Azerbaijan and the Netherlands – celebrating 30 years of diplomatic relationship

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By H.E. Mr. Fikrat Akhundov, Ambassador of the Republic of Azerbaijan

This year marks an important milestone in bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Netherlands. In 2022 the two countries celebrate 30 years of diplomatic relationship. The Netherlands first recognized the independence of Azerbaijan on December 31, 1991 and on April 1, 1992 the diplomatic relations were established. Azerbaijan opened its embassy in The Hague in 2007, while the Netherlands opened in 2009. 

For the last 30 years the relations between Azerbaijan and the Netherlands had a trajectory of development in different spheres, from agriculture and horticulture to logistics, from education to tourism, culture and so on. In 2015, within the visit of the delegation led by the Minister of Economy of Azerbaijan the Netherlands- Azerbaijan Business Forum was held in the Netherlands. Along with officials, nearly 50 businessmen operating in agriculture, food industry, construction, finance, energy, consulting and other fields took part in the Forum. Today 50 Dutch companies work in Azerbaijan in different fields.

Baku, Azerbaijan.

In way to enhance economic cooperation between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, “Azerbaijan Netherlands Business Hub” was officially launched in Baku in 2016. The hub has an extensive business and educational network both in Azerbaijan and the Netherlands. Azerbaijan’s main export products include oil products, organic chemicals, fruits, including dried fruits and wine. In this regard, the local Dutch companies work closely with their Azerbaijani partners and Azerbaijan wines and fruits participate at different exhibitions in the Netherlands.

The Dutch chocolatier company “La feve”, for example uses Azerbaijani dried fruits for their signature chocolate products. Meanwhile Dutch companies participate at different annual exhibitions in Azerbaijan, most notably at Agriculture Exhibition- Caspian Agro.

It should be noted that Azerbaijan is interested in development and diversification of its economy and the Netherlands have the experience and tools to assist in this issue.

Azerbaijan widely used the expertise and experience of Dutch specialists in agriculture, as well as in the water management. Water management is one of the crucial issues for Azerbaijan and the involvement of Dutch companies in the clean water projects, providing environmental solutions to pollution of lakes by oil spills, in Baku and suburbs had a positive input to the relations between these two countries. Environmental and green energy issues are also one of the main aspects of cooperation, as upon the decree of the President of Azerbaijan in 2016, the priorities and roadmap of non-oil sector were set.

By H.E. Mr. Fikrat Akhundov, Ambassador of the Republic of Azerbaijan

Those spheres have been attractive for the bilateral economic relations. As an example, it is worth noting that Dutch companies operate in the sphere of the logistics in Baku, at the largest seaport in the South Caucasus- Baku International Sea Trade Port (Port of Baku). The planning, design, engineering and construction of Port of Baku also belong to the Dutch companies. Even during the worst times of COVID-19 pandemic, in 2020, foreign trade between the two countries reached $ 104 million. And that is the proof of the interest and the high level of cooperation between Azerbaijan and the Netherlands. Also, the socio-economic and political stability in the countries create a friendly environment for further sustainable economic growth.

Though the economic relations have always been the fundamental element of bilateral relations between states, the people to people relationship is much more essential and longterm. In this regards, the city of Oisterwijk has a hero, who fought for the liberation of the Netherlands shoulder to shoulder with his Dutch brothers and sisters and the city still commemorates this national hero from Azerbaijan.

Mammad “Medo” Mammadov who was a member of the guerrilla movement during World War II and who stayed in the Netherlands afterwards is dear to the hearts of the residents of Oestervejk and has become the bridge between the city of Zagatala, the hometown of Medo and Oestervejk, his second home. The two cities now cooperate in the framework of sister cities and every year the residents of Oestervejk commemorate this common hero of Azerbaijan and the Netherlands.

Offshore Oil Platform, Caspian Sea.

Moreover, ADA University in Baku and Maastricht school of management have mutual master program and through these program, Azerbaijani students have a chance to study and get the educational experience in the Netherlands. The program provides graduates with the diplomas of both ADA and MSM. Having one of the largest Azerbaijani Diasporas in Europe, the Dutch-Azerbaijanis have fully integrated to the Dutch society and proudly represent Azerbaijan and the Netherlands. Therefore, there is a street called Rotterdam in Baku, and Baku Street in Rotterdam. A monument to the victims of the Khojaly genocide, dedicated to the one of the tragic pages in the history of modern Azerbaijan has been erected in The Hague, first time in Europe.

Azerbaijan considers the Netherlands an ally and a reliable partner in both bilateral and multilateral field. The relations between the Netherlands and Azerbaijan have been growing on a positive scale for the last thirty years. The relations are built on mutual respect to territorial integrity and sovereignty and it can be noted with a great certainty that would further grow based on those principles and bringing even closer the people and the states of the Netherlands and Azerbaijan.

Quelle Justice PĂ©nale Internationale Pour “Le Monde D’aprĂšs”?

Par Me Johann Soufi

Le dĂ©veloppement de la justice pĂ©nale internationale est, depuis ses dĂ©buts, Ă©troitement liĂ© Ă  celui du multilatĂ©ralisme. Alors que notre monde globalisĂ© se retrouve confrontĂ© Ă  des dĂ©fis sans prĂ©cĂ©dent dans l’histoire de l’humanitĂ© (notamment le rĂ©chauffement climatique), on assiste – paradoxalement – depuis plusieurs annĂ©es, Ă  une remise en cause profonde de ce mode de gouvernance, de ses valeurs et de ses outils, au profit d’actions politiques et militaires fragmentĂ©es, voire unilatĂ©rales. L’agression de l’Ukraine par la Russie illustre douloureusement cette tendance.

La crise du multilatĂ©ralisme signifie-t-elle pour autant que la justice pĂ©nale internationale n’a pas sa place dans le monde de demain ? Rien n’est moins sĂ»r. L’émoi lĂ©gitime que suscite l’invasion de l’Ukraine pourrait, au contraire, ĂȘtre l’occasion de redynamiser une justice internationale encore trop dĂ©pendante des intĂ©rĂȘts des grandes puissances, pour lui offrir un nouveau souffle et consacrer sa dimension universelle.

L’essor du multilatĂ©ralisme et de la justice pĂ©nale internationale.

Les lendemains de la seconde guerre mondiale voient naĂźtre plusieurs institutions globales dans le domaine de la sĂ©curitĂ©, de la paix et de la protection des droits de l’homme (notamment l’Organisation des Nations Unies). L’idĂ©e de sanctionner les auteurs de crimes internationaux germe dans ce contexte avec la crĂ©ation des tribunaux militaires de Nuremberg et de Tokyo en 1946 et la signature des conventions de GenĂšve en 1949.

Largement interrompu avec le dĂ©clenchement de la Guerre froide, ce mouvement reprend Ă  la fin du XXĂšme siĂšcle avec la chute de l’Empire SoviĂ©tique. C’est ainsi que naissent les premiĂšres juridictions pĂ©nales internationales « modernes Â», le Tribunal pĂ©nal international pour l’Ex-Yougoslavie en 1993 et celui pour le Rwanda un an plus tard. D’autres tribunaux ad hoc, en Sierra-Leone, au Cambodge, au Liban et ailleurs voient Ă©galement le jour dans la premiĂšre partie du XXIĂšme siĂšcle avec le soutien politique, juridique ou technique de l’ONU.

