Press Briefing on Sudan Situation

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Press Briefing on Sudan Situation

By Roy Lie Atjam

On November 21, 2024, the Embassy of Sudan in the Netherlands held a critical press briefing to address the urgent humanitarian and conflict situation in Sudan. The situation has escalated dramatically since 2023, marked by severe humanitarian crises, widespread violence, human rights violations, and acute food shortages.

This briefing highlighted the immediate need for action. In 2023, Sudan plunged into conflict as long-standing tensions between Army Chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) leader Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo erupted into a devastating war. The clash between these two powerful factions has been described as an “existential battle,” leading to millions of people fleeing their homes, hundreds of thousands dead, and countless others facing starvation.

Ms. Omaima Alsharief, the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of Sudan in the Netherlands, delivered a firm update on the dire state of affairs in Sudan, underscoring the struggles and resilience of the Sudanese people. Accompanied by a short video presentation, she engaged openly with the media in attendance.

Ms. Omaima Alsharief, expressed disappointment over the stalled Jeddah talks which were intended to resolve the catastrophic humanitarian situation arising from the conflict between the Sudanese army and its rival paramilitary force.

Moreover, Russia’s recent veto of a United Nations Security Council resolution—co-authored by the UK. and Sierra Leone—calling for an immediate ceasefire is unacceptable, especially as Sudan continues to endure this devastating war.

With no one expecting a complete victory from either side, the pressing question remains: How do we effectively stop the war in Sudan?

Building Bridges – Crossing Divides

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Building Bridges – Crossing Divides

A Global Picture…

“A Thought and a Smile…”

By Eelco H. Dykstra, M.D.

When we use a global perspective, we see a beautiful planet on which we can find ample polarization and distrust. When these would further escalate, we might end up living in a world that is increasingly fragmented with low(er) levels of societal cohesion.

Not a very attractive prospect.

High time therefore to build bridges and cross the divides! 

Do we perhaps cause fragmentation ourselves because we cannot stop pigeonholing others by race, religion, gender, age, clothing, behaviour, social class, birthplace, or you name it? Do we perhaps cause antagonism ourselves by focusing more on what separates us instead of what unites us?  

Well, we don’t know really, do we?

But the following questions do pop up.

How did we end up fragmented and in an antagonistic state? 

Who is building bridges?

Who is crossing the divides?

Let’s use that global perspective and take a closer look. 

Following WWII, the United States government and its allies created a ‘rules’-based approach to global governance, one that is spearheaded by the United Nations (UN) and the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

With a strong focus on economic development and the US-dollar, a ‘Western’ model appeared that produced economic growth, prosperity and ‘stability’ but is now increasingly being questioned and criticized.

Among the reasons for this scrutiny are concerns related to ENVIRONMENT and GOVERNANCE.  

ENVIRONMENT

Ever since the Club of Rome’s 1972 report “Limits to Growth”, people increasingly realize that the over-exploitation of our planet’s resources has reached critical levels. Add recent dramatic declines in biodiversity (up to 74%!), the effects of climate change, mass migration and pollution, and it becomes understandable why so many are now talking about the need for a global ‘transition’ and ‘regeneration’.

All around the world, we see a plethora of member-owned communities emerging without centralized leadership. These include Decentralized Autonomous Organizations (DAO’s) but also nature-based, bioregional nodes and communities.

All of them motivated to widen the scope of economy beyond just money and finance. All of them sensing that the question of ‘price’ is secondary to the question of ‘value’.

All of them wanting a world more aligned with ‘laws of nature’ than with ‘laws of man’. 

GOVERNANCE 

We see a global power shift away from Western geopolitical dominance towards a more multipolar global order. This is largely caused by the emerging BRICS+ network of currently 22 countries – plus another 14 in the waiting room – as well as the lack of an executive mandate for the United Nations.  

There are governments that consider the BRICS+ network as an opposing force or as an alternative to Western coalitions such as the European Union (29 members) or NATO (32 members). Criticism from these antagonistic governments includes statements like: “The West only applies international law and norms when it suits their own interests”.  Other governments, however, see being part of BRICS+ as an add-on to reduce vulnerability (“strategic hedging”).  Examples of the latter include India, Turkey (also a NATO member!), and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).  

All right then, enough “Thought” in a column about fragmentation and antagonism. Let’s move – in the absence of a “Smile” -, to an “Upward Curl” with the two remaining questions: Who is building bridges?  Who is crossing the divides?

Well, answering those questions is not that difficult.

Building bridges – between environmental concerns and the challenges of governance.

Crossing divides – between autonomous organizations, private sector, populations, international alliances and national governments.

Well, isn’t that exactly what DIPLOMATS do? 

Yes, it is but remember that building bridges and crossing divides in practice – and not just in speeches or on paper… – requires an executive mandate.   

So, we end this column with two quotes:

  • “I have no special talents. I am only passionately curious.” (Einstein)
  • “It takes a single flame to light many candles.”  (Buddha/Gandhi/Tolstoy)

So, dear Diplomats, stay curious, look for an executive mandate – and be that flame!


About the author:

Eelco H. Dykstra. Photography by Tom Manning

Once dubbed a ‘Global Nomad’ in East Africa, Eelco H. Dykstra is a seasoned international crisis and emergency expert. As a true ‘Prac-Ademic’, he blends – also in his column “A Thought and a Smile” – his innate optimism with knowledge from his practical experience and rigorous fact-finding. 

Aside from being founder/chair of the Daily Impact Emergency Management (DIEM) network and a visiting professor in South Africa, he initiated the ’20/20 Vision’ program for the dual purpose of strengthening value-based resilience and overcoming the obstacles that stand in the way of implementing lessons (to  be) learned. Eelco has been a correspondent, written multiple books and articles and continues to work extensively with media, government, business, NGO’s and community-based initiatives. In short, Eelco is a transdisciplinary and trans-cultural multi-tasker – just like diplomats are.

Among his hobbies are cooking and playing the cello – see picture, taken by Tom Manning, during an impromptu performance with the Soweto Youth Orchestra.

Eelco H. Dykstra Professor (visiting), Adaptation and Resilience, University of South-Africa, UNISA. Chair, ’20/20 Vision’ Program: How do we go from ‘Risk’ to ‘Resilience”? Founder, Daily Impact Emergency Management (DIEM) Network 
www.diem.nu  www.20outof20.vision / eelco.dykstra@diem.nu

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Indian-Bangladesh Relations: What’s next?

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Indian-Bangladesh Relations: What’s next?

