A conversation with the H.E. Mr. Nikola Selaković, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Serbia

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A conversation with the H.E. Mr. Nikola Selaković, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Serbia

Diplomat Magazine had the pleasure to engage in a conversation with H.E. Mr. Nikola Selaković, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia. In this conversation, the Minister provided his insights on the bilateral relations between Serbia and the Netherlands, as well as with the European Union more at large. He also explained his government’s stance regarding the ongoing dialogue with Pristina on the Kosovo issue, as well as Serbia’s relation with other international players and bodies, including the Eurasian Economic Union, China, Russia, and the United States.

Your Excellency, could you give us your take on the current state of the bilateral ties between your country and the Netherlands?

Serbia attaches great importance to its bilateral relations with the Netherlands, both within the framework of political dialogue and in the area of economic cooperation. We wish to further deepen and intensify our high-level political dialogue, which was reinvigorated with the visit of the then Dutch Foreign Minister Stef Blok to Belgrade in November 2019. My visit to The Hague, the first one in the last 14 years, should serve as a demonstration of our readiness to engage in an open discussion with our Dutch partners on all issues of common interest.

Another important tool of our bilateral political relations are regular political consultations between the two ministries of foreign affairs. The first political consultations were held in January this year and they were marked by an active discussion between the two sides about numerous bilateral, regional, and global issues. We hope to continue this newly established format and hold political consultations with the Dutch Foreign Ministry at least once a year.

On the economic front, companies from the Netherlands are among the major foreign investors in Serbia. The trade between our two countries has increased 10 per cent in the course of this year alone, despite the unprecedented Covid-19 pandemic. Continued presence of Ahold-Delhaize corporation, Heinken, KLM and many other companies clearly shows not only that Serbia is a desirable investment destination, but that our country also provides favorable and stable legal, economic, and legislative conditions for foreign investors. We further look to expand our economic cooperation in the field of agriculture, given that the Netherlands is the second largest exporter of agricultural products in the world. Furthermore, we are interested in the transfer of know-how in the area of digital agriculture, which is in line with our domestic priority to modernize our agricultural production.

We believe that there are many areas in which Serbia and the Netherlands can successfully work together. Our two nations have a 122-year-old history of diplomatic relations and there is also space for strengthening cultural, educational, and people to people contacts. Almost 20,000 Serbs live, work or study in the Netherlands and it is of great importance for them to see strong bonds existing between the two countries.

Going beyond the Netherlands, what is the current state of Serbia’s ties with the European Union more at large?

Serbia is a candidate country for EU membership and the European integration is a strategic priority for our government. Over last twelve months, Serbia has intensified reforms in all areas focusing on the reforms in the area of the rule of law. While the reform agenda is among key criteria for the EU membership, we have done it because we are convinced that reforms are beneficial to all our citizens and have a positive impact on their overall quality of life. And this is not only the matter of our need to make our own society more functional and economically advanced, but it also has to do with the fact that Serbia belongs to the European family geographically as well as in civilizational terms and according to its values. We hope that the Netherlands will recognize and acknowledge such a position and that it will objectively consider the efforts that Serbia is making and the results it is achieving on its path to full EU membership.

We are pleased that, in its 2021 Progress Report on Serbia, the European Commission recognized our reform efforts and recommended to the EU member states further steps in our accession process. In our assessment, this year’s report is the most positive report on Serbia in the last few years. We are therefore hopeful that the member states will agree with the European Commission and decide on opening further negotiating clusters with Serbia in line with the revised methodology for accession negotiations. On our part, we are fully prepared to open clusters 3 and 4, which include important areas such as energy, green agenda, social policy, and tax policy.

Serbia will in the meantime maintain its commitment to the reform agenda. The most recent example of our credibility is the process of constitutional changes aimed at ensuring independence of judiciary, which is to be completed by mid-February 2022.

Your Excellency, could you provide us some insights on your government’s stance in relation to dialogue with the authorities in Pristina?

Belgrade remains fully committed to dialogue with Pristina with an aim of reaching a compromise solution acceptable for both sides. Regrettably, during this year we have witnessed a complete lack of willingness by Pristina to either fulfill its obligations from the Brussels agreement of 2013 or to contribute to any progress in the dialogue. Whilst Serbia has fulfilled all its obligations from the Brussels agreement – related to police, judiciary, elections, to name a few – Pristina has been continuously refusing for more than eight years to even discuss the establishment of the Community of Serb Municipalities, which is their major obligation from the agreement. Moreover, the representatives of Pristina openly claim that what their predecessors signed is not binding for them, that is, that they do not intend to fulfill their obligations. In this way, they not only jeopardize the dialogue process, but also challenge the authority of the EU as a facilitator and guarantor of the implementation of the agreements reached in that process.

Recent unilateral actions by Pristina – including sending special police forces to the north of Kosovo and Metohija, which is in full contravention of the agreements reached – led to further intimidation and sense of insecurity among the Serbian people in the province. Since the beginning of the year, as many as 118 ethnically motivated incidents against Serbs, their property and the Serbian Orthodox Church have been recorded, and this speaks volumes about the nature of the society being established in the self-proclaimed “Kosovo”, and about what is Pristina’s true approach to human rights and regional stability.

We appreciate a proactive engagement of the EU Special Envoy Miroslav Lajcak in easing the tensions, but at the same time we call on the international community to condemn such unilateral actions and exercise its influence on the representatives of Pristina to return to a meaningful dialogue. The statements given by prime minister of the provisional institutions of self-government in Pristina, Albin Kurti, about the unification of the so-called Kosovo with Albania have been particularly worrying. Regardless of all this, Belgrade will continue to demonstrate a constructive role in the dialogue which is in the interest of peace and stability of the Western Balkan region.

Minister, could you tell us more about the recent free trade agreement between Serbia and the Eurasian Economic Union?

Serbia, as a country in the entrance hall of the EU, is compelled to use every opportunity to strengthen its economy. By doing so, we are building a successful state, but we are also preparing for the moment when the EU will give the green light for enlargement to the Western Balkans. The issue of our economic relations with the Eurasian Economic Union is a matter of a pragmatic approach and responsibility towards the interests of our citizens, and it is often given unnecessary political emphasis in conversations of this kind. Those who benefit the most from our trade relations with countries outside the EU are none other than the companies from the EU exporting from Serbia to those markets. However, I need to emphasize that the economic interests of Serbia are primarily related to the EU and the countries of our region covered by the CEFTA agreement. EU countries are the source of over 70% of foreign direct investment in Serbia. The EU is also the most important foreign trade partner of Serbia, because two thirds of Serbian exports of goods and a little over a half of exports of services are realized with the EU.

And besides the EU, Your Excellency, how are Serbia’s relations with other major international players, such as for instance China, Russia, and the United States?

