stability, interethnic and civil harmony, atmosphere of mutual respect and kindness. Another great achievements are the change in the consciousness and outlook of the Uzbek people, the growth of their legal and political culture.
Concept of further deepening democratic reforms and establishment of civil society in the country initiated by the President of Uzbekistan Islam Karimov in 2010 plays crucial role in the mobilizing all social and political forces in our society to further deepening democratic reforms and development of civil society.
In other words, dynamics of our life increasingly puts on the agenda the issue of the revitalization of the work to implement the principle of “From a Strong State to a Strong Civil Society” serving our main benchmark for the evolutionary development of the country.
The Head of our State had noted in the early years of independence, «Do not destroy the old house if you have not constructed a new one». As far as formation of a strong civil society is concerned, the effective implementation of this principle in the early years of independence has revived the institute of self-governing body – Mahalla which is inviolable value of our people, and plays an important role in the modernization of the country.
Mahalla has existed in Uzbekistan since ancient times. For centuries, people were developing unique methods of learning opinions and unifying communities in order to preserve and enrich national identity, morale, and ethical values of the nation.
Since independence Mahalla has revived as a democratic self-governing body. It received official status of an important aspect of a democratic, political system. The state considers the community as a cell of society, the welfare of which affects the stability of the country. With the help of Mahalla it is possible to solve many current issues: reviving spirituality and traditional moral norms, educating young people and ensuring public order.
Nowadays Mahalla obtained a solid legislative base. In the modern understanding the concept of self-governance means the ability of Mahalla to manage and lead most social works – within the legislative framework-being committed and in the people’s interests. This is stipulated in the part 2 of Article 2 of the European Charter of self- governance dated 15 October 1985.
With the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan on the 8th of December 1992 Mahalla gained the status of a constitutional institution for the first time in the history of national statehood. Article 32 of the main law reflects the norm, according to which the citizens of the Republic of Uzbekistan have a right to participate in the governance of society and state both directly and through their representatives.
The joint implementation of the recent State programs the “Year of a Family” (2012) and the “Year of Prosperity and Wellbeing” (2013) can be seen as a sound example of close cooperation between the state, Mahalla and other civil institutions in the provision of state funded social support to the population. Within this co-operative framework certain actions have been taken to enhance the social activities of young people and women; improve targeted support to people in need; develop entrepreneurship and family businesses; establish a strong spiritual and moral atmosphere; vocational education and attract girls and boys to sports.
In the State Program of “Year of the Healthy Child” which was adopted and carried out this year on the initiative of the President of Uzbekistan, a special attention is given to communities to educate the young generation in the spirit of national and universal values, patriotism and humanism, awareness of their duty and responsibility to society.
The President of the country has stated that self-governing bodies are our future. If we want to build a civil society, then these bodies must become its foundation. Now we have started to lay down this foundation.
According to Article 105 of the Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan, citizens’ self-governing bodies (Makhallas) are created in the kishlaks, auls (villages) and in cities. Citizens’ self-governing bodies are elected bodies which are vested with power to resolve matters of local importance, and which are not incorporated in to the system of state power. At the present time, there are more than 10 000 citizens’ self-governing bodies in Uzbekistan: this includes 8385 in cities; 1325 in kishlaks, 111 in the countryside, and 154 in auls.
It is headed by the Chairman (aksakal) and his counselors elected directly by the residents of Mahalla in their gatherings (meetings of citizen’s representatives) from the most respected people with organizational work experience. They are elected (also they may be re-elected) for 2.5 years in accordance with the Law of the Republic of Uzbekistan «On Self-Governing Bodies of Citizens».
The financial base of the Mahalla is significantly expanded; it contributes to a development of services, and business and entrepreneurial activities. Local municipalities (hokimyats) also provide Mahallas with some funds.
Besides its afore mentioned functions Mahalla is also imbued with new functions such as protecting the interests of family and women, caring for the elderly, providing social support to Mahalla members, maintaining public safety, preventing felonies among the youth, controlling the health and environmental condition of the territory etc. They have over 30 functions, which earlier were related to the authorities of the state bodies.
There are specialists in Mahalla Committees on Religious and Moral education, who are working with the youth, problematic individuals and families. They are trying to provide individual psychological support to every member of such families; moreover, they are helping with the employment of women, the organization of different community outreach events on national traditions and customs promulgation.