En 2002, la Cour pĂ©nale internationale (CPI), juridiction Ă  vocation universelle et permanente, fait ses premiers pas. Depuis, la CPI (qui compte dĂ©sormais 123 États membres) enquĂȘte sur les gĂ©nocides, les crimes contre l’HumanitĂ©, les crimes de guerre et le crime d’agression aux quatre coins de la planĂšte.

Le contexte gĂ©opolitique ayant favorisĂ© l’émergence de ces juridictions pĂ©nales internationales est dĂ©sormais rĂ©volu. En dĂ©clenchant un conflit armĂ© majeur sur le sol europĂ©en et en recourant Ă  la force en dehors du cadre prĂ©vu par la Charte des Nations Unies, Vladimir Poutine a mis en relief un changement de paradigme des relations internationales qui n’a pourtant pas dĂ©butĂ© avec la guerre en Ukraine. Cette tendance, qui risque de marquer durablement les relations inter-Ă©tatiques pour les annĂ©es avenir, s’est toutefois accompagnĂ©e d’initiatives judiciaires et quasi-judiciaires uniques dans l’histoire de la justice internationale.

Le Lawfare de la guerre en Ukraine

Le nĂ©ologisme Lawfare, en anglais, est une contraction des mots Law (le droit) et Warfare (la guerre). Pour le Professeur Julian Fernandez, il se dĂ©finit comme « la volontĂ© de toute partie Ă  un conflit de se servir du droit international Ă  des fins stratĂ©giques, d’invoquer la violation d’une norme opposable Ă  un adversaire moins pour obtenir rĂ©paration que pour fragiliser un discours et renforcer ainsi sa propre position dans une situation de tensions Â». En somme, la guerre par le droit. Si les moyens du Lawfare ont Ă©tĂ© utilisĂ© bien avant le dĂ©but de la guerre en Ukraine, ils l’ont rarement Ă©tĂ© de maniĂšre aussi rapide et gĂ©nĂ©ralisĂ©e.

Le 26 fĂ©vrier 2022, deux jours aprĂšs l’invasion russe de son territoire, l’Ukraine saisissait la Cour Internationale de Justice pour faire reconnaitre l’illĂ©galitĂ© de l’opĂ©ration militaire Russe Ă  son encontre. Dans une ordonnance du 16 mars 2022, la CIJ donnait raison Ă  l’Ukraine et appelait la Russie et « les unitĂ©s militaires sous son contrĂŽle et sa direction Â», Ă  suspendre immĂ©diatement leurs opĂ©rations en Ukraine.

Dans les jours suivants, 41 États (dont tous les pays de l’Union EuropĂ©enne) dĂ©fĂ©raient officiellement la situation en Ukraine au nouveau Procureur de la Cour PĂ©nale Internationale, Karim Khan, lui permettant de dĂ©buter immĂ©diatement une enquĂȘte sur les possibles crimes de guerre et crimes contre l’humanitĂ© commis dans le pays depuis le 21 novembre 2013. D’autres voix appellent Ă  la crĂ©ation d’un tribunal international spĂ©cial pour juger les auteurs de l’agression Russe Ă  l’encontre de l’Ukraine, quitte Ă  juger les responsables russes en leur absence, comme le propose François Roux.

Le 4 mars 2022, le Conseil des droits de l’homme de l’ONU votait une rĂ©solution instaurant une commission internationale indĂ©pendante d’enquĂȘte chargĂ© d’enquĂȘter sur les violations des droits de l’Homme et du droit international humanitaire rĂ©sultant de l’invasion russe en Ukraine en vue de futurs procĂšs, sur le modĂšle des mĂ©canismes pour la Syrie et du Myanmar.

Soyons clair. Ces diverses actions n’empĂȘcheront pas Vladimir Poutine de poursuivre son offensive militaire voire de l’accentuer, tant la survie politique du rĂ©gime russe dĂ©pend d’une victoire militaire Ă  court terme. Mais l’enjeu n’est pas lĂ . L’objectif est de rappeler que le droit international est du cĂŽtĂ© de l’Ukraine et que les crimes de guerre sur son territoire ne sont pas seulement rejetĂ©s par un groupe d’États spĂ©cifiques, mais par la CommunautĂ© internationale dans son ensemble.

Un second souffle pour la justice pĂ©nale internationale ?

Sans omettre la dimension politique et circonstancielle de cette stratĂ©gie, il semble que l’annĂ©e 2022 puisse ĂȘtre une annĂ©e charniĂšre dans l’histoire de la justice pĂ©nale internationale. La rapiditĂ© avec laquelle la CommunautĂ© internationale utilise aujourd’hui les instruments du droit pĂ©nal international pour rĂ©pondre aux crimes commis en Ukraine dĂ©montre sa pertinence et sa maturitĂ©. Elle marque Ă©galement un tournant dans son histoire en visant les crimes commis par une puissance disposant pourtant d’un droit de vĂ©to au Conseil de SĂ©curitĂ© des Nations Unies.

Pour ĂȘtre crĂ©dible, il faut toutefois que cette dĂ©marche ne reste pas un cas isolĂ© et ne soit plus Ă  gĂ©omĂ©trie variable. Souvent accusĂ©e de partialitĂ©, voire de nĂ©o-colonialisme, l’action des tribunaux internationaux est scrutĂ©e par les dĂ©fenseurs des droits de l’Homme comme par les communautĂ©s touchĂ©es par les crimes sur lesquelles ils enquĂȘtent. Or, jusqu’à prĂ©sent, le moins que l’on puisse dire, c’est que la justice pĂ©nale internationale n’a pas dĂ©montrĂ© sa capacitĂ© Ă  s’attaquer aux grandes puissances de ce monde ou Ă  leurs alliĂ©s.

La lĂ©gitimitĂ© de la justice internationale dĂ©pend pourtant de son impartialitĂ© et de sa volontĂ© Ă  poursuivre les auteurs de crimes internationaux indistinctement de leur nationalitĂ© ou de leur proximitĂ© avec puissances de ce monde. MalgrĂ© leur forte dĂ©pendance aux États (qui financent leurs opĂ©rations et leur permettent de mener des enquĂȘtes ou d’arrĂȘter des individus sur leur territoire), les juridictions pĂ©nales internationales ne doivent pas cĂ©der aux sirĂšnes de la realpolitik et ancrer leur action sur le long terme. Comme le montre l’histoire rĂ©cente, la politique internationale est fluctuante, imprĂ©visible. Si les intĂ©rĂȘts nationaux changent, l’universalitĂ© de la justice doit rester la mĂȘme.

Cette Ă©volution est dĂ©terminante pour que demain, les acteurs des juridictions pĂ©nales internationales, et notamment la CPI, contribuent Ă  la promotion d’un vĂ©ritable « Ă‰tat de droit mondial Â» et d’une Â« communautĂ© internationale de valeurs » encore balbutiante. L’Histoire dira s’ils sauront saisir cette opportunitĂ©.

Me Johann Soufi

Avocat international. Ancien chef de la Section des avis juridiques du Tribunal SpĂ©cial pour le Liban et Conseiller juridique de l’Organisation des Nations Unies.