Serbia is conducting an independent foreign policy which includes traditionally good and friendly relations with China and Russia. In our view, these relations are not contrary to our European aspirations given that different EU member states also maintain good relations with both Russia and China. As a small-sized country Serbia is focused on strengthening ties with different countries on a global scale, while at the same time maintaining a neutral position on open issues between world’s great powers. Military neutrality and political independence remain to be consistent pillars of our foreign policy.

On the other hand, the priority of our foreign policy is to refine cooperation with countries with which we have not always had harmonious relations in the recent past, because Serbia today is building a new image of an economically advanced and dynamic state and a reliable partner in preserving regional stability. This year Serbia and the US celebrate 140th anniversary of their diplomatic relations and we see this jubilee as an opportunity to further strengthen our bilateral political and economic relations. We also hope to see positive results of an increased interest of the US administration in the Western Balkans.

Many thanks, Your Excellency, for your insights, and best of luck with your precious work!

Yemen: Seeking to restore peace and security

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Yemen: Seeking to restore peace and security

In September, Yemeni Foreign Minister H.E. Dr. Ahmad Awad bin Mubarak visited the Netherlands as part of a European tour aimed at relaunching diplomatic efforts to reach a political settlement in Yemen. In an interview with Diplomat Magazine, the Minister outlined his government’s view of the Yemeni conflict, expressing a wish to improve cooperation with European countries to achieve peace and security in the country. The interview has been edited for the purpose of length and clarity.

Seven years after the eruption of the war, Yemen has not yet managed to re-gain peace. Your Excellency, could you tell us your government’s perspective about Yemen’s political impasse?

Yemen is currently facing a critical situation due to the Houthi militia’s reluctance towards peace initiatives. Unfortunately, the rebellious militia obstructed – until now – all international diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving peace. It thwarted the endeavours of the former United Nations special envoy Martin Griffiths to reach a political compromise. The same was done during the tenure of his predecessor, Mr. Ismail Ould Cheikh, when we were very close to a political solution after more than 100 days of negotiations in Kuwait. The government showed flexibility and made concessions to achieve the aspirations of the Yemeni people to restore security and stability. Yet, the government’s commitment towards peace and national reconciliation needs a genuine partner which is still not available.

Despite these challenges, the government will continue pursuing peace, encouraging the rebel group to come to the negotiating table and deal positively with peace initiatives based on the three references: the Gulf Initiative and its executive mechanism, the outcomes of the national conference dialogue, and the UN Security Council resolution 2216. Mr. Hans Grundberg was appointed recently to be the fourth UN special envoy to Yemen. We fully support him, and we are looking forward to working together intensively to reach a comprehensive cease fire and ending the war.

Your Excellency, what are the reasons that have underpinned the protracted conflict in Yemen? What issues lie at the core of this conflict?

The current conflict in Yemen, as well as all internal conflicts occurring in the past, has its roots in the rebel movements’ refusal of a fair and just distribution of power and wealth. In 2011, Yemen was one of the countries influenced by the Arab Spring. The Yemeni people revolted to end the unjust manipulation of power and wealth, which had led to massive corruption and had hindered the country’s development. The revolution called for justice, good governance, decentralization, integrity, transparency, and accountability. The revolution did manage to cause a political change: President Hadi was elected, a new government (including both the former regime and other political parties) was formed, and an inclusive and comprehensive national dialogue conference was launched.

Yemen’s different political and social factions, including the Houthis, participated in the national dialogue conference and addressed a wide range of issues. A new constitution was drafted and was supposed to be voted on. Yet, after being part of the national dialogue and agreeing on its outcomes, the Houthi militia – in coordination with the former regime – staged a coup d’état, thus hindering the political process, suppressing the people’s aspirations, and imposing a corrupted, racist, and totalitarian regime. These aggressive actions triggered the conflict in Yemen, which has led to the worst humanitarian catastrophe in the world.

What are the main reasons due to which, seven years after the start of the war, Yemen’s conflict has not been solved yet?

There are three main reasons explaining the persistence of the conflict in Yemen. First of all, the Houthi militia’s ideology is based on the divine right to rule and on domination by force and violence. For the militia, war becomes an aim in itself – and even more so after the militia has been profiteering from the war and has established a parallel economy. Second, the Houthi militia has aligned itself with Iran and its regional agenda, which aims to undermine peace, security, and stability in the region. The militia is backed, supported, and equipped by the terrorist Iranian Revolutionary Guards. The fact that the militia’s decisions have been controlled by the Revolutionary Guards has complicated Yemen’s problems and has delayed the process of reaching a political settlement. Finally, no efficient pressure is being put to compel the Houthi militia to comply with the peace process.

Your Excellency, your visit in the Netherlands come as part of a broader European tour. What do you hope to accomplish through this raft of visits to European capitals? And are you also hoping to cooperate with countries outside of Europe?

In terms of my European tour’s aim, at the official level, I hope to resume our bilateral cooperation with the European Union, to come to a mutual understanding of the political roots of the crisis in Yemen, and to clarify the government’s views on how to resolve the conflict. At the public diplomacy level, I wish to address the public opinion in Europe through dialogues with think tanks and the national media, explaining our just cause and refuting wrong narratives about what is happening in Yemen.

As for the cooperation with countries outside of Europe, we do indeed look forward to cooperating with all countries that are seeking to help Yemen to restore peace and security in the country.

In a statement published in the EU Observer, you have been calling for a new European approach to help solving the Yemeni crisis. What kind of partnership would you want to form with the EU? And which concrete, immediate measures would you envision from the EU and other international partners?

The Yemeni government shares the EU’s same goals in Yemen, that is, restoring peace and security, improving the humanitarian situation, and stabilizing the economy. The best way to achieve these goals is to support state institutions through a full partnership with the Yemeni government. The government is ready to discuss openly with the EU all the concerns that may exist and that may prevent us from achieving such partnership.

In terms of concrete measures, we first of all ask our partners to channel all humanitarian assistance and financial flows through Yemen’s Central Bank, so as to improve the value of the Yemeni Rial and prevent a further deterioration of the humanitarian situation. Moreover, we ask them to support the Yemeni government in reaching an immediate nation-wide ceasefire, most notably by pressuring the Houthi rebels and the Iranian regime. We consider the ceasefire as the most important humanitarian measure and as the first step towards solving the country’s crisis and tackling all other humanitarian issues.

Many thank you for your time, Your Excellency, and best wishes for your European tour!

El Salvador: A millennial leadership for a prosperous future

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El Salvador: A millennial leadership for a prosperous future

A Talk with Vice President Félix Ulloa

Protagonist of enormous political changes, the new government of El Salvador is now on its way to develop the country under the leadership of its ingenious leader, President Nayib Bukele. Born in 1981, President Bukele belongs to the generation that has been named as “millennials”.

Following his election in 2019, El Salvador’s reputation has been quickly improving from that of a poor, violent and corrupt Central American nation marked by massive outflows of migrants to one of an emerging economy, as well as a new investment and tourism destination. We talked to Vice President Félix Ulloa, an experienced and wise diplomat, politician and international lawyer, during his European political tour in Sweden, France and the Netherlands. In this conversation, we discovered why the eyes of the world are now turning towards El Salvador.