By Sazzad Haider 

Chinmoy Krishna Das, who heads the Bangladesh Sammilit Sanatan Jagran Jote, is not a prominent leader among the Hindus of Bangladesh – nor is a member of the controversial Hindu organization ISKCON – he has actually been expelled from this organization due to various charges. Prior to the political change in Bangladesh last August, he was not a topic of discussion. After August, he suddenly emerged on the scene and, called for protecting Hindus, held numerous programs that spread communal hatred. This led to fears of widespread conflict and violence in this non-communal Bangladesh, a country known for its communal harmony. Consequently, Bangladesh had no choice but to take action against such a man.

Bangladesh’s relations with neighboring India is strained. Indian BJP led government (According to Bengal Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee “the Centre has a different perspective on a particular religion and is vindictive towards one religion.”) sought to pressure Bangladesh by using Chinmoy as a pawn. Therefore following Chinmoy’s arrest the Indian Ministry of External Affairs demanded the release of him, who was accused in a criminal case and faced charges of moral turpitude. Bangladesh perceived this statement as interference in its internal affairs. It is worth noting that Hasina, who is a fugitive in India, has sought Chinmoy’s release in line with India’s demands. The statement indicates that Bangladesh will not be able to judge whether Chinmoy is a criminal or not. Hasina’s statement suggests that either Chinmoy is acting on behalf of followers or he is directly associated her, with the agenda of inciting communal unrest to benefit the Awami League and protect Indian interest.

Hasina made some other unproven allegations in her statement, saying, “A temple was burnt in Chittagong. Earlier, mosques, mazars, churches, monasteries and houses of the Ahmadiyya community were attacked, vandalized, looted and burnt”.

India has offered refuge to a tyrannical leader like Sheikh Hasina, primarily for its own strategic interests. Over the past fifteen years, Hasina has entered into numerous agreements with India that prioritize Indian benefits at the expense of her own nation’s welfare. Even if Sheikh Hasina is unable to regain power, she can still be utilized to exert pressure on Bangladesh in favor of Indian interests. The BJP government in India is actively pursuing this agenda. In addition to providing political asylum to Hasina, India is enabling her to engage in activities detrimental to Bangladesh. The BJP has ascended to power by exploiting communal tensions and is now once again attempting to undermine the communal harmony within Bangladesh.

Das was allegedly linked to the acid attack on army and police personnel in the Hazari Lane incident in Chittagong in November 2024. Other charges against him include occupying a pond belonging to BNP vice chairman Mir Mohammad Nasiruddin in Hathazari, Chittagong.

In 2023, Das was also accused of child sexual abuse, for which ISKCON’s UK-based International Child Protection Office ordered him to stay away from anyone under the age of 18. He was also temporarily suspended from the organization and banned from performing religious rituals. At a press conference in 2024, Hrishikesh Gourango Das, a member of ISKCON Bangladesh’s child protection team, said that several children had accused Chinmoy Das of abuse, and that he had been suspended from the organization and the position of Pundorik Dham for three months to investigate the matter. In July 2024, he was expelled from ISKCON for violating organizational discipline during his tenure as divisional organizational secretary for Chittagong.

 The officials of the Indian Ministry of External Affairs are recognized globally for their astuteness. However, these officials overlooked the criminal conduct of Chinmoy prior to making such statements. By aligning with a child abuser and an individual who has unlawfully appropriated others’ property, India is inadvertently providing support to criminals from another nation. For India to foster positive relations with Bangladesh, India must grasp the true circumstances at hand.

About the Author:

Sazzad Haider, Photographer Habib Raza.

Sazzad Haider is Writer & journalist, lives in Dhaka, Bangladesh. He is Editor-in-Chief of Diplomatic Journal.

The selective conscience

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The selective conscience

By John Dunkelgrün

After World War I, the Allied powers, mainly Great Britain and France, cut the Ottoman Empire down to size and divided the spoils into countries with British or French oversight. Messrs Sykes and Picot did this in an office far away with their infamous ‘lines in the sand’. They used pencil, paper, and rulers with little regard for the realities on the ground. Because the Arab-Jewish problem could not be immediately solved, Britain was given the mandate over roughly what is now Israel and the West Bank, and lines were drawn to mark Jordan, Libanon, Syria, and Iraq. There had been serious discussion about a homeland for the Jews in part of the mandate but very little for the different peoples, tribes, and religions in the area.

In 1920, in the treaty of Sèvres between the Allies and Turkey, it was decided that there would be a separate country for the Kurds, but the resolution was never ratified. The Kurds are an ancient people of over 30 million who have their own languages and cultures. They are spread out over parts of Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, where they are second-rate citizens if not actually persecuted. Since then, over one hundred thousand of them have been murdered, tortured, or incarcerated, mainly by Turkey. The Kurds, more than anyone in the area, would merit their own country. Yet, there are no demonstrations anywhere with “FREE KURDISTAN” banners, or with “ERDOGAN MURDERER”.

Following the collapse of the Assad Dictatorship, Israel took the precaution of destroying much of the military installations in Syria and almost all of its navy, which had been used to ship Iranian weapons to Hezbollah. The media, the UN, and several countries immediately accused Israel of abusing the situation while ignoring that, at the same time, the Turkish airforce bombed Kurdish areas in Syria, killing hundreds, if not thousands, of civilians.

It is cynical to see politicians, academics, and other people proclaim that what their government is doing to help Israel is ‘NOT IN THEIR NAME’ without a word about Turkey, Hamas, or Teheran.

The challenges of transitional justice in Sri Lanka

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The challenges of transitional justice in Sri Lanka

A new policy brief by Asser researcher Dr. Niki Siampakou explores the case of post-war Sri Lanka, where transitional justice mechanisms have failed to address crimes committed by terrorist groups, among other actors. Upon close inspection, the reasoning lies not in the inherent capacity of transitional justice tools, but rather in the unique context of Sri Lanka. The country currently lacks the required conditions for transitional justice to succeed.  

It has been fifteen years since the 26-year civil war (1983-2009) ended in Sri Lanka, in which the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was defeated by the government. Since then, the country has been struggling to address violations and deliver justice to victims of the war. 

There are some notions of transitional justice, but the results are severely inadequate. Memorial initiatives have often resulted in arrests, arbitrary detentions and skewed interpretations of the Tamil community. There has been a multiplication of truth-seeking mechanisms while disregarding the needs of victims. The Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) has continuously been misused by authorities, but the newly proposed Counter Terrorism Bill also fails to meet international human rights standards. The current approach impends the analysis of the root causes, perpetuates stigma and power relations, and blocks conversations on conflict resolution while repressing activists and civil society actors.  