It should be mentioned that self-governance creates conditions for societal democratization. Societal democratization’s foundation resides in the existence of a healthy civil society. The supreme meaning of genuine democracy is the harmonization of intra-personal, intra-national, state, and public- political relations where an individual, society, and the state authority coexist in peace and concord. There are three fundamental units of civil society: the community, the individual and the authority. To achieve these goals, in Uzbekistan there has already been established a structure which facilitates the development of civil society and which acts as a rational model of operation for traditional civil institutions in modem society.
Nowadays, Mahalla has serious privileges and influence in Uzbekistan. The State is currently aware of the necessity to transfer some functions of state power into the hands of citizens, who will be able to implement public control over different activities within communities.
Mahalla is a regulator of social life in its territory. Traditionally one of the main responsibilities of Mahalla was organizing community works, ensuring the prosperity of areas and creating a green environment. Mahallas annually organize Hashars (voluntary action associated with participation in construction or landscaping).
Raising the role of Mahalla is not limited to economic and social tasks. It also has spiritual and educational connotations. The role of Mahalla is boundless in forming relationships within society and promoting national values. Looking to Mahalla is looking to a new, fair civil society which is seeking to engender democratic principles. This is the main goal of Uzbekistan in its sovereign and independent course of development.
Uzbekistan’s experience in social protection and the strengthening of the family, characterized by a high degree of social partnership between government agencies, local government agencies and civil society, and accompanied by the effective implementation of national historical and cultural traditions based on the principles of high culture, morality and justice, in interpersonal relationships, kindness, mercy, careful attention to each other, repetition for elders, courtesy, repetition and rigor, and equality of community members regardless of their social status, may be useful for other countries in addressing daily social problems.
Distinguishing between developed and developing states in the realm of global eco-politics
Distinguishing between developed and developing states in the realm of global eco-politics.
By Eugene Matos De Lara
It has been noted that the level of priority environmental issues receive varies depending on one’s political education or culture. Needless to say, some drastic facts given to us by scientific studies suggest that we may well be on the verge of the collapse of human civilization. Undeniably, one of the main reasons for nature’s distress call is climate change and its green-house effect on our atmosphere. Modern human activities and heavy industrialization have dramatically changed the Earth’s natural course. These activities are contributing to the extremely excessive production of carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide, and many other green house gases (GHG). Tackling ecological issues today has been at the forefront of many international relations debates. It is a global and common issue in which we all have a stake.
Many environmentalists believe that to tackle this ambitious challenge, states should entrench global eco-politics in their international and national agenda. In addition, they should consult environmentalists and seek climate change mitigation in the international community to help the situation rather than it being solely a self-imposed precaution. I have always found it more accessible to dismantle an international issue by shedding light into variables that impedes international cooperation, in this case global eco-politics.
Realist international relations theory questions the viability of such accords and explains the variation in state sensitivity to relative gains overlooked by other school of thoughts, and how that constrains international cooperation for GHG management. In this way, we highlight the notion of relative gain that is triggered by the scarcity of resources and the attempt of state security maximization. Consequently, states are inclined to be cautious before jumping into GHG management policies and/or treaty withdrawal (Mearsheimer 1994 12). Moreover, this economical pursuit can be seen when Vaclav Klaus, the President of the Czech Republic, gave a press conference in 2007 in favour of national readiness rather than helping international cooperation by stating: “if we accept global warming as a real phenomenon… instead of hopeless attempts to fight it, we should prepare ourselves for its consequences.”
In doing so , …among others has suggested that the design of international accords relevant to environmental progress lacks the distinction between developed and developing states (Victor 2001). The corner stone Kyoto protocol established in 1997 by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) led to the Common But Differentiated Responsibility (CBDR) giving a flare of advantage to emerging economies. This principle has previously been used in the Convention on Long-Range Trans-boundary Air Pollution (LRTAP), Geneva 1979, to send financial support to developing countries to assist them in reducing their emissions and successfully adapting to climate change. Today, the UN estimates between 67 and 130 billion dollars per year must be dedicated to mitigation efforts and climate change in developing countries and emerging economies. In addition, the UN has ratified China as a non-annex “B” party with no binding targets in 2002, thus exempted from provisions. Article 4.2 of the UNFCCC commits industrialized countries to “[take] the lead” in reducing emissions, on the grounds that they have been historically responsible for the ongoing GHG levels. In doing so, it pressures the treaty secretariats to place a stronger emphasis on developing countries instead of developed economies, where the former face the added risks caused by poverty and population growth.