Our conversation started with the historic transformations currently taking place in El Salvador in the areas of economic development, security and regional leadership.

“There are two issues that President Bukele decided to prioritise. The first one was seeking to reverse the wrong developmental model we had for so long under the previous administrations, which is at the root of migratory flows to the United States. That model did not put enough focus on El Salvador’s need to work on agricultural production, and it was premised on the idea that we would better buy – rather than produce – what we need. So we started buying vegetables from Guatemala, meat from Nicaragua, beans from Ethiopia. We abandoned the fields, as the politicians decided to turn El Salvador into a service provider country and started to sell the working force of our people to the United States.”

“What was the effect of abandoning the farms?” – the Vice-President continued. “This model caused exploitation and the development of an artificial economy, made out of flouting capitals that could come and go without any compromise to workers. People left the countryside to go to the city, to walk around avenues selling stuffs, or they decided to travel to the United States. This generated a profound poverty among the people. We had a country that expelled its own people, and it was great source of violence.”

“Now, by contrast, there is a strategic plan for developing the country’s agricultural sector. We allocated funds for USD 1,200 millions to reactivate the economy in the countryside. Among these, USD 647 millions have been allocated exclusively to renovate coffee plantations. In earlier times, El Salvador was a major coffee producer, making 4 or 5 million of quintals per year. This year we did not reach make one million. We are now getting back to our traditional production.”

Vice-President Ulloa and H.E. Ms. Carmen Maria Gallardo, Ambassador of El Salvador to the Netherlands.

Vice-President Ulloa went on to describe the new administration’s efforts to improve the security situation in the country. “From day one, the President took the decision of create the National Territorial Control Plan, a multi-phase national security strategy to combat gang violence, improve security and regain control over territories occupied by armed groups. Almost a third of the country was in the hands of gangs in 2019, we were losing our sovereignty. For example, there was an area that the government recuperated that hosted 500 houses, which criminal organisations had taken away from the people.”

“The second step of the strategy was to bring the state to the communities, building community-centered preventive strategies that create alternative opportunities for young people predisposed to criminal activity. This entailed creating educational and entrepreneurial opportunities; improving health and scholarship benefits; developing infrastructure projects such as schools, skate parks, and sports centers; increasing the public services, health, education, and sports – all this in order to bring back tranquillity to the people.”

“The completion of the first and second part of the strategy was achieved with our own monetary resources” – the Vice-President explained. “Then, at the third step, the President took two loans from the Central American Bank for Economic Integration (CABEI), one of 91 millions and a second one of 109 millions. These funds were used to fortify El Salvador’s national security forces, to better equip them with new resources and technology. The security forces were in a very bad conditions, while on the other hand gangs were very much better equipped.”

“With the Territorial Control Plan, we eliminated the control of the gangs on the territory of El Salvador. Looking at the statistics related to the levels of violence shows the effectiveness of our plan: before the plan, figures for daily deaths caused by the violence had two digits, while last August the figure was zero. In two years, we lowered that figure from an average of 19-20 daily deaths to 0-3. This is a clear indication of a radical change, almost a miracle, which changed our image and – together with other projects – allowed us to attract more foreign investments than any Central American country.”

The Vice-President went on to explain his country’s recent economic successes. “According to the projections by the Central Bank, CEPAL, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, our GDP is growing by 9%, as compared to our historical growth rate of only 2% – all of this despite the pandemic. Previsions were made according to which we would have a markedly negative impact in our growth, and yet we now display positive growth rates. Remittances, which are still our first source of income, increased by US 2,000 million this year – in 2021 we received US 7,000 million. The second income source, which is textiles, grew by 41%. Third comes plastics, fourth is pharmaceutical products, and fifth is sugar cane.”

“We created 66,000 new employments from January to June 2021. During the pandemic 5,000 new enterprises registered, mostly small and medium size businesses. They were supported by the government with emergency fonds to mitigate the economic impact of the pandemic. Sensitive sectors like tourism, hotels, and restaurants received loans with low interest rates of 2%, with one year of grace. Also, for the first time, not loans but donations were made to the artists (USD 50,000 to orchestras, USD 25,000 to mariachis, USD 10,000 to trios, and USD 1,000 to individual artists), coming from a US 600 million fund for the recuperation of enterprises. We are also supporting families with a food plan.”

“Also very controversial was a decision from the President to decree a salary increase of 20%. Traditional economists were reluctant regarding this measure, arguing that it would created inflation and unemployment, and that small businesses would not have the capacity to increase salaries. The government subsidised the 20% salary increase with money from our Central Bank for the first year, until businesses will reach a normalisation of production. President Bukele also allowed USD 100 millions to the Council of the Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises as credit to the informal business. More than 60% of our commercial activity is informal, not regulated, like people selling on streets. We are now formalising these enterprises through the provision of this credit.”

Diplomats of El Salvador in The Hague with Vice-President Ulloa and Ambassador Gallardo.

“The diaspora is also coming back to the country to instal their own businesses. This is mostly because of two reasons: the reactivation of the economy, and the return of security in the country. The government is supporting the diaspora to return with tutorials, financing, and everything they may need to be successful, including technical support, center of trainings for entrepreneurs, and 25 mobile units that go into the cities and remote areas in the country, each unit having space for 25 students. The instruction I received from the President is to make these programs last for the future.”

Vice-President Ulloa also provided an update on the revision of El Salvador’s legal structures, as well as on its efforts to promote regional integration. “We have also worked on a new constitution, which is now being reformulated. We are now revising the Protocol of Tegucigalpa, all the laws that need to be adapted to our times. This year we are celebrating 200 years of independence and the 30th anniversary of SICA (Sistema de la Integración Centroamericana), which was signed in 1991 originally by 5 countries, and then joined by Panama, Belize, and the Dominican Republic. These 8 states together represent the 4th economy of Latin America, second only to the economies of Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico. In terms of territory, SICA counts 580 million square kilometres. We are in the middle of a crisis, but we will go ahead. We have the same language, religion, and race, we can be stronger together and we will be so.”

Ulloa is also in charge of leading the El Salvadorian side on the El Salvador: A millennial leadership for a prosperous future proposed by the UN Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC). The Plan is a trinational treaty focused on improving the living conditions of border communities in Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and the South-East of Mexico, which includes eight border states of Mexico. This Comprehensive Development Plan is a development process consisting of environmental and territorial management in the region to promote development, security, migration governance, environmental protection, and energy security, as well as to address the structural causes of irregular migration. It involves 20 UN agencies, funds and programs operating in Latin America.