Transitional justice

The United Nations (UN) defines transitional justice as ‘the full range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society’s attempts to come to terms with a legacy of large-scale past abuses, in order to ensure accountability, serve justice and achieve reconciliation.’ Its four pillars are justice, truth, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence.

Transitional justice tools have produced favourable results in several places dealing with terroristic violence, including Northern Ireland, the Basque country, and Colombia. Since the mechanisms have been used in many contexts, following dictatorships, conflicts, and the consolidation of democratic societies, they are characterised by their flexibility. 

Therefore, the current failure to deliver justice in Sri Lanka is not due to the inherent incapacity of transitional justice mechanisms, but rather the absence of certain required conditions. This policy brief identifies four necessary conditions for the application and success of transitional justice in a post-war and post-terroristic violence context: 1) a holistic approach where trials, truth-seeking initiatives, reparation programmes, and non-recurrence measures complement each other;  2) victims’ trust in the process through consultations and engagement with the communities; 3) independent and impartial mechanisms’ 4) political will and government engagement. All four conditions are missing in Sri Lanka.  

A new approach to transitional justice in Sri Lanka

Following her analysis, Siampakou proposes several recommendations that can contribute to successful transitional justice mechanisms in Sri Lanka. The first is adopting a holistic transitional justice process, which will include truth-seeking initiatives, prosecutions, reparations, and guarantees of non-recurrence; they should complement each other and guarantee victims’ inclusion.

The second is conducting an in-depth examination and analysis of the situation before the rise of terrorism and the beginning of the civil war and the grievances that led to it. This helps avoid simplified narratives and the perpetuation of stereotypes and biases regarding minorities and vulnerable groups.

The third is to suspend the establishment of the new Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation as well as review the reports of the past truth commissions and implement their key recommendations. Finally, she recommends repealling the PTA, and amending the new Counter Terrorism Bill in accordance with international human rights law while ensuring that any new counter-terrorism legislation meets international due process and fair trial standards.  

Read the full policy brief here to see all the recommendations and the current context of Sri Lanka.  

About Dr. Niki Siampakou: 

Dr. Niki Siampakou, Asser Institute.

Niki is a joint research fellow at the International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT) and the Asser Institute. At Asser, she is part of the research strand ‘In the public interest: accountability of the state and the prosecution of crimes’. Her work focuses on the appropriate legal responses against violent extremism and terrorism, with a particular focus on (inter)national criminal justice and human rights considerations.  

Read more 

[Interview] Niki Siampakou: ‘Victims could be important actors in counter-terrorism efforts’  

In this interview, researcher Dr. Niki Siampakou discusses her areas of expertise, including transitional justice and victims of terrorism. She hopes to raise awareness about victims’ rights, which should be accounted for in counter-terrorism policies. Read more.

Counter-terrorism expert Rumyana van Ark: ‘All children should be considered as vulnerable’

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Counter-terrorism expert Rumyana van Ark: ‘All children should be considered as vulnerable’

In the recently published book ‘Children’s Rights, “Foreign Fighters”, Counter-Terrorism: Children of Nowhere,’ Asser senior researcher Rumyana van Ark and her co-authors call for policymakers to incorporate a more child-centric approach to counter-terrorism. ‘We want to redirect the conversation away from the (potential) wrongdoing of the parents, and on to one of the most vulnerable groups in the world’. An interview. 

Tell us about your book?  
‘The book focuses on the children of (alleged) foreign terrorist fighters who are currently still residing in camps in Syria and Iraq after the fall of the Islamic State (IS). 

The plight of the children continues to be overlooked and underexplored in contrast to that of the adults when it comes to the foreign terrorist fighter phenomenon. More often than not, the children are mentioned with reference to the alleged behaviour of their parents rather than as individuals who have their own agency and who are afforded special protections under international law, namely under the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child. My co-authors and I strongly felt that there was a gap in the literature that had to be rectified.  

The underexplored and multi-layered vulnerability of the children was at the core of our choice to adopt a children-centric approach. While the children’s current predicament is partially linked to the (alleged) activities of their parents, it is also driven by the lack of sufficient care by their countries of origin or nationality in terms of supporting their return, rehabilitation and reintegration. Hence, we sought to redirect the discourse away from the parents, and on to what is one of the most vulnerable groups in the world; a group currently living in a very contained space with extremely limited basic resources.’ 

You worked on this book for more than 3 years. What was the most challenging and most rewarding part of the process?  
‘Timing was definitely the most challenging aspect. Our original plan was to conduct in-person workshops in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Australia, to capture the views from local non-governmental organisations (NGOs), regional and international organisations involved on the ground, practitioners, and legal professionals working with families stuck in the camps. However, the first lengthy COVID-19 lockdowns began across all three countries just as we were signing the book contract and making preliminary workshop plans. This meant that we had to make many adjustments and switch to virtual small group meetings, on top of balancing the other numerous impacts of lockdowns on everyday life. 

As a result, it took longer than expected to complete the book. In hindsight, however, the extended timeframe of this project was probably a blessing in disguise. We had more time for deeper reflection on the subject matter and were able to incorporate new and ongoing developments. For instance,  as we were still finalising the book, the European Court of Human Rights delivered its long-awaited judgement on a case against France regarding repatriation obligations, which allowed us to feature it heavily in our discussions.  

Additionally, there were plenty of rewarding moments along the way. The conversations we had were incredibly insightful. From the legal representatives of the women and children hoping to return to their countries of nationality, to the NGO practitioners and security service personnel on the ground, everyone enriched our knowledge and offered additional perspectives on the camps’ conditions and the plight of the children living there. They also strongly emphasised the need to make the children’s voices heard and how critical it is to advocate for the children’s return home – a standpoint that truly stayed with us. It motivated us to keep ploughing through. Furthermore, it pushed us to think more pragmatically about how to convince our target audience to step out of the security lens thinking and into child-centric thinking.’ 

What were some of your findings from this project? 
‘Our first finding is that governmental reasoning against repatriating alleged foreign terrorist fighters and their families does not hold up once you critically reflect on the available national security toolkits. For a number of Western states including the UK, the Netherlands and Australia, the core justification is not having the capacity to address the operational, security, and societal complexities that come from repatration and post-repatriation processes. A recurring question for them is, how do you publicly justify the active repatriation of someone who might pose a security threat?  

However, if you look at the criminal justice frameworks in place, the immigration law frameworks, and the specific counter-terrorism measures, you see a different picture. These countries and many others have extensive and multilayered sets of measures to address individuals who engaged in terrorism activities or are suspected of doing so. Moreover, the childcare and safeguarding practitioners in states such as the Netherlands, Australia and the UK would rather have the children back, especially since they have the capacity and measures to do so; they are just waiting for the children’s return. 