Les opinions exprimĂ©es dans ce billet sont purement personnelles, l’auteur ne s’exprimant aucunement en sa capacitĂ© officielle. Elles n’engagent donc pas les Nations Unies, ses agences ou l’un des quelconques employeurs de l’auteur.

Movies that Matter: IHE Delft screens Above Water documentary at festival

IHE Delft Institute for Water Education and Movies that Matter are organizing a screening of the documentary Above Water (original title: Marcher sur l’Eau), which is part of the Movies that Matter Festival, held annually in The Hague.

By Ewoud Kok, IHE Delft Institute for Water Education

IHE Delft Institute for Water Education and Movies that Matter are organizing a screening of the documentary Above Water (original title: Marcher sur l’Eau), which is part of the Movies that Matter Festival, held annually in The Hague.

Above Water, by French director Aïssa Maïga, illustrates the dire consequences of climate change in the Sahel, where a lack of water dominates life and limits the possibilities of inhabitants. It will be screened at 15:00 on Sunday 10 April in The Hague – for tickets, see this link.

Droughts in the Azawagh region of Niger endanger the semi-nomadic livelihoods of residents: they worsen conditions for people who already suffer from water scarcity. The situation in the Sahel is not unique: In 2020, about 2 billion people – a quarter of the global population – lacked access to safely managed drinking water, meaning their human rights are not fulfilled.

According to a report by UNESCO, on a global scale, half of the people who drink water from unsafe sources live in Africa. In Sub-Saharan Africa, only 24% of the population have access to safe drinking water, and just 28% have access to basic sanitation facilities that are not shared with other households. Unequal access in Africa is also linked to gender disparity. The burden of collecting water lies mainly on women and girls, many of whom spend more than 30 minutes on each journey to fetch water, a situation that prevents them from attending school.

About the Azawagh region

During the short rainy season, which lasts one to three months, households depend on marshes to meet their primary water needs for drinking, cooking, washing and livestock. This water is turbid and contaminated with weeds, human filth and animal excrement. While this source of water is non-potable, it is plentiful enough  to support families.

After the rainy season ends, the people of the Azawak rely on water holes they manually dig into the dried marshes, in surface sediment up to 20 metres deep. During the nine- to eleven-month-long dry season, most individuals survive on less than six litres of water per person and per day (the World Health Organization prescribes a minimum of 15 to 25 litres per day and per person) and have difficulty finding time for other revenue-generating activities or school.

The cinematographically impressive documentary features mesmerizing landscape shots while delivering a stark and serious message: those without water are done waiting for access – they need it now.

Above Water / Marcher sur l’Eau at IHE Delft.

Talk

After the screening of Above Water, moderator Ama van Dantzig dives into the causes, consequences and possible solutions of water shortage with professor Eddy Moors (rector IHE Delft), Jean Gildas Tapsoba (MSc student in Water Management and Governance, IHE Delft) and Elisabeth Lictevout (director of the International Groundwater Resources Assessment Centre.)

Why are regions like the Sahel so vulnerable to droughts? What is the best way to alleviate the urgent needs of local populations – is it a matter of digging more and deeper holes to access groundwater? What is the role of women? And what structural solutions are needed to ensure that all people have access of water and sanitation, as called for in Sustainable Development Goals (SDG6)?

For more info and tickets visit: https://moviesthatmatter.nl/en/festival/specials/ihe-above-water/

Ewoud Kok, IHE Delft

Ewoud Kok

IHE Delft Marketing Officer Ewoud Kok, who oversees the Institute’s  marketing campaigns and plays a key part in communicating the organisation’s marketing messages.

He graduated from the Delft University of Technology in 2003 and since then regularly updated his skills at various workshops and courses, including a short MBA at Nyenrode Business University. Ewoud is part of the IHE Delft’s Communications Office since 2003.

Think tanks in Bucharest launch “Asia’s Century” International Project 2022 – 2027

“Asia’s Century” International Project 2022 – 2027 was launched in Bucharest late March by a consortium of think-tanks consisting of the Bucharest-based MEPEI (Middle East Political and Economic Institute), Eurodefense Romania and ICI (National Institute for Research & Development in Informatics), together with the Ljubljana-based IFIMES (International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies) and the Vienna-based AIES (Austrian Institute for European and Security Policy), and it enjoyed a numerous live and online audience  consisting of ambassadors and representatives of MENA and Asian embassies, academics, researchers and media.

To explain the goal of their project, the organizers quoted several Western thinkers who emphasized the propensity towards superiority of the Western world which created “a global order for the benefit of the West”, and they explained “the need for the EU to work towards an in-depth understanding of Asia, as well as the need for Asia to develop a better understanding of the EU’s complexity and diversity and the potential of cooperation.”

Sven Biscop from Egmont Foundation one said that “The superiority complex is hard to cure. Nobody in Europe is longing for a return to empire
Most Americans still pretend they never even had an empire. But Europeans and Americans that we are entitled to dominate international politics and that it is perfectly natural that the EU and the US are the wealthiest places on Earth. We feel that we have merited this through our hard work – the implication being that if other people are less well off, they have merited that also. The reality is, of course, that we created the international order to our economic benefit.”. Under the current circumstances of increasing global interdependences, there is a need for the EU to overcome its “superiority complex.”

“Neither Europe nor Asia has any alternative. The difference is that Europe knows there is no alternative – and therefore is multilateral. Asia thinks it has an alternative – and therefore is strikingly bilateral, while stubbornly residing enveloped in economic egoisms. No wonder that Europe is/will be able to manage its decline, while Asia is (still) unable to capitalize its successes”, said Anis Bajrektarevic from IFIMES, keynote speaker during the event. Bajrektarevic recalled that “there is no country in Asia without at least 2 border conflicts and Asia is not like Europe which has the Helsinki spirit”. He also stressed that “globalization favours the strong and the fast, while multilateralization provides the same footing”, and “trade and economic relations do not necessarily prevent war, we have already seen that when the WWII started, so we must all acknowledge that peace requires a comprehensive setting based on mutual understanding and good on-going communication.”

The Ukraine conflict is an occasion for everybody to see clearer, to learn, to become wiser and to act accordingly.

Werner Fasslabend from AIES, former Austrian minister of defense, also declared the 21st century to be “the Asian century”, if not “the Indo-Pacific century”, where China will play a major role, especially with its OBOR/ Belt and Road Initiative in which the maritime corridor will have a vital role, since 70% of the world is covered by water and 90% of the world trade is done by sea. Fasslabend also stressed the importance of the Asian powers that are technological leaders and of the Asian markets that are very useful for Europe because they are huge.  His only concern is whether “Europe will be able to take part in this huge Asian development.”

Adrian Severin, Romanian former minister of foreign affairs and former European parliamentarian, reminded that “the West imposed its power on the others, the US imposed Pax Americana but America no longer has the strength to promote the American Dream and a new world order. It’s not our job to tell the Asian countries what to do but it’s our interest to look at Asia. We should look at Asia with Euro-Atlantic eye-glasses”, concluded Severin.

Viorel Isticioaia-Budura, former Romanian ambassador to China and former Head of Asia-Pacific Department of the European External Action Service of the EU, deplored the lack of action of the EU institutions in Asia which he labels as “anaemia of EU institutions under circumstances where the potential exists but the results are rather disappointing.”