“This area is part of the former Maya region. This provides us with a unique cultural patrimony which has come under threat due to the violence generated by gangs. Cooperation started with USD 60 million donated by Mexico to develop small agri-projects, such as Young Making its Future from Honduras and Young Start Business from El Salvador. Each country presented its own projects to benefit from the general fund, and now donors are joining to increase the fund itself. By adding Colombia and Mexico and new programs, we are now seeking to overlook a Mesoamerican mechanism of almost 400 million habitants, with the goal to develop the entire region – because what affect one of us, also affects the others.”

Vice-President Ulloa continued by praising his President’s vision in regard to the introduction of cryptocurrencies in El Salvador’s economy. “Being only 39 years old, our President is the first president born during the digital era, a millennial, and people need to accelerate to catch up with him and his vision. For instance, he decided to start using a cryptocurrency as a regular currency in El Salvador. In this regard, the first question was: ‘how do we motivate the people to start doing business with this currency?’ President Bukele’s idea was to give USD 30 Big Coin money to each citizen, and people started to use it immediately. Now we have 3 millions of cryptocurrency accounts and you can go to the supermarket, to the gas station, to the pharmacy, to any business and pay with Big Coins and even get a 10% discount. The government framed the transactions through laws, and it is now mandatory for all commerce activities to accept the cryptocurrency. People can also change it to USD money. This is giving a new push to the economy. Now remittances are also in Big Coins, thus avoiding commission fees. Before, Salvadorians used to pay USD 400 million only in remittances commissions. Following our lead, other countries are now looking to introduce the cryptocurrency in their economy as we did. In December, we will meet in El Salvador with investors and businesspeople for consultations about the implementation of our cryptocurrency strategy.

All these successes, Vice-President Ulloa explained, were achieved despite major difficulties arising from both the country’s political scenario and external factors. “When we entered the government in 2019, we had an opposition-controlled legislature, and therefore it was difficult to implement any measure because of opposition from the congress. This year, in 2021, there was a huge change in the congress, because the people generated that change. We have asked our population to start looking at the government’s performance from now on. Previous years were marred by constant fights to get any policy approved, and the COVID-19 pandemic made everything more difficult. But true leaders have the capacity to grow during crises – and this was the case for our President, whose popularity grew enormously. In our region, we are the country that best managed the pandemic, as said by the World Health Organization. We have the biggest hospital in Latin America only dedicated to COVID-19, with more than 1,000 intensive care units. Up to now we are using different vaccines, including Johnson & Johnson, AstraZeneca, Sinovac and Pfizer – almost all except Sputnik.”

Our discussion with Vice-President Ulloa also touched on El Salvador’s major potential as a tourist destination. “El Salvador just hosted the 2021 ISA World Surfing Games, and it instantly became the new global surf destination. Fifty-two countries and 450 athletes participated in the competition, which saw Team France crowned with a golden medal. More important than anything for us, however, was that judges and participants found out that El Salvador is the only country that can host a surf tournament running non-stop from sunrise to sunset. The reason is that in most surf beaches the reflex of the sun on the water prevents judges from seeing manoeuvres from 12:00 to 16:00, thus limiting the competition time. This is not the case in our country. We have been awarded this privilege by mother nature. Now that the World Travel Agents Association Alliance said that the country is a safe country and a privileged surfing destination, we are climbing upwards in the international scene as a top place for surfers” – Vice-President Ulloa said with enthusiasm.

Botswana: Diamonds and challenges

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Botswana: Diamonds and challenges

Interview with Dr. Mokgweetsi Eric Keabetswe Masisi, President of Botswana

Four decades of uninterrupted civilian leadership, progressive social policies, and significant capital investment have made Botswana one of the most dynamic economies in Africa. H.E. Dr. Mokgweetsi Masisi, President of the Republic of Botswana, came to Brussels for high level political discussions, with the aim to show to all Botswana’s development and get support from the European Union to fight the country’s latest challenge, COVID-19.

Mineral extraction, principally diamond mining, dominates Botswana’s economic activities, although the country is also rich in copper, nickel, salt, soda ash, potash, coal, iron ore, and silver, and tourism is a growing sector thanks to the country’s solid conservation practices and its extensive natural reserves. 

Botswana is seeking to develop a knowledge-based economy through fiscal discipline and sound management. The country has transformed itself from one of the poorest countries in the world to a middle-income country, maintaining one of the world’s highest growth rates since independence in 1966. Botswana is also ranked by two different rankings as having the best credit risk in Africa.

“When you have limited resources, you are usually more efficient with them. We may have more supply of diamonds than other people, but we also really have to get the most out of them. With our culture of humility, we interact with everything and everyone with respect, trying to manage our resources so that they have a positive impact on the country.”

Interview with Dr. Mokgweetsi Eric Keabetswe Masisi, President of Botswana.

“Our first step has been to decree that all natural resources belong to the state, and this is fundamental. Diamonds and other resources are not privatized, they are a public national good. Therefore, it is up to the government to redistribute the wealth that comes from these resources. Moreover, we have put in place a legislative framework that governs this, so the process is rules-based” – President Masisi explained.

Diamond mining has fueled much of Botswana’s economic expansion and currently accounts for more than one-third of GDP and for nine-tenths of export earnings.

Botswana’s progressive land legislation in Sub-Saharan Africa allows for different regimes of land management, including tribal land, state land, and freehold land. Yet, natural resources are managed by the government even if they are extracted from land under the freehold regime. “You may own the land, but you do not own the minerals. That is to the state. The State will manage how the minerals are extracted, and issue licenses though regulations. Those who apply and are successful will manage the operations, and the state will tax and supervise them, so as to ensure public returns. The state is co-investor in this chain” – President Masisi explained.

While the state has asserted its ownership over the minerals, it is also engaged in major mining partnership with other countries that have invested in diamonds extraction and exploration in Botswana.

“There is South African company, which is an old Anglo-American company called De Beers, and Botswana’s government owns 50% of it. They are a big mining company. We regulate all of this, and we have developed a unique joint-venture between De Beer and Botswana’s Government. It is called Debswana, it is the world’s leading producer of diamonds by value, and it operates four diamond mines as well as a coal mine. It is a 50-50 partnership – a very successful one, and one of the longest in the world. We also have a sales agreement, we tax the company, and we collect royalties.”

“There is also a small Canadian company, Lucara Diamond Corp, which operates a mine, and it has an exploration licence that it has managed very successfully.” Lucara also owns Clara Diamond Solutions, a digital sales platform which ensures diamond provenance.

Despite this natural wealth, the government still has to deal with high rates of unemployment and poverty, as well as with the highest rates in the world on HIV. Lately, COVID-19 has added further pressure on the country’s health situation.

“To begin with, as you well know, the impact of COVID-19 was devastating – as everywhere in the world. Being in the developing world, Botswana received vaccines only late, and only a small amount of them. Therefore, it was upon us to leverage our values and our own strength to promote prevention. We launched a sensibilization campaign, we put together a Covid presidential task team to develop health protocols, and as we learned more we sought to inform the public about COVID-19. This worked very well for us for a while” – President Masisi recounted.