Where states have completed repatriations, thus demonstrating that they do in fact have the operational capabilities to repatriate, a number of them have engaged in a categorisation of vulnerabilities, specifically in Europe. In other words, they have only repatriated “particularly vulnerable children”; in earlier years, it was only vulnerable orphaned children.  

Within the context of the international legal framework protecting children, this is more of a publicity statement than a valid legal argument. The protections afforded by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child clearly indicate that all children are to be considered vulnerable. They should not be subject to discrimination on any basis, and they deserve special protections compared to adults by nature of their age, and their needs in terms of support, decision-making, protection, and more.  

Therefore, all children in the camps are vulnerable by virtue of being children, which makes repatriations based on subjective assessments of vulnerability a political rather than objective decision. By picking and choosing who you repatriate, you create a scale of vulnerabilities that only focuses on children at the intersection of several vulnerabilities. We argue that this is equivalent to choosing the children that are going to cause the least amount of public consternation. When repatriating orphans for example, no further explanation is required over their parents, who may pose a security threat.  

Stepping into the shoes of governments, aside from the indisputable moral reasons, there are also security-oriented reasons to repatriate the children. Leaving the children behind in the squalid conditions of the camps creates ample propaganda material for terrorist organisations targeting individuals or children for radicalisation and recruitment. The message of ‘look how much your own country cares about you’ writes itself. Further, for children either socialised and/or radicalised into violence and violent extremism, repatriation offers the best chance of successful deradicalisation, rehabilitation and reintegration. 

In the book, we also acknowledge that there may be children in some very particular familial and peer group circumstances who grow up into adults who seek a life of violence. However, that is a very, very small droplet in the sea of children that desperately need help. And if the evidence after some of the returns is any indication, returning to their home country makes a huge difference in a matter of months. The things many of us take for granted, such as easy access to clean water, heating, a solid roof and mainstream education, create positive impacts almost immediately. These factors combined with tailored reintegration programming allow many of the returned children to catch up with their peers within a year, in terms of education and societal involvement. If states genuinely want to reduce national security risks associated with alleged foreign terrorist fighters and their families, it is in their best interests to return the children home.’ 

What do you hope to see following the book’s release?  
‘We hope to reorient the conversation towards a more child-centric approach rather than the dominant security-oriented approach. We must look beyond what is perceived as a potential and undefined future security threat and focus on the children of alleged foreign terrorist fighters. We must see them as children in desperate need of help, as rights holders who are extremely vulnerable, as individuals who deserve a life where basic necessities are not extremely scarce. In other words, we hope these children can enjoy their childhood and simply be children, instead of having to struggle daily for survival. 

This is also why we make references to other European states that have made significant progress in terms of reintegration and rehabilitation, such as Kosovo. Despite being a very small and less wealthy country, Kosovo has practically repatriated everyone and successfully reintegrated most of the children. It means repatriating and reintegrating the children is possible, what we need is governments’ willingness.’ 

Find the book here: Children’s Rights, “Foreign Fighters”, Counter-Terrorism: Children of Nowhere

About Rumyana van Ark: 

Rumyana van Ark, Senior ASSER Institute rechercher.

Dr Rumyana van Ark is a Senior researcher in international law and (counter-) terrorism at the T.M.C. Asser Instituut within the research strand ‘in the public interest: accountability of the state and the prosecution of crimes’. She is also the coordinator of all counter-terrorism related research and project activities at the T.M.C. Asser Instituut. Her research focuses on the evolving relationship between the individual (terror suspect) and the state following acts of terrorism.   

Her book co-authors are Prof. Devyani Prabhat (Bristol University) and Dr. Faith Gordon (Australian National University).  

Read more:  
[New publication] Excessive judicial deference as rule of law backsliding: When national security and effective rights protection collide 
There is growing deference of domestic and international courts to the executive in national security cases, a trend that undermines the rule of law and weakens human rights protections. With the steady rise of populism and politics of fear and division, the threat of insecurity has been hyperinflated and exploited to justify national security measures. Through an analysis of key case law, including from the European Court of Human Rights, this article explores how supranational human rights courts can counteract this erosion and argues for stronger safeguards to ensure accountability and the protection of individual rights. Read more. 

[Interview] Asser researcher Rumyana van Ark: ‘How the legacy of the War on Terror continues to cast a deep shadow 20 years post 9/11’ 
Since 9/11, the prevention and pre-emption of acts of terrorism became a priority for governments worldwide, both at domestic and international levels. This led to a transnational counter-terrorism campaign known as the ‘War on Terror’. 21 years on, counter-terrorism expert, Rumyana van Ark, investigates the legacy of this political and legal paradigm, and its implications on human rights, humanitarian law, counter-terrorism, and armed conflict. Read more.  [Interview] Counterterrorism expert Christophe Paulussen critisises citizenship stripping for terrorists and calls for evidence-based approach
In an interview with Dutch media organisation De Kanttekening, counterterrorism expert Dr Christophe Paulussen calls for a more evidence-based approach to counterterrorism policy. In the article, Paulussen reflects on plans to revoke the citizenship of convicted terrorists, according to the Coalition Agreement (‘Hoofdlijnenakkoord’) presented in May 2024. “A dangerous trend”, according to Paulussen, who calls the plans “purely symbolic politics” and “muscle-flexing rhetoric”. Read more.

Parcours d’un juriste-diplomate

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Parcours d’un juriste-diplomate

Par S.E. M. François Alabrune, Ambassadeur auprès du Royaume des Pays-Bas et Représentant permanent auprès de l’Organisation pour l’interdiction des armes chimiques et des Institutions juridiques internationales à La Haye.

À l’origine de ma vocation et de mon ouverture au monde, mes parents ont beaucoup compté. Mon père, originaire du centre de la France, le premier de sa famille à faire des études supérieures, est parti jeune en Argentine, pour faire du commerce. Il est ensuite devenu diplomate et a servi en Inde, en Australie, aux États-Unis, en Haïti, en Belgique et au Canada. Ma mère, originaire du Nord de la France, a aussi travaillé pour le ministère des affaires étrangères français en Belgique et au Royaume-Uni, avant d’épouser mon père. C’est ainsi que je suis né au Canada, à Halifax.