“It looks unavoidable that two major regions of the planet, the West and the East, may embark upon a new phase of interaction, seeking a new balance, mutual adjustments and refreshed ideas for partnership, not in the polarizing, but in a spirit that may help to explore possible convergence and mutually beneficial cooperation. An Asian Century does not mean throwing other regions into shadow or letting the West slide into an eclipse. On the contrary, it means a new game. With its high-speed industrialization and urbanization, rising rates of consumption and the dynamic generation of Millenials, Asia looks challenging.”

Isticioaia-Budura put forward the idea that “there is already an economic order in Asia with China leading it.” Indeed, starting with January, 1, 2022, the world’s largest trade agreement ever, the RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership), initiated by China, entered into force. It will facilitate trade among the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China, Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand. RCEP will cover about 30% of global GDP and nearly a third of the world’s population, about 2.2 billion people.

According to Flavius Caba-Maria, director of MEPEI, the goal of this “Asia’s Century” International Project 2022 – 2027 is “to understand the mutual needs and interests between Europe and Asia, to stimulate the interest of officials, business people towards Asia, and to raise the public awareness, especially of the young generation, about Asia” because “in 2040, Asia will have had 50% of the world population and 40% of the global consumption, and in 2050, 3 billion Asians will live at European standards. In 2030, China will be the first economic power of the world. China may lead the process of Asianization and we are now wondering how the Asia-led global order will be like.”

Liviu Muresan from Eurodefense Romania, co-organizer of the event, informed the participants that “Asia’s Century” International Project 2022 – 2027 will have a regular Asian Club organized monthly in downtown Bucharest and he will make efforts to organize multi-level cross-sectorial visits across Asia to bring together all the parties interested in extending their pan-Asian relations with concrete outcome on the ground.

Published in Geopolitics.ro by Marcela Ganea March 25, 2022

My Ukrainian refugees

By Ali Redling

What I have learned from teaching English to my Ukrainian refugee students:

Learning English allows my students to go through the grieving process in order to find healing and can be very therapeutic. 

English allows my students to be in denial.  Coming to class and learning English is a distraction from the destruction going on back home.  They come to class in desperate need of something to avert their attention
so we conjugate verbs and practice pronunciation. 

English class comforts my students when they’re angry by redirecting their focus and allowing them to cool off.  In a classroom of refugees each student knows that someone nearby knows what they’re going through.  There is quick camaraderie as we practice phrases such as, “I am from the Ukraine” and “I am Ukrainian”. 

Learning English allows my students to bargain. They can come to class and feel like they are in control of a small part of their lives.  When everything else around them seems to be spinning out of control, English class remains.  It is constant.  My students may not know how to order a meal, where they will live next week, or what city their new child will be born in, but they can practice possessive adjectives. 

Learning English helps my students to avoid depression because it offers them a small goal to work towards each day.  It gets them out of their rut or that ever-downward spiral and offers them hope as they envision their future selves as English speakers, dreaming of what they may be or attain someday.  My classroom is filled with physicians, new mothers, accountants, hairdressers, and engineers that desire to live and thrive. 

Learning English assists my students in accepting their circumstances.  Many of my students will not return to their homeland, and they will need to start a new life elsewhere.  Knowing English will provide more opportunities for their new lives. Attending English class each week is the baby-step they must take in order to achieve and create this new life.

Ali Redling teaching Ukrainians refugees at Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague.

Diplomat Magazine note: Ali Redling is shaping refugees’ lives by imparting her knowledge and always inspires them to dream, to fight, and to never give up. Ali is preparing a group of Ukrainians refugees for the challenges of tomorrow. They already said about her: “She will  have a tremendous impact on our lives”.

This extended ESL program has been made possible by the warm hospitality offered by Catherine Anne Daily who transformed the ground floor of her monumental residence on the Berkenbosch Blokstraat and offered it as an “international house” and ad hoc classroom space. 

IOM 70th Anniversary

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By Antonio Polosa, Chief of Mission International Organization for Migration in the Netherlands


The year 2021 marked the 70th anniversary of our Organization. On December 5th, 1951, an International Migration Conference was convened in Brussels where a group of 19 countries, including The Netherlands, decided to establish the Organization, which is today IOM, under the name of Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe (PICMME). Mandated to help European governments to identify resettlement countries for the estimated 11 million people uprooted by the Second World War, it arranged safe transport for nearly a million migrants during the 1950s.

Still, IOM’s origins were quite modest in scope and its future quite uncertain: PICMME was in fact a provisional body. A Committee with a temporary mandate and operations limited to a single continent. Yet, its importance to the lives of those who benefited from these early international transportation services, safe and dignified transport of migrants is an activity which remains a key feature of our work, to this day.

The following year, in 1952, the first of several name and mandate changes took place, as PICCME became the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM), which was no longer provisional but was still limited to operations in Europe.

28 years later, in 1980, the Organization’s name changed to the Intergovernmental Committee for Migration (ICM), in recognition of the Organization’s increasingly global role, in particular in Latin America and South-East Asia. By this time, the Organization had already assisted over 3 million migrants with transport and provided other support services in numerous other areas.

Finally, in 1989, ICM became the International Organization for Migration (IOM), having expanded still further its reach and programme range of services. The status of the Organization has further evolved since then, featuring constant growth in its scope of work and size of operations. In September 2016, IOM fully joined the UN family as a UN related organization with a nearly universal membership. Today, IOM is indeed a global organization, with a global footprint and a presence at some 450 locations in nearly 160 countries.

In The Netherlands IOM opened an office in 1991 and thus we have also marked its 30th anniversary in one of the Organization founding Member States. Since then, at the request of the Dutch government, IOM has been facilitating the voluntary return of migrants under the ‘Return and Emigration Assistance from the Netherlands’ – or REAN – programme. In the past 30 years, more than 68,000 migrants in the Netherlands have returned to more than 100 different countries with the support of IOM. This could not have been achieved without the close cooperation with government agencies, embassies, municipalities, non-governmental organizations, migrant organizations, etc
.

Indeed, IOM’s network today is as broad as the number of migration topics IOM is involved in the world. In The Netherlands, besides return migration, a whole range of projects within different themes have been developed by IOM over the years and cooperate with, such as in resettlement, family reunification, integration, labour migration and involving the diaspora in the development of their countries of origin through temporary work assignments. Establishing relationships with the private sector have become increasingly important as well.    

In the last decade, IOM has continued to grow at a steady pace, with an increase from 146 Member States to 174. The IOM budget on a global level has also increased by another 50%, with annual expenditure now exceeding USD 2 billion. The Organization’s workforce has doubled, to over 20,000 staff members, working around the globe, mostly in the field.

Over time, IOM’s role and responsibilities have expanded considerably, in line with the growing importance of migration and displacement (be man-made or nature/climate disaster related) as key issues which require support, solidarity and dialogue within the international community. In that respect, the adoption of the UN Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration in 2018 has been a watershed moment in this regard.

Then, as today, IOM stands side by side with its Member States and the global international community in contributing to achieve its goals, and to do so with flexibility and responsiveness, while remaining as close to the migrant it serves as possible, on the ground, in the field. Even more so, as the challenges posed by global pandemic and tragic conflicts keep testing all of us in endurance and resolve to fulfil our mandate with care and dignity.