It was observed in Victor (2001) that: “power is the first and foremost a function of emissions. China and the United States are the most powerful countries on global warming because they have the largest emissions and thus the greatest ability to inflict global harm and avoid harm through their actions.” The increased policies of fiscal stimulus lead us to believe that the financial crisis led by the United States, as a world financial leader, has other pressing worries eclipsing the environment on the national agenda. The rejection of the Kyoto protocol by the United States and the withdrawal of Canada are clear signs of a lack of recognition by the legislator and the misadministration of the economic burden these two states carry.
Kyoto protocol is inequitable and outweighs the environmental benefits. I would posit the crisis of overconsumption and debt fuelled bingeing have interlinked both the global environment and economical degradation. Realist IR theory has demonstrated that states draw indisputable attention to their resiliency and vulnerability. Finding a balance between global development and global radical ecological change can be achieved by creating a distinction and recognition between developed, developing states, and the individual special circumstances to provide a flexible and adapted state-friendly strategy to attract participation and combat environmental degradation caused by green-house gasses.
Lebanon’s Internal Obstacles to Political Stability
By Songül Arslan.
Lebanon, a small, cosmopolitan country on the Mediterranean that shares borders with Syria and Israel, has been suffering from political deadlock countless times in its political history. Apart from the current decisive external sources of instability—the conflicts raging around both the Syrian and Israeli borders—Lebanon also has internal political problems worth considering, which are independent of external crises.
For example, in 2013 the causes of Lebanon’s internal political instability, which saw the resignation of Prime Minister Najib Miqati’s 30-member cabinet in March, even predates the Lebanese civil war (1975 to 1990) and the rise of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). To understand the Lebanese political system, one has to look back further in history, before the creation of the Lebanese Republic.
The history of Lebanon makes it a very interesting country. Various civilizations have left their mark on the region throughout the centuries: the Phoenicians, Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Greeks, Romans, Roman Catholic nations from which the Crusaders came, but also the Ottomans and the French. These have given the region a rich cultural and religious diversity. The voicing and practicing of these religions remains an important part of Lebanon’s politics through their denominations or sectarian groups. Today, Lebanon’s religious groups include 18 denominations, such as Maronite Christians, Greek Orthodox, Greek Catholics, Armenian Orthodox, Sunni Muslims, Druze, and Shii Muslims, among others.
After the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, Lebanon emerged as a state and was brought under the French Mandate of Syria and Lebanon. France established the Republic of Lebanon in 1926 as a democratic republic. In 1943, during the Second World War, France granted Lebanon its independence. The Maronite Christians, the largest demographic group, closely allied with the French and the only Eastern Christians never to break communion with the Roman Catholic Church, assumed the largest representation in government.
In the tripartite political system that has existed since then, the President’s office remains mandated to be filled by a Maronite Christian, while the Prime Minister is a Sunni Muslim and the Speaker of the House a Shii Muslim. This would be an awkward and uncomfortable arrangement even under the best of circumstances, but in Lebanon’s case it has became the source of growing antagonism as the region’s demographics have changed dramatically. Sunni Muslims now outnumber Maronite Christians, and yet they remain underrepresented in government and barred from the presidency. Moreover, Syria’s influence on Lebanon’s politics has persisted, even after the withdrawal of its troops in 2005. Now with the crisis in Syria, Lebanon has been once again affected, through more than a million Syrian refugees.
Lebanon’s democracy could be described as a “consociational democracy”—a term coined by the Dutch political scientist Arend Lijphart to denote a government whose political elite negotiates the politics of accommodation between different groups or “pillars” of a fragmented society, a ‘multiple balance-of-power’, in order to achieve a stable democracy. A consociational democracy seeks fair representation for minority groups, but Lijphart has always held that a consociational democracy is inherently less stable than a liberal democracy.