Botswana implemented an ambitious national prevention program before the arrival of vaccines.

“Only prevention was standing between us and the graves. We made prevention from COVID-19 a number one priority nationally, so we reprioritized our budget, moving huge sums into the prevention campaign. We invested in medicines and PPE equipment, we expanded the capacity of hospitals, we trained our health staff, we launched a massive multimedia information campaign, inviting people to follow protocols. We also started to buy vaccines through the COVAX initiatives and through bilateral arrangements, spending a considerable amount of money for a small country like Botswana. Luckily, we managed to benefit from higher diamond prices to fund our efforts. Our diamond money has always been used for development, and the same has happened during COVID-19 times.”

Against the backdrop of the pandemic’s devastating effects, the country is now on track to vaccinate 64% of the population before the end of the year.

President Masisi also drew attention to the National Vision 2036 program and to the government’s efforts to raise Botswana to the rank of High-Income Nation by that year.

Part of these efforts hinge on energy reforms. “We are revamping the country, increasing and diversifying our sourcing and generation of electricity. We have an integrated resource plan by which we want to diversify our energy risks, so that we do not only depends on thermo electricity, but we also get electricity from the sun. We are introducing solar energy generation on a large scale. We also have the intention to tap into the wind’s energy generation potential, when research is completed, and investments will come into the sector. We hope that the private sector will invest in this.”

As part of the national development program, the government is also implementing a vast sanitation program that relies on improving sanitation facilities. “We are a very water-scarce country. Water is really precious – hence the name of our currency, Pula, which means rain.  Pula is very important – ‘well wishes’ is Pula, ‘goodbye’ is Pula. Despite water scarcity, however, Botswana does have a good crops production and livestock rearing, although for some crops it is hard to grow due to the climate conditions.”

The President continued by highlighting the effects of climate change in Botswana. “Climate change affects Botswana a lot, and all we have to do is to invest a lot on adaptation. Rising heat has the potential to harm those who are more vulnerable, like the youngest and the oldest segments of the population. Heat also affects the ability to work during the day, particularly for those who go to school or work in the fields. We feel the heat waves very badly. We also have to face the challenge of limited rainfall, which has a direct effect on the flora and the fauna.”

The President also praised his country’s commitment to address climate change related issues. “We certainly feel the effect of climate change, and we are playing our part in contributing to the reduction of emissions.” Botswana has signed international environmental agreements related to Biodiversity and Climate Change, Desertification, Endangered Species, Hazardous Wastes, Law of the Sea, Nuclear Test Ban, Ozone Layer Protection, Wetlands, as well as the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement on climate change.

“Let’s hope that it will rain in Botswana” – President Masisi said. “Let’s hope that we can also get fertilizers, because COVID-19 has disrupted supply chains and the cost of fertilizers has increased more than three times, making it more difficult for us to afford it.”

President Masisi also talked about Botswana’s relations with the European Union. “We talked to the European Union about their diplomatic engagement in our country, which has a strong focus on green energy and on partnerships related to climate adaptation projects. These include replanting efforts, interventions in small-scale agriculture, interventions in the industry sector to promote efficiency, the establishment of early warning systems, as well as interventions in the education sector, so that there is more content on issues related to the environment.”

President Masisi was optimistic when talking to us about Botswana’s social and economic recovery. “Botswana is stable. We don’t have security challenges in terms of terrorism, for instance – we never had them. We just deal with what any country would occasionally have to deal with do.”

Our conversation finally turned to the President’s beloved land, which is – in the President’s words – a true paradise. “I can speak about my country because this is what I know best. This is not to suggest that tourism is not vibrant in other countries – the region is amazing. But Botswana is unique, it is a gem. It is the epicenter of southern Africa. We have majestic sites and venues. The Okavango Rive, for instance, which ends into the Kalahari desert. The river comes from the highlands of Angola, and is also shared with Namibia. It is not a small river – its inflow is above 11.3 billions cubic liters of the freshest, cleanest, and tastiest water you can imagine. Its delta in the desert of Kalahari creates a unique environment with a fantastic aquatic life. You can see the fishes, the frogs, the butterflies, the antelopes, the crocodiles, the biggest elephants, the birds. Everything that has been created, you will find it there. I don’t know if you read the Genesis in the Bible. You get immersed into the nature, your feel into your skin, your breath. In the Okavango delta in Botswana you can visit the Garden of Eden.”

H.E. Mr. Samuel Outlule, Ambassador of Botswana and Diplomat Magazine’s Publisher.

Diplomat Magazine wishes to thank H.E. Mr. Samuel Outlule, Botswana’s ambassador to Belgium and a true top-notch diplomat, for organising our meeting with President Masisi in a remarkable way.

Photography by August Zeidman.

Some of Costa Rica’s Contributions for Combating Climate Change

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Some of Costa Rica’s Contributions for Combating Climate Change

By H.E. Mr. Arnoldo Brenes Castro, Ambassador of the Republic of Costa Rica to the Kingdom of the Netherlands

One of the tangible outcomes of the recent United Nations Climate Change Conference 2021 (COP26) is a Leader’s Declaration on Forests and Land Use, so far subscribed by 141 countries. In this Declaration, a commitment was established to “working collectively to halt and reverse forest loss and land degradation by 2030”, which includes strengthening efforts to “conserve forests and other terrestrial ecosystems and accelerate their restoration”. This is an area where Costa Rica’s experience may be of interest to other countries. As a Costa Rican, I refer to it with much pride.

Indeed, for its successful forest and ecosystem conservation model, shortly before the COP 26 Costa Rica received UK’s Royal Foundation “Earthshot” award in the Protect and Restore Nature category, awarded to incentivize change and help repair the planet for the next ten years, a crucial decade for Earth. The award is an acknowledgement of the Costa Rican conservation model, which has made it possible to protect a large part of its biodiversity—around 5% of the world’s known species— combining a System of Conservation Areas with a Payment for Environmental Services (PES) program to reverse deforestation.

To assess the path Costa Rica took towards a remarkable recovery of its tree coverage, it must first be noted that between 1950 and 1987 forest coverage in Costa Rica dropped from 72% to 21%, with a deforestation rate of 3.9% per year, or 50,000 hectares, one of the largest rates in the world. This was due to a great extent to policies and legislation that provided positive incentives to agriculture, cattle ranching and forest clearing. Thus, a first key element was a change in policies and legislation to remove any such incentives.

On the other hand, Costa Rica’s National Forestry Law N° 4465 of 1969 provided for the creation and administration of a system of National Parks and Biological Reserves, which in 1998 was transformed into the National System of Conservation Areas. Between 1974 and 1978 protected areas expanded from 3% to 12% of the national territory, and from 1993 to 2011 from 12.5% to 26%. These protected areas include national parks, biological reserves, wildlife refuges, wetlands and private reserves. Costa Rica has currently some 163 protected areas covering 1,840,448 hectares, equivalent to 26.21% of the nation’s continental territory and 2.7% of its sea surface.