Au cours de mes études de droit et de sciences politiques, j’ai eu notamment la chance de suivre les cours de deux grands juristes: Gilbert Guillaume et Ronny Abraham, qui ont été jurisconsultes du ministère des affaires étrangères puis juges la Cour internationale de Justice. J’ai eu ensuite la chance de travailler avec eux, notamment lorsque je devins adjoint auprès de Ronny Abraham. Dans les activités consultatives en droit international que j’ai menées pendant 20 ans, en particulier en tant que jurisconsulte du ministère pendant huit ans, leur approche du droit international, basée sur une analyse rigoureuse des faits et du droit, et la recherche de la clarté, m’a beaucoup marqué. J’ai été aussi influencé par ma collaboration avec d’autres grands juristes, tels que les professeurs Prosper Weil ou Alain Pellet.

J’ai beaucoup appris également grâce aux interactions constantes avec mes collègues jurisconsultes d’autres pays ainsi qu’à l’occasion de mes affectations à la Représentation auprès de l’Union européenne à Bruxelles, à la Mission auprès des Nations Unies à New York, comme Conseiller juridique, puis comme Consul général à Québec, Ambassadeur auprès de l’OSCE à Vienne puis Ambassadeur aux Pays-Bas. Ce furent autant d’occasions privilégiées de m’ouvrir à d’autres cultures et manières de penser.

J’ai commencé ma carrière à un moment de grand développement du droit international. La fin de la division du monde en deux blocs rendait possible et nécessaire l’élaboration de nombreux traités multilatéraux et bilatéraux. J’ai eu la chance de participer à la négociation de plusieurs, par exemple dans les domaines du contrôle des armements, de la lutte contre le terrorisme, du droit de la mer, de la justice pénale internationale.

L’expérience la plus marquante a sans doute été ma participation aux négociations sur le Statut de la Cour pénale internationale à partir de 1997. Une telle institution pouvait paraitre utopique à l’origine. Son élaboration fut une extraordinaire aventure collective qui a imposé la recherche de solutions originales, notamment pour concilier des traditions juridiques différentes. Travailler au sein du comité de rédaction de la Conférence de Rome sous la présidence du grand juriste égyptien Cheriff Bassiouni fut en particulier une expérience unique.

La participation à de très nombreuses procédures contentieuses, devant la Cour internationale de Justice, la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme, la Cour de Justice de l’Union européenne, des tribunaux d’arbitrage, le tribunal international du droit de la mer, m’aura donné la possibilité d’exercer la fonction d’avocat de mon pays mais aussi de nouer avec les juges des relations étroites. Celles-ci m’ont permis de mesurer les exigences de leurs fonctions et les conditions du bon fonctionnement des juridictions.

À la Haye depuis deux ans, je poursuis mon engagement au service du droit international, tant en apparaissant devant la Cour internationale de Justice et en suivant de près son activité, mais aussi en ayant préparé et présidé une partie des travaux du troisième congrès des membres de la Cour permanente d’arbitrage, en coopérant étroitement avec la Cour pénale internationale, notamment dans le cadre de l’Assemblée des États parties, en apportant un soutien constant à l’Académie du droit international et à d’autres institutions juridiques internationales (Mécanisme international appelé à exercer les fonctions résiduelles des Tribunaux pénaux, chambres spécialisées pour le Kosovo, HCCH – Conférence de La Haye de droit international privé, Eurojust…).

Être ambassadeur à la Haye, capitale du droit international, offre le privilège de participer quotidiennement à une communauté juridique et diplomatique d’une exceptionnelle qualité intellectuelle et humaine. Je rends hommage à ce titre à ses membres et aux autorités néerlandaises pour leur engagement inestimable.

Je suis très honoré d’avoir été choisi comme candidat aux prochaines élections de juges à la Cour internationale de Justice par le Groupe français de la Cour permanente d’arbitrage, présidé par le Juge Ronny Abraham, et après consultations de Cours suprêmes, Universités et Sciétés savantes en France. 

Le droit international fait face à des défis considérables mais il revêt, en particulier grâce à la Cour internationale de Justice, une importance croissante pour l’unité et la survie de la communauté humaine. Servir ce droit, en particulier à la Haye, est l’honneur de ma vie.

From multilateralism to multiparticularism

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From multilateralism to multiparticularism

Some food for thought on the occasion of the Belgium’s King’s Day reception on 15 November 2024 in The Hague

Ambassador Olivier Belle’s Thought-Reflecting Speech on King’s Day

During the reception celebrating King’s Day on 15 November 2024 in The Hague, H.E. Ambassador Olivier Belle, Permanent Representative of Belgium to International Institutions in The Hague, captivated the audience with a memorable and visionary speech. Addressing the challenges facing multilateralism and the rise of “multiparticularism,” his remarks sparked reflection among attendees. Diplomat Magazine is proud to share this remarkable allocution, ensuring it reaches a wider audience and continues to inspire dialogue on the future of international cooperation.

It has been an intense year for the Permanent Representation of Belgium to the International institutions established in The Hague. For the near future, the permanent representation has many projects to contribute efficiently to the work of those international institutions as well as to save multilateralism. We say “save”, because multilateralism is facing a difficult period. Multilateralism’s golden age seems far away. Today, we have reached a point where confidence in the capacity of multilateral bodies to deal with global challenges is fading.

Why and how have we entered such troubled waters ? Various elements have played a role. The growing influence of the private sector in many fields of sovereignty has reduced the ability of States to continue to play the leading role in addressing challenges of general interest. The field of general interest itself has been conquered by initiatives inspired by particular interests. And this evolution led naturally to a new way of doing, thinking and perceiving politics. States seems to disappear behind a small group of leaders surfing on social networks.

So we live in a new environment where multilateralism is slowly being replaced by multiparticularism. Particular interest seems to override general interest. It seems to be a natural consequence of the current state of the world characterised by fear, violence, harsh competition, scarcity of resources, gaps of development, environmental degradation, etc… The question is whether multiparticularism can help address the many challenges facing the planet, and not just humanity. We may doubt this given the state of international relations.

Multilateralism proved to be an adequate tool. But it is only a tool. And a tool is only useful if one can use it properly and when one knows precisely what needs to be built. It is not multilateralism which is in crisis. Perhaps it is our imagination that leaves to be desired. It is maybe a kind of fatalism which inspired a sort of intellectual decline. Perhaps a clear understanding of general interest is lacking. It is therefore time to try to regain a certain sense of the general interest, to figure out in which areas it should guide our action, and to honestly share the political will to tackle the challenges the planet is facing together. And for this, multilateralism will remain the best tool.