One of the preconditions for the success of such a democracy is an effective working relationship of political elites, which functions to ensure a balance of power among multiple subcultures. This is problematic in the Lebanese system, in which there is often more disagreement than agreement on major issues because balancing the power-shifts between the different denominations is understandably cause for conflict. However, unbalanced political power also gives rise to conflict. In addition, there is more room for conflict when the fact is being taken into account that related positions such as Cabinet ministers or a head of the Central Bank are also chosen through the same denominational distributions.
Another condition is that there must be a relatively low total load on the political decision-making apparatus. According to Lijphart, in 1968 there was a relatively low total load on the political structure in Lebanon, but in 2013 that was not the case. In 2014 the political load only increased. Lebanon with a population of about 4 million people harbours more than a million Syrian refugees which bring their own problems to the already internally conflicted political system of Lebanon.
It is because of the above mentioned conditions which have not been met that Lebanon experiences increased internal instability. While external regional tensions at the Israeli and Syrian borders (including threats of ISIS) increase overall instabiliy, the hardening sectarian positions of the denominations within Lebanon exacerbates the internal struggles. However, the cooperation of these same denominations are the ones who could actually help focus the government’s priorities inwards on creating the conditions necessary for improved democratic and overall internal stability.
Tribute to my father
By Guillaume Kavaruganda, Minister Counsellor, Embassy of the Republic of Rwanda.
On April 7, 1994 my father was killed. Twenty years has passed and it is as if it was yesterday. My father was among the first victims of the genocide that happened in Rwanda 1994. At that time I was concluding my law studies in Italy in the City of Perugia. In early morning, I got a phone call from my sister Juliette, who was at the time studying Political Science in Belgium. She was the one who told me the sad news. From then all my life changed drastically. My father left behind a wife and five children. We had never overcome his passing away in an unusual manner.
Since the world was created, death has been part of the human beings. Few human beings have succeeded to accept death, especially the one of their loved ones. We celebrate when a child is born and yet we forget that one day he will depart as he had just come into existence.
My grandmother, (on my mother side), died at 105 years old for old age/natural causes. For an African lady lasting that long is indeed exceptional. Life expectancy in Rwanda is less than 60 years old for women. It is even much less for men. When I came home, I was unaware of the passing away of my grandmother. I found my mother crying. I asked her what has happened. With lots of tears in her eyes, she told me the fate of my grandmother. I was then a young man, and I asked her tactlessly how come one can be so sad for the one who passed away at 105 years. I did not wait her answer to notice how imprudent I was with my observation. Quite often young age goes alongside with stupidity! A passing away of a human being is always a sad event no matter what age the deceased had.
If we agree with the principle, we have also to agree that it is more difficult to accept the death of a human caused by the killing of other humans. The suffering of the people close to the one killed is beyond imagination.
Who was my father? My father was born in May 1, 1935 at 40 kilometers from the Capital of Rwanda named Kigali. He saw the sun on the hill called “Va’’ and in suburbs of ‘‘Ruganda’’. He was named Kavaruganda which means/ in our mother language/ the one who came from Ruganda. His first name was Joseph. He studied law and finished his PhD in Belgium in 1966; worked in the Rwanda Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 3 years; became a CEO of the Caisse d’Epargne du Rwanda for one year; Headed the National Prosecution Office of the Republic of Rwanda for 7 years; and became the President of Constitutional Law and Court of Cassation in the Supreme Court for 13 years until his assassination on April 7, 1994. He was 59 years old.
My life was somehow an imitation of my father’s life. Both of us studied law, even though he obtained a PhD and I limited myself to a master degree in International Law and European Union laws from Louvain la Neuve University /in Belgium; both of us has worked in our Ministry of Foreign Affairs even though he has had different other jobs as I mentioned above; I only worked in foreign services for the last 15 years in Washington DC, Geneva, as the Head of Protocol in Foreign Affairs and as First Counsellor and then Minister Counsellor in Netherlands, a position that I still hold now. The choice of Diplomacy was not a coincidence for me; my father has told me in one of the many discussions we used to have, how the profession of diplomacy, if well done, can be an added value for the person who is exercising it. He was indeed right. I took from him the love of books even though I read mostly in English languages, contrary to him who used to read in French. My country shifted from French to English in 1998.
Even though I am of the view that we have to live our life as we personally intend it to be, I quite happen to wonder (if in case my father was still alive), if he would be proud of me now as a human being and of my achievements. Of course I do not know the answer. He would be the one to know. Who knows? Maybe!!!