The final element was the development of a program to incentivize forest protection and reforestation. This was done mostly through the Payment of Environmental Services Program, which is a financial mechanism that promotes forest conservation and sustainable forest management. It is administered by the National Forestry Financing Fund or Fondo Nacional de Financiamiento Forestal (FONAFIFO), established in 1996 by the new Forestry Law No. 7575. A voluntary contract with land owners is drawn, through which land-use practices likely to secure environmental services are paid for by the government. Participants who implement forest protection, reforestation, natural forest regeneration, or agroforestry systems are eligible for payments because of the environmental services provided by their land voluntarily registered at FONAFIFO. 

In accordance with the Forestry Law Nº. 7575, Costa Rica recognizes as environmental services the mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions (fixation, reduction, sequestration, storage and absorption); protection of biodiversity for its conservation and its sustainable, scientific and pharmaceutical use, research and genetic improvement, as well as for the protection of ecosystems and ways of life; water protection for urban, rural or hydroelectric use; and scenic natural beauty for tourism and scientific purposes. 

The program is funded through Costa Rica’s fuel tax (3.5% of the fuel tax goes to the environmental services program), financial contributions through the ordinary and extraordinary budget, and donations or credits by national and international organizations, and public-private partnerships. Between 1997 and 2019, more than 18,000 contracts have been subscribed under the program, for an accumulated total coverage of 1,312,686 hectares and 8,089,423 trees in agroforestry systems. 

Through the combination of these initiatives, today around 54% of Costa Rica’s land territory has tree covering.

In October 2020, the Payments for Environmental Services Program obtained the 2020 United Nations Global Climate Action Award, under the category “Financing for Climate Friendly Investment”. This award is granted to the projects that are recognized as innovative solutions to address climate change, and also drive progress in other Sustainable Development Goals (SGDs), such as innovation, gender equality and economic opportunity.

In September 2019, Costa Rica also received the Champions of the Earth award, the UN’s highest environmental honor, for its role in the protection of nature and its commitment to ambitious policies to combat climate change. This award was presented to Costa Rica in the Policy Leadership category for its plan to decarbonize its economy by 2050, in line with the Paris Climate Agreement and the UN’s’ Sustainable Development Goals.

Costa Rica’s National Decarbonization Plan (NDP) was presented in February 2019 and includes mid- and long-term targets to reform transport, energy, waste and land use. The aim is to achieve net zero emissions by 2050, meaning the country will produce no more greenhouse gas emissions than it can offset through its forests and other carbon sinks. The NDP proposes a set of actions organized around ten axis related to the main economic and infrastructure sectors of Costa Rica’s economy. Of the economic sectors, transportation and mobilization pose pressing challenges, as the country faces a lag in infrastructure and standards, and the efficiency and access to public transportation should be improved. The NDP contemplates that 70% of all buses and taxis should be electric by 2030, with full electrification projected for 2050. Other challenges lie in improving processes to reduce energy use and carbon intensity in buildings, industry, agriculture, and livestock, as well as in collecting, treating, and reusing liquid and solid waste.

The electricity sector, on the other hand, is very close to producing zero emissions. Costa Rica has been running on more than 98% renewable energy since 2014; in 2020 it was 99.78%.  Around 72% of its energy comes from hydropower, 14.9% from geothermal sources, 12% from wind and 0.54% ​​from biomass and solar panels.  In 2017, the country ran for a record 300 days solely on renewable power. The aim is to achieve 100 per cent renewable electricity by 2030.

When environmental concerns are placed at the heart of political and economic policies, sustainability and measures to combat climate change are both achievable and economically viable. In reality, we have no other choice at this time in history. Although many areas remain where there is still room for improvement, Costa Rica’s experience proves this is possible, and the strategies it has been implementing might be of help to some countries that share the will to bring about a much-needed progress in the global efforts to combat climate change.

Le poivre pili-pili

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Le poivre pili-pili

Par Alexander Khodakov

Ce sont de petits poivrons rouges, jaunes ou verts. Ils sont à vendre partout – exposés sur des morceaux de carton au bord de la route dans les villages, mais aussi au centre-ville. Ce légume a l’air le plus innocent, on a bien envie de mordre dedans. Attention ! C’est un piège, un trompe-l’œil – ces poivrons sont extrêmement piquants. La harissa nord-africaine n’est qu’une mayonnaise douce comparée au pili-pili, le sambal indonésien pourrait leur faire concurrence, mais même ce piment très fort paraît céder le palmarès au pili-pili. On en fait une sauce bien piquante en mélangeant des poivrons finement hachés à l’huile d’olive. Cette sauce est disponible dans les boutiques, mais certains préfèrent la fabriquer eux-mêmes.

L’épouse de l’ambassadeur en tombe victime la première. Peu après son arrivée, l’ambassadeur est invité avec son épouse à la réception que le président du pays donne pour le corps diplomatique. Madame l’ambassadrice est assise à côté d’un ministre gabonais ; elle parle français avec aisance et engage avec celui-ci une conversation polie. On mange en même temps. Le ministre prend un morceau de viande dans son assiette, l’imbibe dans la sauce rouge qui est posée sur la table à plusieurs endroits, et l’engouffre dans sa bouche. « Mmm, c’est bon ! » – dit-il à madame. Crédule, elle suit son exemple. Aussitôt que la sauce touche sa langue, elle réalise l’envergure de la catastrophe – ça brûle énormément, c’est intolérable – mais on ne peut pas cracher à une réception présidentielle ! Elle a une bouffée de chaleur, la sueur coule sur son front… enfin, en faisant un effort héroïque elle pousse le morceau dedans avec un grand verre d’eau. Entretemps l’infâme ministre l’observe cachant avec peine un sourire moqueur. Madame se ressaisit et continue même la conversation avec ce type, comme si de rien n’était. Une vraie femme de diplomate !

Le pili-pili frappe très vite encore. Les victimes suivantes sont le cuisinier Nikolaï, sa femme Nina et leurs voisins d’étage, les Konouzine. Nikolaï connaît bien son métier. Il est très inventif et aime expérimenter. Le plus souvent ses essais sont couronnés de succès. L’ambassadeur approuve de nouveaux plats et les offre à ses invités. Cette fois Nikolaï décide d’essayer quelque chose de simple : une sauce pili-pili. À cette fin, il faut émincer des poivrons ce qui se fait à l’aide d’un hachoir mécanique. La masse obtenue est mélangée à l’huile d’olive et la besogne est ainsi vite terminée. Mais ce n’est pas la fin de l’histoire.

L’opération se faisait dans la salle commune de leur appartement où il n’y avait pas de climatisation. On travaillait à mains nues. Comme il faisait chaud, tout le monde portait le minimum de vêtements requis pour rester civilisé – les maillots de bain. En éminçant des poivrons chacun d’eux touche au moins une fois une partie quelconque de son corps – on essuie la sueur du front, on gratte son bras ou sa hanche etc. Peu après ils s’aperçoivent que cela commence à brûler. Sous-estimer la force du pili-pili était une grosse erreur !