This occasion should make us all reflect on the crucial role that migration had and still has in the socio-economic growth of societies in peace, tolerance, and respect of everyone human rights!

Allow me now to remark that this incredible and exciting journey has been possible thanks to the longstanding dedication, commitment, and professionalism of our staff worldwide, including our team of almost 80 people here in The Netherlands.   

To conclude, it has been indeed my great honour and pride to be part of IOM for good 28 years and to lead its mission here in The Netherlands since late 2018, continuing the invaluable work done along with several thousands of IOM staff over the past seventy years, worldwide.

Retrouvailles enchantées

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Par S.E. M. Slim Ghariani, Ambassadeur de Tunisie Ă  La Haye

C’était en 1995, lors d’une Ă©preuve Ă©crite d’un examen pour la promotion Ă  un grade supĂ©rieur dans ma carriĂšre professionnelle, que je me suis imaginĂ© entrain de prĂ©senter mes lettres de crĂ©ances en qualitĂ© d’ambassadeur de la Tunisie auprĂšs d’un pays dans lequel j’avais auparavant servi en tant que jeune diplomate. Comme il n’est pas de coutume qu’un diplomate soit affectĂ© Ă  deux reprises dans une mĂȘme capitale, cette vision d’esprit et les Ă©lĂ©ments de composition qui l’ont Ă©tayĂ©e avaient Ă©tĂ© estimĂ©s originaux et jugĂ©s attrayants par le jury, ce qui m’a valu une bonne apprĂ©ciation et contribuĂ© Ă  mon accession au grade de Conseiller d’Ambassade.

Cette “prophĂ©tie” insolite vient providentiellement de se rĂ©aliser en 2021. Ayant travaillĂ© aux Pays-Bas entre 1993 et 1999, tout au dĂ©but de ma carriĂšre diplomatique, je viens d’y retourner cette annĂ©e en qualitĂ© d’Ambassadeur. Ma joie est donc immense d’avoir retrouvĂ© mes premiers repĂšres professionnels et un pays extraordinaire, gĂ©ographiquement “petit” certes, mais “Grand” de par son histoire, ses spĂ©cificitĂ©s singuliĂšres, le haut degrĂ© de civisme de sa population et ses performances Ă©conomiques dignes des plus grandes nations dĂ©veloppĂ©es.

Mes retrouvailles avec les Pays-Bas ravivent en moi de formidables souvenirs tant personnels que professionnels. De Scheveningen Ă  Wassenaar, du Palais de la Paix Ă  Madurodam, en profitant d’agrĂ©ables moments de contemplation au musĂ©e van Gogh Ă  Amsterdam, en passant par Lisse et le paradisiaque Keukenhof, ou en parcourant les rues de Maastricht, la ville phare de l’histoire europĂ©enne, je suis de nouveau comblĂ© et ravi.  

Mais mon attachement aux Pays-Bas ne date pas de nos jours actuels. DĂ©jĂ , en 1997, j’ai eu l’honneur d’accompagner mon Ambassadeur de l’époque, nouvellement dĂ©signĂ© auprĂšs du Royaume, pour la cĂ©rĂ©monie de remise de ses lettres de crĂ©ances. Ce furent des moments mĂ©morables que de traverser la ville en calĂšche vers le Palais Royal, vĂȘtus de nos costumes traditionnels tunisiens, de croiser d’aimables nĂ©erlandais, Ă©merveillĂ©s par le cortĂšge, qui nous saluaient tout le long de l’itinĂ©raire, et d’assister Ă  l’interprĂ©tation de l’hymne national de mon pays par un orchestre de cuivres averti, sous les yeux d’un public curieux et amĂšne.

Au cours de la mĂȘme annĂ©e, je me souviens d’un Ă©vĂšnement extrĂȘmement passionnant que les NĂ©erlandais avaient attendu avec tant d’impatience, Ă  savoir l’organisation de la mythique course de patinage sur glace naturelle qui traverse 11 villes frisonnes (de Elf steden tocht). J’ai dĂ©couvert, Ă  l’occasion, qu’il s’agit du marathon le plus long du genre dans le monde (prĂšs de 200 kms).

Un autre fait, encore plus ancien et non moins fortuit, m’avait en quelque sorte, trĂšs tĂŽt, liĂ© d’amitiĂ© avec les Pays-Bas. Tout petit et incroyablement fascinĂ© par la radio, je m’amusais Ă  sillonner virtuellement le monde entier en voyageant d’une station Ă  l’autre, ce qui m’a amenĂ© Ă  dĂ©couvrir la “Voix des Pays-Bas” Ă  travers le service international en langue arabe de la Radio hollandaise Ă©mettant de Hilversum. Beaucoup plus tard, en dĂ©barquant au Royaume, j’ai tenu Ă  visiter cette ville qui a bien rayonnĂ© sur mon enfance et m’a fait savourer de multiples facettes de la culture nĂ©erlandaise.

En dehors de cette digression, il va sans dire qu’au niveau professionnel, La Haye m’avait d’abord donnĂ© l’occasion, tout au dĂ©but de ma carriĂšre, de dĂ©couvrir le monde sĂ©duisant et tant captivant de l’activitĂ© diplomatique multilatĂ©rale. Le droit international et le dĂ©sarmement, Ă  travers notamment la Cour internationale de Justice, le Tribunal pĂ©nal international pour l’ex-Yougoslavie et l’Organisation pour l’interdiction des armes chimiques, naissante Ă  l’époque, Ă©taient pour moi des thĂšmes de prĂ©dilection. En 2021, je retrouve une scĂšne encore plus riche, avec la prĂ©sence de la Cour pĂ©nale internationale et l’activitĂ© de la ConfĂ©rence de La Haye de droit international privĂ©, Ă  laquelle la Tunisie a adhĂ©rĂ© en 2014.

Aujourd’hui, il m’est dĂ©volu une mission encore plus grande. Outre le volet multilatĂ©ral, il m’échoit de contribuer au dĂ©veloppement continu des relations bilatĂ©rales tuniso-nĂ©erlandaises qui sont, par ailleurs, vieilles dans le temps, politiquement excellentes et marquĂ©es par une coopĂ©ration mutuellement bĂ©nĂ©fique et aussi bien variĂ©e que fructueuse.

LĂ  aussi, des souvenirs juvĂ©niles me reviennent de la visite de feue S.M. la Reine mĂšre Juliana et du Prince Bernhard en Tunisie en mai 1974, en rĂ©ponse Ă  la visite du PrĂ©sident tunisien Habib Bourguiba Ă  La Haye en juillet 1966. Je me souviens notamment de la balade des deux Chefs d’Etat dans la voiture prĂ©sidentielle dĂ©capotable Ă  travers les rues de la capitale Tunis particuliĂšrement ornĂ©es pour la circonstance, et du bain de foule qu’ils ont eu avec une population hospitaliĂšre sortie en allĂ©gresse pour accueillir l’invitĂ©e privilĂ©giĂ©e de la Tunisie.