Dear Father, May God Welcome you among his own!
Fellini, world premiere in Brussels
The European Economic and Social Committee and the Fellini Foundation are presenting the world première of the exhibition Fellini as demiurge and travelling performer in Brussels. This exhibition leads the visitor into the circus atmosphere that imbues Fellini’s whole œuvre, from La Strada to La voce della luna. For over a generation, Fellini the magician conjured up the world of his childhood under the big top of Teatro 5 in the Cinecittà film studios: Rome, the sea and steamships, the Venice of Casanova, a fantastical menagerie including a large family of clowns.
On behalf of the European Economic and Social Committee, its president, Henri Malosse, would like to point out the importance of this exhibition honouring Federico Fellini: “We are proud to welcome Federico Fellini – a true European and one of the major directors of the 20th century. It is through art and culture, and the quest for talent, that we can safeguard our values in the European Union and so preserve our innovative spirit”.
“For our foundation, being at the EESC in Brussels means recognising the commitment of our foundation to cultural dialogue and to championing a vast cinematic heritage. The interest in culture demonstrated by the EESC as a key social stakeholder will encourage us to further step up our activities, which include research, exhibitions, publications and education.” (speech by Stéphane Marti, President of the Fellini Foundation)
The Fellini Foundation was set up in 2001 and has the world’s largest collection of items relating to the work of Federico Fellini (9 000 original documents). The Foundation has organised more than 70 exhibitions and cultural events in Switzerland and internationally in partnership with prestigious museums, festivals and galleries. It runs a cultural centre and educational programme devoted to cinema in the Swiss town of Sion, where it is based.
The vernissage of this very European exhibition was attended largely by artists, business people, and diplomats from the EU, Italy and Switzerland. The Fellini Foundation is represented in the Benelux countries by the reputable Italian journalist, based in Brussels, Mr Federico Grandesso.
www.eesc.europa.eu
Gas stress test: Cooperation is key to cope with supply interruption
What will happen if Russian gas supplies are interrupted this winter? Will homes and companies have the energy they need? What can the EU and Member States do? The Commission’s report on the resilience of the European gas system issued today, gives answers: More gas will continue to be delivered to homes and companies, if Member States cooperate and allow the market forces to work as long as possible. Government intervention should be carefully prepared on a regional basis and only kick in, if needed. The report includes concrete short-term recommendations for the most vulnerable EU Member States and neighbouring countries.
Vice-President of the European Commission, responsible for Energy, Günther H. Oettinger said: “This report shows that we are not waiting but do everything we can do to be prepared. For the very first time, we have a complete picture of the risks and possible solutions. If we work together, show solidarity and implement the recommendations of this report, no household in the EU has to be left out in the cold this winter.”
The Russian-Ukrainian gas dispute puts the gas supplies to the EU once more at risk, as in 2009. With the winter approaching, the Commission wanted to have a clear picture of where the biggest shortfalls would arise and how they could be mitigated.
The report published today presents the results of a modelling exercise conducted by 38 European countries, including EU Member States and neighbouring countries. It analyses different scenarios, in particular a complete halt of Russian gas imports into the EU for a period of six months.
Cooperation helps alleviate the situation
A prolonged supply disruption would have a substantial impact in the EU, with the Eastern Member States and the Energy Community countries being affected most. Finland, Estonia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia would miss at least miss 60 per cent of the gas they need. This means that even private households could be left out in the cold. If countries work together, instead of adopting purely national measures, then less consumers will be cut off from the gas. In this scenario, no household in the EU would have to be affected.
Allowing the market to function as long as possible
National reports show that EU countries and neighbouring countries envisage a wide range of measures to mitigate the impacts of a supply disruption, from diversifying their supplies to using reserves and strategic stocks to curtailing demand and switching fuels where possible. However, in general these plans are often too much limited to the national market and resort too quickly to interventionist measures. A market-based approach should be the guiding principle, with non-market measures (i.e. the release of strategic stocks, forced fuels switching and demand curtailment) only kicking in when the market fails. In a functioning market, price signals will attract new deliveries of gas, mainly LNG, and limit demand; the commercial use of storage will help ensure the demand-supply balance. The Report contains concrete recommendations on short-term measures for the most vulnerable EU Member States and the neighbouring countries.