La peau devient rouge et brûle de plus en plus. Ils mettent les parties affectées sous un jet d’eau froide, puis sous le courant d’air froid qui sort d’un climatiseur. Aucun effet. Ça continue à faire mal, il faut aller chercher d’urgence l’aide d’un docteur. Pourtant c’est un dimanche. Toutes les cliniques privées sont fermées. Leur dernier espoir – le docteur Stoffel. Lui, il doit être là.

Heureusement, le docteur est là, en train de boire du whisky. Il applique une crème avec anesthétique, la douleur devient supportable. Les malchanceux expérimentateurs reviennent chez eux, riche d’une nouvelle connaissance – le pili-pili, cela exige du respect.

Information sur l’auteur:

Alexander Khodakov

Né à Moscou en 1952, Alexander Khodakov fait ses études de droit  à  l’Institut de relations internationales de Moscou (MGIMO). Après trois ans à MGIMO, il fait un an d’études à l’université d’Alger. En 1974 il est recruté par le Ministère des affaires étrangères de l’URSS et part en poste au Gabon. Rentré à Moscou, il intègre le département juridique du Ministère. De 1985 à  1991 il travaille  à New York au sein de la mission permanente de l’URSS auprès des Nations unies. De retour à Moscou en 1991 il revient au département juridique, dont il devient directeur en 1994. Quatre ans plus tard il est nommé ambassadeur de Russie aux Pays-Bas et représentant permanent auprès de l’Organisation pour l’interdiction des armes chimiques (OIAC). En 2004 il passe au service de l’OIAC comme directeur des projets spéciaux et ensuite secrétaire des organes directifs. En 2011 il rejoint le greffe de la Cour pénale internationale et exerce pendant trois ans comme conseiller spécial pour les relations extérieures.

Depuis 2015 il vit  à La Haye, avec sa famille. Il a écrit Cuisine Diplomatique un vibrant récit des histoires inédites sur sa vie diplomatique.

Finland makes an additional contribution of EUR 275,000 to the Trust Fund for Victims, earmarked to Lubanga reparations

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Finland makes an additional contribution of EUR 275,000 to the Trust Fund for Victims, earmarked to Lubanga reparations

The Trust Fund for Victims (TFV) at the International Criminal Court (ICC) is pleased to announce that in 2021, the Government of Finland is making an additional voluntary contribution to the TFV, earmarked to reparations. The amount of EUR 275,000 will go to the implementation of reparation measures in the Lubanga case, which concern harm suffered by child soldiers (2002-2003) in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This is the first time Finland provided an earmarked contribution to reparations resources.

Speaking on Finland’s increased support to the TFV and the Rome Statute, H.E. Pekka Haavisto, Minister of Foreign Affairs said, “One of Finland’s key foreign policy objectives is to support the international rules-based system, in which the ICC has a unique role. It is important that the victims be heard and involved in the process but they should also be supported in coping with their ordeal.”

Thanking the Government of Finland, TFV Executive Director Pieter de Baan said, “As it becomes one of the TFV’s largest donors, Finland’s invaluable engagement with the TFV is taking a welcome next turn, earmarking their contribution to reparations for the benefit of former child soldiers, in the Lubanga case. The TFV  is extremely grateful for Finland’s trust and looks forward to continue to cooperate and work together in ensuring reparative justice for the victims of the most heinous crimes.”

***

On 14 March 2012, Thomas Lubanga Dylio was found guilty, as a co-perpetrator, of the war crimes of conscripting and enlisting children under the age of 15 years and using them to participate actively in hostilities in the DRC from 1 September 2002 to 13 August 2003.

On 3 March 2015, the Appeals Chamber issued the amended Reparations Order against Mr Lubanga. On 15 December 2017, the Trial Chamber set the amount of Mr Lubanga’s liability for collective service-based and symbolic reparations at USD 10 million. On 18 July 2019, the Appeals Chamber confirmed the decision.

With the collective service-based reparation programme in place since 15 March 2021, the TFV provides former child soldiers and their families with physical, psychological and socio-economic rehabilitation, aiming at facilitating their reintegration into society.

As the convicted person has been found to be indigent, the TFV continues to strive to make more funds available through voluntary contributions by States and private actors to facilitate the payment of the collective reparation award. To date, the TFV has complemented 49% of the total liability amount set in the Lubanga case.

With this contribution, Finland recognizes the importance of the TFV’s work to enable the victims of the crimes for which the International Criminal Court orders reparations to receive reparations for the harm they have suffered.

The triumph of Boric in Chile and the opportunity for a new regionalism

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The triumph of Boric in Chile and the opportunity for a new regionalism

By Juan Martin Gonzalez Cabañas

The triumph of Gabriel Boric in Chile is not only a political and geopolitical earthquake in fact is a triumph with high symbolic content in the region: It is the triumph of an alternative political force in the cradle of neoliberalism in the region, the first laboratory of the Chicago School in South America, a market dictatorship and minimum state imposed on violence by Augusto Pinochet in a military coup in 1974 and consolidated as a neoliberal democracy in the 1990s, under a supposed “centrist consensus” between post-Pinochetist conservative forces and the traditional Chilean left (la Concertación, which had former presidents Ricardo Lagos and Michelle Bachelet as top exponents). A supposed democratic consensus that in practice didn’t change the economic, social and political structures inherited from the military dictatorship.

This result seems to throw away that so-called Myth of Chilean Exceptionality: the archetype of the ideal neoliberal state, which for years inspired the discourses of the liberal right-wing forces of South America, a model of economic growth with a minimum State and high entrepreneurial freedom, under an alleged aura of social and political stability, the (neo) liberal order to be emulated throughout the region.  But that order has been broken in Chile.

First the 2011 student protests (in which Boric participated) would give a preview of the movements that were brewing in the roots of Chilean society. Finally, the breaking point would be the 2019–2021 protests (el estallido) – with similar protests throughout South America with a clear anti-neoliberal and status quo emphasis – would lead to the election of a reformist constitutional assembly and now this December as a result of the election of Gabriel Boric as president, a clear revisionist of the neoliberal paradigm in his country.

Such a rupture could not have been explained more concretely than by Boric himself in his speech as elected president: “an economic growth which is based on deep inequality has feet of clay”.

Such events are cause for illusions, justified or not, not only in Chile, but throughout the region for those who preach an alternative model of society to the neoliberal paradigm.

Gabriel Boric’s resounding triumph on December 19 has sparked debate about a possible “Second Pink Tide” in South America, to some extent the outcome of this election – as well as that of Pedro Castillo in Peru and Arce in Bolivia – have given new vigor to this idea, which while debatable, the fact that Boric’s victory is a breath of fresh air for the besieged progressive governments after two years of pandemic and a turbulent and volatile international scenario for some time now can’t be denied.