Dans les annĂ©es soixante, un premier contingent de Tunisiens sont arrivĂ©s lĂ©galement pour travailler aux Pays-Bas. Aujourd’hui, environ 12 mille de nos compatriotes sont basĂ©s au Royaume. L’affluence des touristes nĂ©erlandais en Tunisie est allĂ©e crescendo, pour atteindre une moyenne de 70 mille visiteurs par an, avec mĂȘme un pic de 100 mille touristes avant la pandĂ©mie de la Covid19. Une centaine d’entreprises nĂ©erlandaises, actives dans les secteurs du textile, de l’énergie, des services et de l’agriculture, sont installĂ©es en Tunisie depuis des annĂ©es et exercent avec beaucoup de succĂšs. Une coopĂ©ration au dĂ©veloppement est conjointement menĂ©e en Tunisie qui Ɠuvre Ă  la crĂ©ation d’emplois pour les jeunes notamment dans les contrĂ©es reculĂ©es du pays, et permet surtout de fixer les bĂ©nĂ©ficiaires dans leurs rĂ©gions et de contrecarrer la migration clandestine et ce, dans le cadre d’une approche partagĂ©e par les deux pays visant Ă  s’attaquer aux causes profondes de tel flĂ©au dramatique.

Et je ne terminerai pas sans mentionner, bien sĂ»r, l’appui inconditionnel des Pays-Bas Ă  la Tunisie engagĂ©e, depuis sa rĂ©volution en 2011, sur la voie de la dĂ©mocratisation et la consĂ©cration des droits de l’homme, tout comme le soutien gĂ©nĂ©reux du Royaume Ă  mon pays lors de la pandĂ©mie du coronavirus.

Gender Parity in UN’s Treaty Bodies: Challenges and Solutions

By Judge Aruna Devi Narain and Marcia Vaune Jocelyn Kran

This article was first published in PassBlue on November 18, 2021

Women have a right to participate in public and political life and the work of international organizations under the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, or CEDAW. This right extends to membership in all UN bodies, including the ten committees that are meant to help countries protect international human-rights obligations. Although the first committee was set up in 1977, gender equality has not been achieved in the membership of most of these entities.

These committees are called treaty bodies, and their role is to monitor a country’s compliance with the UN human-rights treaties that collectively cover civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; the rights of women, people with disabilities, migrant workers and children; and the right to freedom from torture, disappearance and discrimination. The committees function separately from the Human Rights Council, and committee members are independent experts rather than national officials. As part of their work, committees directly recommend to countries how they can improve their national human-rights policies, laws and action. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, currently led by Michelle Bachelet, acts as the secretariat for the committees, providing the staff that is needed to organize and support committee meetings, most of which are held in Geneva.

The decisions of the committees establish frameworks for national policies, law and programs, ultimately affecting the everyday lives of their citizens, including women. Without an equal number of women experts on board, however, the treaty bodies are more likely to overlook critical issues and perspectives that should be part of their legal agenda.

In June 2021, the Human Rights Council considered a report exploring the impact of women’s underrepresentation in UN bodies and mechanisms — including the treaty bodies — and the overall challenges to gender parity. The report flagged four treaty bodies with particularly low numbers of women among their membership: the Committee on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers (14 percent); the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (28 percent); the Committee Against Torture (30 percent); and the Committee on Enforced Disappearances (30 percent). The representation of women across all treaty bodies is 48.83 percent but concentrated in only four of the 10 committees. Two of these address women’s rights and children’s rights: the CEDAW Committee and the Committee on the Rights of the Child, or CRC (The United States is not a party to CEDAW or the CRC.) Currently, gender parity has been achieved only in the 18-member Committee on the Rights of the Child.

The input provided by women expert members of Treaty Bodies is crucial and indispensable in all committee functions including reviewing countries’ human rights compliance through constructive dialogues and deciding on individual complaints of violations and formulating guidance through General Comments/Recommendations. For example, a number of such cases decided by  the Human Rights Committee under the First Optional Protocol to the ICCPR specifically relate to issues of  gender inequality or discrimination based on sex. The Committee has directly considered cases claiming these violations, time and again. Some recent examples include a case submitted by Ms. Elena Genero, where the Committee decided that Italy, by setting a minimum height requirement to become a permanent firefighter, violated the non-discrimination and other principles of the ICCPR. Such requirements posed an unnecessary disadvantage to women and restricted their opportunities in a profession traditionally dominated by men.

In a case against Nepal, in 2019, the Committee dealt with issues of arbitrary arrest and torture including rape and sexual assault of a 14-year old indigenous girl, while in custody. The State Party was held liable for violating ICCPR provisions, including Article 26 on non-discrimination. Similarly, in 2017, Ireland’s restrictive abortion laws were found to be  in violation of the Covenant given their inherent arbitrary and discriminatory nature. The Committee required Ireland to pay compensation and offer psychological support to the complainant, SiobhĂĄn Whelan.[BM(1] 

As we probe the problem of underrepresentation of women on Treaty Bodies, it is clear that one reason for the lack of gender parity in all but one of the treaty bodies is that countries have not nominated enough women as candidates for the committees. Countries that have ratified the relevant treaties nominate candidates and elect members for four-year terms at the UN in New York City. Sadly, most nomination processes are informal and lack transparency, resulting in qualified women candidates left unaware of such vacancies.

Prioritizing gender parity in the countries’ nominal processes remains pivotal to overall effectiveness and the credibility of the treaty body system. Inadequate representation of women across these mechanisms could potentially lead to certain key gender issues being overlooked.

Moreover, the countries may also be hesitant to consider and implement a recommendation by a treaty body on gender related issues when that treaty body’s composition is itself underrepresented by women.

This gender gap can be solved by countries and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights taking the action recommended in the report to the Human Rights Council. For example, countries could identify women candidates for treaty body membership and, where appropriate, give women preference. They could closely work with civil society organizations like women’s associations to collect profiles of qualified women and widely publicize vacancies including to these groups. They also could incorporate gender as an explicit feature in nomination processes, as was done in Canada’s call for application for membership in the Committee of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. It would also be ideal for the countries to track their progress on these gender parity measures across the ten committees.

While the nomination of more women candidates would be a step forward, we also need to ensure that countries vote for and elect such candidates. Elections during the Covid-19 pandemic have relied on virtual campaigns, and candidates now also reach out to civil society organizations to lobby their governments to vote for qualified women candidates. In addition, an informal group of former women chairs and members of treaty bodies could be set up to mentor women candidates and advise them on their campaigns. Countries that have adopted a feminist foreign policy, like Canada, France, Luxembourg, Mexico and Sweden, could also play a leading role in promoting women candidates.

The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights could broadly advertise upcoming treaty body elections in women’s networks. It could also regularly track the number of women and men serving as independent experts, and make this information public in a format similar to the gender parity dashboard that is used to measure staff composition in the UN Secretariat. And it could help countries design ways to achieve gender parity during the nomination and election processes. The Secretariat could also periodically report on the existing nomination policies and mechanisms and highlight the best practices.

Furthermore, the Countries and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights could promote research to identify, analyse and cope with the barriers to achieving gender balance across the UN treaty bodies and also, report on the current national best practices.

We believe that High Commissioner for Human Rights Bachelet is in a unique position to urge countries to take concerted action to push for gender parity in the treaty bodies. Familiar with breaking glass ceilings, she was the first executive director of UN Women and the first woman president of Chile. She could make a policy statement giving high priority to the achievement of gender equality in the committees and call for parity in nominations of candidates.