Methodology
The report consists in an aggregated analysis of the results provided by the EU Member States and the Energy Community countries[1], as well as Georgia, Turkey, Norway and Switzerland. It includes an impact analysis conducted by the European Network of Transportation System Operators (ENTSOG) in collaboration with the International Energy Agency (IEA) and G-7 partner countries (US, Canada, Japan). The package also includes three focus groups analyses (South-East Europe, Baltics and Finland and the Energy Community) and a report on the cooperation with G7 and other partner countries. Finally, it includes a report on the Security of Gas Supply Regulation (994/2010).
Background
The Stress Test Report is the first concrete action regarding short term energy security measures, which follows the adoption by the European Commission of the European Energy Security Strategy, last 28 May. The concrete recommendations in the report will accompany the measures foreseen by the Strategy to improve the EU’s security of supply: completing the internal energy market, increasing energy efficiency, diversifying external supply sources and exploiting indigenous sources (fossil and non-fossil).
Today, the EU imports 53% of the energy it consumes. Energy dependence relates to crude oil (almost 90%), to natural gas (66%), and to a lesser extent to solid fuels (42%) as well as nuclear fuel (40%). Around half of the EU’s primary energy consumption (48%) is used for space and water heating.
For further information:
LIVE coverage on Europe by Satellite (EbS): http://ec.europa.eu/avservices/ebs/schedule.cfm?sitelang=en&page=3&institution=0&date=10/16/2014
Stress Test Report: http://ec.europa.eu/energy/stress_tests_en.htm
[1] Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Moldova, Ukraine and Kosovo
A smile and a thought….
Column by Eelco H. Dykstra, MD
For Diplomat Magazine
Introduction
Eelco Dykstra writes a monthly column called “A smile and a thought…” The columns put a playful spotlight on the interface between the Dutch and the International Community it hosts. Yes, his musings may appear at times to be mildly provocative at first sight but they are first and foremost playful – with a little irony thrown in here and there… You be the judge!
His columns are intended to give you ‘a smile and a thought’. A smile because perhaps you hadn’t quite looked at something that way and a thought because the column may leave you wondering…
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How secure is The Hague as a UN City of Peace and Justice…?
The city of The Hague has long aspired to become a fixed item on the list of “UN cities”. After New York and Geneva and with an emphasis on “Peace, Security and Justice”, The Hague has been busy to find a niche to promote and position itself as a city of geopolitical relevance. With ambitions this high, it is time to take a look at the results – and the future.
At first sight, things look impressive. Many international entities related to “Peace” and “Justice”, have flocked to The Hague. Below this surface however, I hear that things are not running all that smooth.
What is going on?
Due in part to the recent and ongoing Euro-crisis, most cities in the Netherlands, including The Hague, have been forced to bring down costs and cancel high-profile investment plans. Despite the gallant efforts of entities within City Hall such as the International Desk – where staff are dealing with an onslaught of questions by visitors and expats on a daily basis –, I hear that The Hague is increasingly putting the burden of cooperation on its international partners.
While everyone knows that true partnerships require an investment from both sides, I hear that the city of The Hague is increasingly taking an “all talk and no money” approach. Eventually, this will drive the international organizations out-of-town.
Is The Hague also a city of “Security” – along with Peace and Justice?
It is clear that the topic of “Security” is structurally related to “Peace” and “Justice”. But what that means in The Hague remains unclear. Sometimes The Hague is linked with Security, sometimes it is not.
The Dutch language only uses one word (“Veiligheid”) to incorporate both “Safety” and “Security”, even though the two are clearly different.
In the case of Peace and Justice, the City of The Hague (and the national government right behind it…) invested in attracting well-known foreign entities to set up shop in its city. The focus was on practice, experience and knowledge.
In the case of Security, the City of The Hague (and the national government right behind it…) did not so much seek foreign entities with practical experience but invested instead in setting up various platforms for Dutch “security expertise” to be exported to other countries. This is not working well, perhaps because the focus was too much on policy (and not practice), technology (and not on human factors) and emphasizes trendy topics (short-lived attention span).
So, what will our advice as readers of Diplomat Magazine, be to the City of The Hague?