Bringing colors to diplomacy

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Bringing colors to diplomacy

By Alexandra Paucescu

Margarita Cordova de Velissarouli is the type of person who brings color, warmth and resilience to the world of diplomacy. Born in Peru, her journey began with a passion for art that blossomed into a career. ‘I was just finding my way’, she reflects, remembering the early days in Lima, when she balanced multiple projects: teaching drawing and Latin American art history, illustrating children’s books and restoring colonial artwork.

‘I was also in the first year of a master’s in Cultural Management and Development’, she recalls with a laugh, clearly marveling at her own ambition. But life had other plans. When she met her husband—a Greek diplomat stationed in Santiago at the time—everything shifted. What began as monthly visits between Santiago and Lima evolved into a lifelong commitment. ‘It’s a story that may sound familiar to many diplomatic couples’, she shares, ‘one partner chooses love over a career, hoping to find a balance somewhere down the road. It’s a leap of faith—a risky one—but the rewards are worth it.’

This leap of faith launched Margarita into the world of diplomacy. From Chile to Croatia to China, and now Brussels, her story reads like a love letter to adventure and adaptability. ‘We started our life abroad in 2009’ she tells me. ‘In Chile, we welcomed our first child and in Croatia, our second came along’.

Every destination holds dear memories and Margarita has a way of finding beauty in each. ‘China was a revelation’, she explains, describing it as both an ultra-modern world and an ancient one, shaped by its own challenges, including the pandemic.

Now settled in Brussels, Margarita is soaking up the new experience. ‘Yes, they warned us about the cold and rainy weather, but Brussels has so much charm! Its parks, beautiful architecture and even the buses that can take you anywhere.’ She beams when describing it, seeing her new city with fresh, appreciative eyes.

One of Margarita’s passions is food. She is equally enchanted by Peruvian and Greek cuisines, seeing them as powerful tools in cultural diplomacy. ‘I might not be a chef’, she admits modestly, ‘but I’ve learned to cook food that heals, comforts and brings people together.’ For her, food is about more than the taste; it’s a way of creating memories and fostering goodwill. ‘People remember our dinners, and that’s a talent and a blessing’, she says, proud that her table has become a place where guests feel welcomed and at ease. Food, she believes, bridges cultural divides and brings out the best in people, setting the stage for shared laughter and meaningful conversations.

Margarita Cordova de Velissarouli & husband

Margarita holds a deep love for her homeland, Peru, as well as for her adopted Greece. Both countries, she says, are connected by their rich histories and vibrant cultures, even if they occupy different corners of the world. ‘Peru and Greece are both lands of incredible archaeology, with ancient civilizations that have left a lasting impact’ she explains with a scholar’s passion. She is as proud of Peru’s pre-Columbian art and architecture as she is of Greece’s classical heritage.

Her love for history means she has endless stories to tell, both about Peru’s majestic landscapes and Greece’s impressive ruins. ‘When I first met my husband’ she recalls, ‘we visited the Larco Museum in Lima. There, I shared everything I knew about my country’s art and history, and I think that’s where we clicked.’ Now, she finds herself equally captivated by Greek history, something she first studied in her fine arts program but has come to appreciate more deeply as she’s made Greece her second home. ‘It’s a pleasure to speak about both countries,’ she tells me, and I feel fortunate to share them with my children.’

Margarita and her husband.

In Margarita’s beautiful eyes, the diplomatic community is a kind of extended family, filled with people who understand the complexities of her life. ‘I’ve been incredibly lucky’ she says, ‘but I don’t think it’s all luck. The diplomatic community feels like a brotherhood or sisterhood, where everyone remembers what it’s like to be the newcomer.’ This sense of belonging has made a world of difference for her, especially as her birth family is far away. ‘Here in Brussels, I know I can reach out to friends who will be there for me, and I try to be that same source of support for others.’

When it comes to the role we play, as diplomatic spouses, Margarita says that is one of resilience and quiet strength. ‘We are the anchor’ she says, describing how she helps her family navigate each transition. ‘When we arrive somewhere new, I leave my own fears behind, so that my children and husband can settle in.’  Her adaptability and optimism are vital, especially as she balances her own dreams with the realities of diplomatic life. ‘I admire spouses who manage to continue their careers’, she confides. ‘It’s not easy, especially with moves every few years, often across continents and time zones.’ Margarita’s own career has had to shift, but she approaches this life with grace, choosing to see each move as an opportunity to grow.

Margarita believes adaptability is her greatest strength—a ‘superpower’, as she calls it. ‘I’ve learned to make any place feel like home quickly’, she laughs, proud of her ability to create a sense of stability wherever they go. For her children, she hopes to instill the same resilience, encouraging them to see each change as an adventure. ‘I try to show them that every new place has something to offer. We look for solutions rather than dwelling on the challenges.’ Margarita’s dedication to making each house feel like a home is part of her charm. ‘It’s something I take pride in, because it reminds me that I am indispensable to this journey.’

‘Sometimes you win, other times you learn’, says Margarita. She first heard it in China, and it has since become a mantra for embracing diplomatic life’s ups and downs.

We definitely learned something while reading her story. Thank you, Margarita!

About the author:

Alexandra Paucescu

Alexandra Paucescu- Author of “Just a Diplomatic Spouse” Romanian, management graduate with a Master in business, cultural diplomacy and international relations studies.

She speaks Romanian, English, French, German and Italian,  gives lectures on intercultural communication and is an active NGO volunteer.

Building Bridges: An Exclusive Interview with H.E. Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua, Ambassador of Cameroon to the Netherlands

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Building Bridges: An Exclusive Interview with H.E. Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua, Ambassador of Cameroon to the Netherlands

In this exclusive interview with Diplomat Magazine, Her Excellency Madeleine Madeline Liguemoh Ondoua,  Ambassador of Cameroon to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, offers a comprehensive look into the diplomatic relationship between Cameroon and the Netherlands. As only the second Cameroonian ambassador to be resident in the Netherlands since diplomatic relations were established in 1960, Ambassador Liguemoh Ondoua,  has been committed to enhancing cooperation since her appointment in 2020.

Discussing the longstanding partnership, she highlights areas of recent collaboration, including security, economic growth, and sustainable development. Ambassador Madeline Liguemoh Ondoua, shares insights into Cameroon’s ongoing efforts to attract Dutch investment in renewable energy, agriculture, education, and health and underscores the value of joint initiatives supporting local communities in Cameroon. Her mission reflects a commitment to strengthening the bonds between Cameroon and the Netherlands, with a shared vision for mutual prosperity and resilience.

Could you present the current state of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Cameroon and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, as well as the areas of cooperation and recent developments?