It is paradoxical that the treaty bodies entrusted with upholding the principle of non-discrimination based on sex use a process to select expert members that can result in discrimination. Now that the treaty bodies have been functioning for many years, it is long overdue for countries and the UN Secretariat to put their gender equality commitments into action.


About the authors:

Judge Aruna Devi Narain

Judge Aruna Devi Narain is a judge of the Supreme Court of Mauritius and expert member (2017 – 2022), vice-chairperson, and rapporteur of the UN Committee on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW Committee).

Marcia Vaune Jocelyn Kran O.C. Photography Mike Wakefield.

Ms. Marcia Vaune Jocelyn Kran O.C. is an international lawyer from Canada; who was formerly Director at the UN Human Rights Office in Geneva and Senior Regional Manager at the UN Development Programme in Bangkok and Bratislava, and is a member of the UN Human Rights Committee (2017 – 2024).

Note: Thanks to Ms. Bhavya Mahajan, a lawyer and mediator from India, who helped with the research for the article.

The First Tunisian Flavors Festival in Amsterdam

By Roy Lie Atjam

LEO’s Food Festivals, the motto is, share authentic flavours from around the world. This is the First Tunisian Flavors Festival in Amsterdam, the venue was Leonardo Royal  Hotel on 24th March 2022.

Hundreds of persons came by to savour the haute Tunisian cuisine and wines. The “Vitruv Restaurant” was bustling, friends of Tunisia and others came to the inaugural evening of the  Flavors Festival.

Many of  Ambassador Slim Ghariani’s colleagues attended the Food Festival, including the Ambassador of Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Yemen, Rwanda, Panama, Cuba, Korea, Cameroon, Palestine to mention a few. Also present, Diplomats from the Embassy of Belarus, USA, Senegal and others.

Organizers of the event are the Embassy of Tunisia, Diplomat Magazine and Leonardo Royal Hotel Amsterdam. The Tunisian Flavors served as a curtain-raiser for the various countries in the upcoming Food Festivals editions.

Tunisian cuisine seems to be less explored in the Netherlands. With that in mind, the Tunisian Flavors event is where one can delve into Tunisia’s authentic cuisine.

Tunisian Chef Wafik Belaid.

The Embassy has selected celebrity Chefs Wafik Belaid, Mohamed Ali  Abouda and Hykel Ben Zaida, to develop a special five-course menu of authentic flavours.

People tend to compare new foods to food items they have eaten before however Tunisian flavours leave you analogy less, it is beyond compare!

The inaugural remarks by the Ambassador of Tunisia H.E. Mr. Slim Ghariani

“It gives me an immense pleasure to welcome you all to the 2022 Edition of the Tunisian Gastronomic Days, jointly organized by the Embassy of Tunisia in The Hague, the Tunisian National Tourism Office Representation in The Netherlands, Diplomatic Magazine, and the Leonardo Royal Hotel Amsterdam. I would like to express to all our partners my high appreciation and my sincere thanks for their tireless efforts and valuable contribution to the accomplishment of this special culinary and artistic event.

H.E. Mrs. Rawan Suliaman, Head of Palestinian Mission and H.E. Ms Sahar Ghanem, Ambassador of Yemen.
His Excellency Mr Yeondoo Jeong, Ambassador of Korea and the Ambassador off Tunisia, H.E. Mr. Slim Ghariani.

I would also like to extend my thanks to our three famous Chefs who will be preparing special Tunisian dishes during this event, and the gracious Band “Club Elle” who will embellish our exceptional evening, with traditional and classic Tunisian music, in a festive and joyful atmosphere, as well as to our sponsors who generously supported our Endeavour and enriched our set of prizes for the tombola you will be taking part to later.

Following the success of the previous editions in The Hague, we decided, at the proposal of our partners, to celebrate this year’s gastronomic days in Amsterdam. The main goal is to promote Tunisia as a touristic destination and showcase our cuisine to the residents of the prestigious capital of the Kingdom.

As you may have noticed, the tables are named after some of the most beautiful cities in Tunisia, of which a short presentation can be found on the postcard. If you have not been to Tunisia before, we hope this occasion arouses your curiosity to visit our rich cultural patrimony and historical heritage.

Tunisian Flavors.

May I recall in this context, that Tunisia is totally ready to welcome back tourists from all over the world, especially after the substantial improvement of the sanitary situation related to the corona virus pandemic. The Government has indeed launched, since June 2020, a National Tourism Health Protocol, labeled “Ready and safe”, in line with the World Health Organization guidelines. The vaccination program covered 100% of hotel and tourism staff and around 60% of the total population is completely vaccinated. The entry requirements for travellers were considerably alleviated as of February 15, 2022.

In 2019, Tunisia welcomed about 9.5 million visitors, hailing from the four corners of the globe, eager to explore the diversity of its touristic product and the richness of its cultural heritage. We hope to bring back over 80,000 Dutch tourists per year, a record number in 2019, especially that the resumption of TUI Netherlands’ flights to Tunisia is planned for next month.

Tunisian Flavors.

Thus, I would like to seize this opportunity to publicly express our thanks to the Dutch authorities for last month’s review of the travel advice to Tunisia, allowing the resumption of tourist flows to our country. Similarly, many other European countries had classified Tunisia in the green list of countries with low coronavirus risks.

I avail myself of this very opportunity, to express our appreciation for the Dutch support to the democratic transition and the national economy in Tunisia since the revolution in 2011. We also greatly appreciate the Dutch assistance provided to our country in order to tackle the coronavirus crisis.”

H.E. Ms. Elizabeth Ward Neiman, Ambassador of Panama, H.E. Mr. Riaz Hamidullah, Ambassador of Bangladesh, H.E. Mr. Olivier Jean Patrick Nduhungirehe, Ambassador of Rwanda and H.E. Mr. Suljuk Mustansar Tarar, Ambassador of Pakistan.
Dr Christophe Bernasconi, Secretary General of the Hague Conference on Private International Law (HCCH) and the Ambassador of Egypt, Mr Hatem Elsayed Mohamed Kamaleldin.

A breakdown of the program, other speakers were: Mr. Mohamed Attia, Director of the Tunisian Tourism Bureau in the Netherlands, he remarked, to present a more varied tourism offer, cultural tourism, wellbeing tourism, Sahara tourism and culinary tourism. These items are increasingly in demand. Dr Mayelinne De Lara, Publisher of Diplomat Magazine, is elated to see the food festivals has landed in Amsterdam also. Mr Eric-Jan Bausch, General Manager of Leonardo Royal Hotel Amsterdam, LEO’s Food Festivals, the motto is: share authentic flavours from around the world. Chef Wafik Belaid, warmly introduced the 5-courses menu.

Tunisian wines.

Before the dinner, guests were treated to tasty Tunisian hors-d’oeuvres and an opportunity to try artisanal fragranced oils and a display of Tunisian condiments.

The mouthwatering five courses meal consisted of Cold starters, Tunisian salads: apple & mint, octopus salad, green pepper salad “michouia”. The main course number 1: couscous with seabass fish. Main course number 2: lamb cooked in a clay pot. The dessert, Trio assida: pistachio, hazelnut, zgougou, tea with pinon. Drinks coffee, tea, soft drinks, Tunisian wines, beer.