Some suggestions for the City of The Hague and the Dutch:
- Invest in establishing a stronger and more visible ‘International Office’ in the City of The Hague;
- Be more pro-active about involving the diplomatic and international community, for instance by establishing an “International Council”
- Combine the policy-driven and export-oriented Dutch approach to Security with the practical experience and knowledge from partners abroad, for instances through HSD (The Hague Security Delta) and conferences such as PISAS (www.pisas.org)
- Establish formal working relations with Diplomat Magazine…
Willem I honoured in Germany
First Dutch king, Willem I has been honoured in the City of Fulda, Federal State of Hesse in Germany.
By Baron Henri Estramant
It is little known that before becoming the very first King of the Netherlands and Grand Duke of Luxemburg, Willem I, was the “Sovereign Prince of Fulda”. The Principality of Fulda was carved out of the Nassau lands in today’s Hesse to compensate the then Prince Willem VI of Oranje for the lost his governorship over the Dutch states. Willem I thus reign as “Fürst von Fulda nebst Corvey” from 1802 to 1806 under the name Wilhelm Friedrich. His reign was an ephemeral one as his princely throne was overtaken at Napoléon I’s behest after the Wilhelm Friedrich was defeated at the Battle of Jena in 1806.
To reminisce the brief reign of Wilhelm Friedrich of Fulda the city unveiled a monument depicting the a copper likeness of the Fürst on the Dyba-Allee in the vicinity of the city’s cathedral on 23 October 2014.
The Dragon in the Caribbean
The Dragon in the Caribbean: China moves to deepen ties in the Caribbean
By Roy Lie A. Tjam.
China recently opened a Consulate-General in Willemstad-Curacao. Curacao is part of the Dutch Caribbean. China’s interest in the Caribbean region dates back many decades. In the summer of 2013, the Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Trinidad and Tobago and also met the leaders of Ten Caribbean Islands. The president came bearing some $3 billion in development loans, a hefty sum for a small region. Nearly every island in the Caribbean, from the smallest upwards, has received a substantial investment from the Peoples Republic of China.
In his welcome remarks at the 2014 National Day reception for the People’s Republic of China Ambassador Chen Xu observed that: “Just three days ago I attended the opening ceremony of the new Chinese consulate-general in Willemstad. The hospitality and friendship I received in the Caribbean part of the Kingdom are so touching, and local people’s enthusiasm and aspiration to strengthen exchanges and co-operation with China are so inspiring”.
This is the first ever Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Since 10 October 2010, the Kingdom of the Netherlands has consisted of four countries: the Netherlands, Aruba, Curacao and St Maarten. Aruba, Curacao and St.Maarten are autonomous countries with their own governments, whilst Bonaire, St Eustatius and Saba: are all municipalities of the Netherlands, with the status of “special municipalities”. The newly inaugurated consulate-general in Willemstad also serves Aruba and St Maarten.
His Excellency Mr. Ivar Asjes, Prime Minister of Curacao officially inaugurated the consulate-general. In his opening address Mr. Asjes remarked that: “It is with great pleasure that I officially, on behalf of the government and people of Curacao, welcome the first Consul-General of the People’s Republic of China to Curacao, Mrs. Chen Qiman. I also would like to welcome Consul Zhang Huixan, Consul Xue and the rest of the staff of the Chinese Consulate General to our island. As the People’s Republic of China is a major player on the global scene and one of the world’s largest economies, both in terms of manufacturing and trade, we are delighted that its government has seen the merit of having an official presence in our country. The Chinese Government’s decision to formalize its relationship with Curacao is therefore further proof of the vast opportunities present here”.
As a historical aside, the first wave of Chinese nationals came to Curacao over one century ago. The travelers were on their way to Venezuela, however, they fell in love with the island and decided to make it their home. The community worked as cooks and opened the first laundries in Curacao, later diversifying their economic activities by opening restaurants and hotels, thereby being among the first entrepreneurs in the Curacao’s hospitality sector. Today the Chinese community dominates the island’s retail food sector and, as owners of small and medium-sized enterprises, contribute to the economic development of Curacao.
The recent bilateral cooperation between China and Curacao offers many possibilities. Tourism, trade, logistics, education, culture and the energy sector are some of the areas in which the two countries can work together and create mutually beneficial outcomes.