The 2019 wave of protest in South America and the electoral defeat of Mauricio Macri in Argentina the same year added to the Covid 19 pandemic and its effects on the region extended for more than a year (the dramatic drop in approval levels of the Bolsonaro administration in Brazil as a paradigmatic example) seem to converge in a single diagnosis: the neoliberal paradigm in South America (and Latin America) is in crisis.

This terminal crisis is already evident. But the alternative forces to this paradigm have not yet been able to assert their bases. So, a long and laborious post-neoliberal process is foreseen. 

Following a quote from Gramsci, times of crisis are those where: “the old is dying and the new cannot be born yet”. Progressive governments with post-neoliberal paradigms of the first Pink Tide could not consolidate Counter-Hegemony within their countries (institutional and cultural structures of neoliberalism) nor counterbalance the influence of the United States at regional level through joint action. 

In geopolitical and institutional terms, virtually all the processes and organizations of regional integration in South America and Latin America are now standstill. Both historical regional organizations (such as MERCOSUR) and those driven by the progressive Pink Tide: CELAC, UNASUR.

It will be the challenge of Boric as well as the next leaders who will emerge from the electoral cycle in 2022 in the region to re-enact, revitalize the regionalism of La Patria Grande.

The political process that in 2022 will be able to map out more precisely future regional trends in this regard will be the presidential election in Brazil in October, where today Lula da Silva has a wide advantage according to most public opinion polls.

Lula’s victory -the alternative forces to the neoliberal project and the unipolar alignment to the US, now represented by the Bolsonaro administration in Brazil, would be the necessary change to turn the tide regionally and provide the political strength required to revitalize the regional unity project.

From 2022 onwards, a new convergence between the governments of Argentina, Brazil and Chile would allow to relaunch the postponed ABC platform (Argentina, Brazil, Chile) proposed by Peronism in the 50s.

The ABC project and Continentalismo are both strategic concepts of the geopolitical doctrine of Peronism. And in such doctrine, they are the basis for the realization of the South American Union. Such a union would allow the consolidation of an autonomous continental pole that would counterbalance the influence of the great powers in the region, still valid ideas in an increasingly multipolar and complex world, in which new competences, debates and paradigms emerge.

About the author: 

Juan Martin Gonzalez Cabañas.


Juan Martin Gonzalez Cabañas is Argentinian researcher and author. Currently he is serving as the Advisor to the Argentinian Parliament, Chamber of Provinces (Corrientes Province MPs).

Passing of Archbishop Desmond Tutu

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Passing of Archbishop Desmond Tutu

Archbishop Desmond Tutu, member of the first Board of Directors of the Trust Fund for Victims at the International Criminal Court

The Trust Fund for Victims (TFV) at the International Criminal Court (ICC) announces with great sadness the passing of Archbishop Desmond Tutu, former member of the first Board of Directors, on Sunday, 26 December 2021.

We mourn with deep regret the departure of Archbishop Desmond Tutu, as we stay behind in shock from the loss of his bravery, engagement and inspiring leadership.

A Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Archbishop Tutu was elected to the first TFV Board of directors on 12 September 2003 and remained a member until 2009.

The TFV Chair of the Board of Directors Minou Tavárez Mirabal praised the legacy and moral leadership of the Archbishop: “On behalf of the TFV Board, we recall Archbishop Tutu’s uncompromising passion for justice, peace and reconciliation.  His steadfast commitment and engagement with the TFV in the fight for the rights of victims of the most heinous crimes under the Rome Statute was a true testament of his faith and actions towards ending oppression, intolerance and injustice, as well as advocating and creating a better, more peaceful and more just place for the most vulnerable wherever they are in the world. We are extremely grateful for his influence and guidance aimed at strengthening the impact of the TFV and the important role it plays in making reparative justice a reality for survivors.”

Vice Chair Ibrahim Sorie Yillah joined in bereavement, “I convey my heartfelt condolences to Archbishop Tutu’s family. As a newly elected member of the TFV Board representing African States Parties, I hope to continue  the Archbishop’s journey and honor his memory and the immeasurable example he set for the international community and the world in his rooted devotion to the cause of justice and human rights and his fight for victims and survivors, starting with his beloved country, South Africa and extending to the rest of the world.”

Mourning the passing of Archbishop Tutu, TFV Executive Director Pieter de Baan said: “A brave voice for justice at home and globally, Archbishop Tutu was a beacon of perseverance, and empathy for those suffering harm from crimes and injustice. As a member of our first Board of Directors, Archbishop Tutu charted the first course, and set the tone, for the Trust Fund for Victims’ unique, innovative, and victim-centered mandate of reparative justice. ”

As a member of the TFV Board of Directors, Desmond Tutu has stated: “We want to recognize those who over the several years have been the faceless ones, the anonymous ones, the ones who have been side-passed, and so in that process, help to heal trauma, help to heal wounded communities, help to make whole what was broken.”

Desmond Tutu was a prominent human rights leader and activist who championed for justice and peace throughout his life. Among the many awards he received, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on 16 October 1984 for his “role as a unifying leader figure in the campaign to resolve the problem of apartheid in South Africa”, as cited by the Nobel Committee.

Anne McAuliffe de Guzman, new Mechanism Judge

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Anne McAuliffe de Guzman, new Mechanism Judge

Secretary-General appoints Judge Margaret Anne McAuliffe de Guzman of
United States of America to serve as Mechanism Judge

Arusha, The Hague, 23 December 2021– The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. António Guterres, has appointed Judge Margaret Anne McAuliffe de Guzman of the United States of America to the roster of Judges of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (Mechanism), effective 22 December 2021.

Judge de Guzman brings to the Mechanism academic and professional experience spanning more than two decades. Since 2009, she has worked at Temple University Beasley School of Law, Philadelphia, where she currently serves as the James E. Beasley, Professor of Law and Co-Director of the Institute for International Law and Public Policy. In addition, she has since 2016 consulted on projects related to international criminal law, human rights and transitional justice at the Public International Law & Policy Group in Washington, D.C., where she is a Senior Legal Advisor. Previously, Judge de Guzman held various legal positions at both the national and international levels.

Judge de Guzman has published extensively in the field of international criminal law and is an active member of many professional boards and organizations. Currently, she is the Co-chair of the Women in International Law Interest Group of the American Society of International Law. In addition, she has been an Editorial Board Member of the African Journal of International Criminal Justice since 2014, and of the Forum for International Criminal and Humanitarian Law since 2011.

Judge de Guzman was appointed to the Mechanism’s roster of Judges following the resignation of Judge Theodor Meron on 17 November 2021 and will serve the remainder of Judge Meron’s term of office, which expires on 30 June 2022.

In accordance with its Statute, the Mechanism has a roster of 25 independent Judges who serve both the Arusha and The Hague branches of the Mechanism.

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