Dr Christophe Bernasconi, Secretary General of the Hague Conference on Private International Law (HCCH) and H.E. Dr. Dren Doli, Ambassador of the Republic of Kosovo with their spouses.

The 3,4 and 5th tombola prizes were artistic wool board ornaments. However, the 6th tombola Prize was a roundtrip flight Brussels/Tunis/Brussels, offered by the national carrier TUNISAIR.

The final tombola prize was a seven days trip to a four-star Tunis hotel, offered by TUI Tour operator.

What a sublime evening, all the guests left Leonardo Royal Hotel Amsterdam in high spirit. Tunisian trinkets were offered as a token of appreciation.

Tunisian female band “Club Elle”.

Further on the program, live music by the Tunisian female band “Club Elle” animated the evening with their traditional music. A performance by the REMIX Girls Band followed. Next was the drawing of Tombola prizes, the first and second draw resulted in Sejnane dolls.

REMIX Girls Band. Photography by August Zeidman.

The 3,4 and 5th tombola prizes were artistic wool board ornaments. However, the 6th tombola Prize was a roundtrip flight Brussels/Tunis/Brussels, offered by the national carrier TUNISAIR.

The final tombola prize was a seven days trip to a four-star Tunis hotel, offered by TUI Tour operator.

What a sublime evening, all the guests left Leonardo Royal Hotel Amsterdam in high spirit. Tunisian trinkets were offered as a token of appreciation.

One of the winners of the splendid Tunisian Flavours’ opening night. Photography by August Zeidman.

Finnish MP wins on all charges in major free speech trial

  • All charges against Finnish Parliamentarian PĂ€ivi RĂ€sĂ€nen and Bishop Pohjola are unanimously dismissed following high-profile free speech trial
  • The former Finnish Minister of the Interior, faced three criminal charges for sharing her faith-based beliefs, including on Twitter

ADF (30.03.2022) – https://bit.ly/3DqJ6D5 – A Finnish court has upheld the right to free speech by dismissing all charges against Finnish MP PĂ€ivi RĂ€sĂ€nen and Bishop Juhana Pohjola. In a unanimous ruling the court concluded that “it is not for the district court to interpret biblical concepts”. The prosecution was ordered to pay more than 60,000 EUR in legal costs and has seven days to appeal the ruling.   

The former Minister of the Interior had been charged with “hate speech” for sharing her faith-based views on marriage and sexual ethics, in a 2019 tweet, a 2019 radio debate, and a 2004 pamphlet. The bishop faced charges for publishing RĂ€sĂ€nen’s pamphlet for his congregation over 17 years ago. Their case has garnered global media attention this year, as human rights experts voiced concern over the threat this case posed to free speech in Finland. 

“I am so grateful the court recognized the threat to free speech and ruled in our favour. I feel a weight has been lifted off my shoulders after being acquitted. Although I am grateful for having had this chance to stand up for freedom of speech, I hope that this ruling will help prevent others from having to go through the same ordeal,” said PĂ€ivi RĂ€sĂ€nen after her victory.     

Christian teachings on trial  

The high-profile trial received significant attention, particularly after the prosecution attacked core Christian teachings and cross-examined the bishop and RÀsÀnen on their theology in court. The prosecutor began the first day of the trial by arguing that the case was not about beliefs or the Bible.   

She then proceeded to quote Old Testament Bible verses and criticize the phrase “love the sinner, hate the sin”. In their closing statement, the prosecution alleged that the use of the word “sin” can be “harmful” and called for heavy fines in the event of a guilty verdict.    

Free speech prevails  

RĂ€sĂ€nen’s defence, supported by the legal advocacy organization ADF International, argued that finding RĂ€sĂ€nen guilty would significantly damage free speech in Finland. What RĂ€sĂ€nen said, they argued, was an expression of Christian teaching.   The Court recognized that while some may object to RĂ€sĂ€nen’s statements, “there must be an overriding social reason for interfering with and restricting freedom of expression.” The Court concluded there was no such justification.  

“We welcome the Helsinki District Court’s ruling. This is an important decision, which upholds the fundamental right to freedom of speech in Finland. In a free society, everyone should be allowed to share their beliefs without fear of censorship. This is the foundation of every free and democratic society. Criminalizing speech through so-called ‘hate-speech’ laws shuts down important public debates and poses a grave threat to our democracies,” continued Coleman, author of ‘Censored: How European Hate Speech Laws are Threatening Freedom of Speech’.  

International support for free speech   

On both days of the trial (24 January and 14 February) crowds gathered outside the Helsinki courthouse to express their support for the politician and the bishop. In Hungary, over 3000 people gathered in front of the Finnish Embassy in Budapest to demonstrate against the charges before the closing arguments were heard.  

RÀsÀnen has also received letters of support from many denominations including the International Lutheran Council with Bishops and presidents of Synods from all over the world, the European Evangelical Alliance, Catholic and Pentecostal churches in Lithuania, representatives of the Evangelical, Catholic, Baptist, Pentacostal, Reformed and Unitarian churches in Romania, as well as the Evangelical Church of Macedonia, Christian NGOs in Latvia and other individuals.   

Several US Senators penned a letter addressed to Rashad Hussain, US Ambassador-At-Large for International Religious Freedom, expressing their concern over the “alarming” prosecution of RĂ€sĂ€nen: “We are greatly concerned that the use of Finnish hate speech law is tantamount to a secular blasphemy law. It could open the door for prosecution of other devout Christians, Muslims, Jews and adherents of other faiths for publicly stating their religious beliefs,” read the letter.  

In January, UK MPs filed an Early Day Motion in parliament, highlighting the controversial prosecution and raising concerns about “the potential implications of that case for other countries”.  

Trial for a Tweet   

Police investigations against RĂ€sĂ€nen started in June 2019. As an active member of the Finnish Lutheran church, she had addressed the leadership of her church on Twitter and questioned its official sponsorship of the LGBT event ‘Pride 2019’, accompanied by an image of Bible verses from the New Testament book of Romans. Following this tweet, further investigations against RĂ€sĂ€nen were launched, going back to a church pamphlet RĂ€sĂ€nen wrote almost 20 years ago. In the last two years, RĂ€sĂ€nen attended several lengthy police interrogations about her Christian beliefs – including being frequently asked by the police to explain her understanding of the Bible.   

In April 2021, Finland’s Prosecutor General had brought three criminal charges against RĂ€sĂ€nen. Two of the three charges RĂ€sĂ€nen faced had come after the police made strong recommendations not to continue the prosecution. RĂ€sĂ€nen’s statements also did not violate the policies of Twitter or the national broadcaster, which is why they remained freely available on their platforms. The Helsinki District Court has now acquitted RĂ€sĂ€nen of all charges.   

RÀsÀnen has served as a Finnish Member of Parliament since 1995. From 2004-2015 she was chair of the Christian Democrats and from 2011-2015 she was the Minister of the Interior. During this time, she held responsibility for church affairs in Finland.  

Photo: PĂ€ivi RĂ€sĂ€nen, Finland’s interior minister from 2011 to 2015. | Courtesy of ADF International.