Before I respond in detail, allow me to express my sincere thanks for this valuable opportunity to speak about my beloved country, Cameroon, and its multifaceted relationship with the Kingdom of the Netherlands—a friendly and strategic partner to Cameroon in both bilateral and multilateral frameworks.

Diplomatic relations between Cameroon and the Netherlands at the ambassadorial level date back to 1960. Following coverage within the BENELUX framework, Cameroon’s first resident Ambassador to the Netherlands was H.E. Odette Melono. Since 2020, I am honored to serve as the second. Since the closure of the Dutch Embassy in Yaoundé in 2011, the jurisdiction of the Dutch Embassy in Benin was extended to cover Cameroon. Despite Yaoundé’s authorities consistently advocating for its return, diplomatic relations remain dynamic.

Upon my appointment on September 11, 2020, as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Netherlands, with extended responsibilities for Luxembourg, I was tasked by the Cameroonian Government to reinforce and energize cooperation with these countries. I was provided with a roadmap, guided by the state priorities outlined by President Paul Biya, who also serves as Chief of Diplomacy.

Aligned with Cameroon’s foreign policy principles, this roadmap emphasized maintaining an active presence in diplomacy, promoting Cameroon’s development to investors in areas such as education, health, water, renewable energy, agriculture, horticulture, livestock, aquaculture, digital economy, and the industrial sector. Additionally, it encouraged the Dutch government to support the Presidential Reconstruction and Development Plan for the Northwest and Southwest regions. Notably, we aim to create synergies with the Cameroonian diaspora in the Netherlands and Luxembourg to foster transformative investments that contribute to Cameroon’s development.

These initiatives coincide with the Dutch government’s focus on economic interests under Prime Minister Rutte, which guided its 2017–2021 development cooperation policy towards security, rule of law, water management, food security, education, research, innovation, reproductive health, and sexual rights. Moreover, it aimed to assist countries in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), enhancing democratic governance, upholding the rule of law, and increasing resilience and climate adaptation.

Given these converging strategies, we have identified promising opportunities to strengthen cooperation between our two countries. A significant example was the Cameroon Economic and Cultural Week in The Hague in May 2022, which showcased Cameroon, known as “Africa in miniature” and a land of opportunity, to Dutch institutional authorities and the broader private sector. This event fostered numerous projects and amplified Dutch economic interest in Cameroon.

Furthermore, since 2023, the Netherlands has been actively supporting specialized social economy structures. For example, in 2023, they funded equipment for the JCI Nature cooperative, which transforms natural plant bark into remedies and produces cosmetics using snail mucus and aloe vera. This year (2024), they provided significant funding to the Local Social and Solidarity Economy Network of Batchenga (Reless) for the transformation and packaging of agricultural products for commercial sale.

The Netherlands also contributes to strengthening security in crisis-affected areas of Cameroon. For instance, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) received Dutch financial support to construct a new gendarmerie building in Kolofata, a locality in northern Cameroon affected by Boko Haram insurgency. This building was inaugurated on October 25, 2024, embodying the Netherlands’ vision of bilateral and multilateral cooperation for impactful and field-driven development.

Several cooperation agreements are under negotiation between Cameroon and this partner country, and we hope that their successful conclusion will further strengthen our diplomatic relations.

Economic cooperation and investment opportunities between the two countries, focusing on sectors of mutual interest.

Economic and trade cooperation between our two countries is very dynamic. At the end of 2022, the Kingdom of the Netherlands imported 1,634,600 tonnes of goods from Cameroon, representing a 26.8% market share. In the same year, Cameroon exported 8,205,000 tonnes of goods, according to the Institut National de la Statistique (INS).

Compared with 2021, this represents an increase of 45.5%. Analysis reveals a major shift in Cameroon’s trade partnerships, with the Netherlands overtaking the market as the country’s main customer. The Netherlands gained 14 percentage points as revealed by INS data. This European Union country, which ranked third among Cameroon’s customers in 2021 with 467,200 tonnes of imported products (12.4% market share), mainly imports crude petroleum oils (60.4%), raw cocoa beans (24.7%), liquefied natural gas (10.5%), and cocoa paste (1.6%). “These items will account for a massive 97.2% of my country’s exports to this European country in 2022”, justified the INS at the time.

Since I took office, five economic missions made up of Companies from our two countries have visited Cameroon and the Netherlands respectively, notably in March 2022 in Cameroon under the leadership of my Dutch counterpart in Benin, in May 2022 in the Netherlands under the impetus of H.E. Mbella Mbella, Minister of External Relations of Cameroon, in November 2022 in Cameroon under the supervision of our Embassy, in February 2023 in The Hague, under the direction of the Centre des Réseaux des Filières de Croissance (CRFC), in August 2023 in the Netherlands under the presidency of the Chambre d’Agriculture, des Pêches, de l’Elevage et des Forêts (CAPEF), then in September 2024 in Cameroon by the ING bank.

These various missions have enabled the establishment of contacts and Public/Private Partnerships between economic operators from both countries in fields as varied as agribusiness, livestock, fisheries, ICT, processing, industry, and many others. Several Dutch companies are active in Cameroon in various fields, including Boskalis Westminster Cameroun, Africa Road Construction, Close the Loop, Wijman Cameroun S.A., Holland Farm, Heineken, Sims international (Partner of Libitco b.v), All Round Shipping BV, Fugro (Geofor Cameroun), and many others. ALVARO COMPANY

On a completely different front, the Dutch authorities have been involved in a number of development projects in Cameroon, including: training and education; water supply; rural hydraulics and civil engineering; infrastructure; horticulture; environment and nature protection (conservation, sustainable management and social development); and health (commissioning and maintenance of medical imaging equipment at the Sangmélima referral hospital). The Netherlands provides financial support from the FMO entrepreneurial development bank for Cam-Hydro S.A.’s construction of the Minkouma hydroelectric dam in the center of the country.

In August 2023, the President of Cameroon’s Chamber of Agriculture, Fisheries, Livestock and Forestry (CAPEF) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Dutch NAFTEC/FANEC/MFS consortium, represented by investor Yan Hak, in the agribusiness sector. The Dutch bank ING visited Cameroon to explore financing opportunities for SME projects in the above-mentioned sectors.

As part of our attractiveness policy, the Embassy of Cameroon in The Hague recently took part, for the second time, in the Embassy Festival organized in the Dutch capital, where the assets and investment opportunities of the seaside city of Kribi were showcased.

Investment opportunities in Cameroon include mining, water and energy, road and port infrastructure, and communications. The Government of Cameroon, through its New Development Strategy 2020-2030 (SND30), projects the country’s emergence by 2035. In this respect, investments from all our partners are welcome to help us achieve this goal of emergence over the long term, but much sooner, through the operational commitment of Cameroon’s partners to the new import-substitution policy promoted by my country.

The business climate is highly conducive to investment, and the government has set up a guarantee line worth 200 million FCFA to support the development of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).

Overall, economic relations between Cameroon and the Kingdom of the Netherlands have developed considerably over the past three years. Locally, some fifteen companies operate through Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) or joint ventures in various sectors, including the port, agriculture, maritime and medical sectors, etc.

Cultural exchanges and tourism initiatives that strengthen interpersonal ties between Cameroon and the Netherlands

On the cultural front, some 4,400 Cameroonians are active in the Netherlands. Under the supervision and support of the Diplomatic Mission of Cameroon, cultural activities take the form of fairs and other charitable events.

To mark Cameroon’s national holiday every May 20, the Embassy provides a platform for compatriots to express their artistic and cultural talents against the backdrop of the country’s rhythms and identity. In the same vein, federative events such as the Festival des Ambassades are ideal settings for cultural performances such as folk dancing and traditional music.

In Cameroon, Luxembourg laid the foundation stone for the Centre Culturel Luxembourgeois, the first of its kind in Central Africa, in April 2023. This future achievement testifies to the two countries’ determination to consolidate their cultural relations. And we hope that the Kingdom of the Netherlands will also be able to establish a Cultural Centre in Cameroon, which would promote greater understanding between the peoples of our two countries, and the birth of new opportunities for cooperation as only human encounters know how to generate. In so doing, we have invited an incredible artist to visit the Netherlands, just as we encourage the creation of cultural bridges between our peoples.

It’s worth pointing out that renowned Cameroonian artists have chosen the Netherlands as their country of residence, where they showcase their skills to the world; and this constitutes an emulation for other artists.

I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate our intention to strengthen our bilateral exchanges in the fields of culture and tourism. In 2025, for example, we aim to organize a major cultural synergy and gastronomy event, which will once again showcase our rich cultural heritage and encourage Dutch citizens to include Cameroon among their favorite destinations.

In any case, I’m convinced that culture and tourism are two central pillars that contribute indefectibly to strengthening relations between people, and between the Netherlands and Cameroon in particular.

It is for this reason that since my arrival at the head of the Embassy, numerous initiatives have been put in place to bring our rich and diverse cultural heritage closer to the Dutch population, with the support of the Cameroonian Government. In this respect, I’m thinking of the Cameroon Economic and Cultural Week organized in The Hague in May 2022, as well as the various festivities organized by our Embassy over the years. All these initiatives have been great moments of friendship, sharing and fraternity.

Strategies to promote the shared values of democracy, human rights and international law between (Cameroon and the countries under your jurisdiction) our two nations.

With a view to making Cameroon an emerging country by 2035, the current state of governance can be verified through :

Effective separation of powers: governed by the constitution of January 18, 1996, the Constitution recognizes three distinct types of power: the Executive, the Legislative and the Judicial. The configuration of Parliament into two chambers, the Lower House (the National Assembly) and the Upper House (the Senate), enables it not only to better control the action of the Executive, but also to better fulfill its legislative function. In addition, the judiciary is independent and autonomous, and carries out its duties with complete transparency and respect for the general principles of law and human rights.

Independent electoral system institutions : ELECAM (Elections Cameroon) and the Constitutional Council are two institutions responsible for managing the electoral process in Cameroon in terms of credibility, neutrality and transparency. Elections Cameroon is responsible for the material organization of elections, while the Constitutional Council deals with any disputes arising from these elections, with the exception of municipal elections.

A security and law and order system at the service of the State and its citizens, with a multiplicity of police, gendarmerie, customs and army forces throughout the country.

The reality of local governance through effective decentralization: The January 18, 1996 Constitution states that “Cameroon is a decentralized unitary State”. The creation of the Region in 2021 completes the picture previously constituted by the Commune and the Urban Community, each entity being vested with specific prerogatives. The transfer of administrative powers from the State to the Decentralized Territorial Collectivities is perceptible and estimated at 11%.

The existence of institutions responsible for developing, implementing and evaluating governance at national level, such as the National Governance Program (PNG). The creation of institutions to monitor governance and public wealth, such as the National Anti-Corruption Commission (CONAC), the National Financial Investigation Agency (ANIF) and the Special Criminal Court (TCS). The main mission of the National Anti-Corruption Commission (CONAC) is to monitor and evaluate the effective application of the government’s anti-corruption plan in Cameroon. The Tribunal Criminel Spécial (Special Criminal Court), on the other hand, is a court set up to hear cases involving offences against public assets involving sums in excess of 50 million CFA.

In terms of international law, Cameroon has ratified several international agreements on democracy and respect for human rights.

Equality between men and women is constitutionally established

And the fight for gender equality is a major political commitment on the part of the Government, through a Ministerial Department dedicated to the Promotion of Women and the Family, but even more so through a sensitive gender policy promoted by the Head of State. In this context, the higher school enrolment rate for girls in Cameroon, higher than that of boys in urban and many rural areas, is an evocative example and a benchmark in Africa. Equal pay for men and women also illustrates the egalitarian model of society that the government is striving to build, under the leadership of the Head of State, His Excellency Paul BIYA.

What are your objectives and expectations for strengthening relations between Cameroon and the Netherlands during your term as ambassador?

I’d like to raise cooperation between Cameroon and the two countries in the jurisdiction (the Netherlands and Luxembourg) to a higher level through reciprocal visits by political authorities and the signing of partnership agreements. In the same vein, I would like to see an increase in the number of economic missions between economic operators in our various countries. Business on all fronts. Strengthening cooperation in the agro-industrial sector, with particular emphasis on the processing, packaging and distribution of agricultural products, as well as on related services (supply of fertilizers, seeds and equipment) and, by extension, all agricultural production systems. Other sectors of interest include energy, water management and transport infrastructure.

The current entry of the Zone de Libre-Economique Economique Africaine (ZLECAF) is an exceptional opportunity to optimize the potentials of cooperation. Cameroon is a decentralized country. Therefore, strengthening the partnership between the decentralized local authorities of my country and those of the area of ​​competence would contribute to the accomplishment of the development missions defined by the Cameroonian Authorities. We will encourage contacts between the cities of these three countries (Cameroon, Netherlands, Luxembourg) through twinning conducive not only to the exchange of experiences and expertise, but more for targeted local development operations impacting the lives of the populations of the zones that are concerned. Thank you.

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