Gucci’s high watch collection

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In the picture a GRIP watch.

Gucci launched a high watchmaking collection; a milestone heralded by the introduction of the ultra-slim GUCCI 25H. 

In a year marking its centenary, Gucci is proud to announce its entry into high watch-making with an exceptional suite of contemporary watch designs by Creative Director Alessandro Michele. Each illuminates the creativity, craftsmanship and technical skill that has underpinned its creations since the luxury fashion house was established by Guccio Gucci in 1921.  

The new high watchmaking collection is comprised by four lines– GUCCI  25HG-TimelessGrip and high jewellery watches. Each gathers inspiration from Gucci’s craft legacy and heritage elements, including flora and fauna, talismans, and the emblematic Interlocking G logo.  

Gucci made watchmaking history in 1972. Not only was it the first luxury fashion house to elevate the watch to become a contemporary style statement, but it also demanded the highest quality –every Gucci watch is Swiss made. Over the past 50 years, the House has continued to design extraordinary time pieces that are made in production facilities across the famed Swiss watch-making region. 

In La-Chaux-de-Fonds, quality control, assembly and diamond setting take place, while dials are crafted in Gucci’s Fabbrica Quadranti facility in the Canton of Ticino, a dial maker company employing the latest technological methods in tandem with highly skilled hand work. Special decorative techniques are also carried out at Fabbrica Quadranti. Neuchâtel–the headquarters and home of Gucci watches, is where the House’s watch design know-how comes together. 

Today, Gucci is one of the largest luxury fashion watch producers in the world and continues to design era-defining Swiss-made time pieces. Now Gucci has taken a natural, next step into the arena of high watchmaking, a rarefied world that encompasses the best in Swiss horological know-how, advanced manufacturing techniques and exceptional skill in exquisite, decorative arts.

The new collections are a dazzling fusion of Gucci’s innate Italian style and peerless, Swiss expertise, a conjunction that is perfectly expressed in the new GG727.25 watch calibre, Gucci’s first movement developed and produced by the state-of-the art Kering movement manufacture in La Chaux-de-Fonds, Switzerland. Self-winding and ultra-slim at just 3.70mm in height, the GG727.25 calibre makes its debut in the new GUCCI 25H, a triumphant milestone in the House’s watch history 

The GUCCI 25H bears a playfully symbolic name, containing a number that Alessandro Michele considers a talisman and one he often features in his collections for Gucci. The GG727.25 calibre references other important numerical symbols: ‘7’ to encapsulate a sense of completeness; ‘2’ representing balance and cooperation; ‘5’ symbolizing curiosity and freedom. 

With its sleek, sporty lines, contrasting finishes and technological excellence, the GUCCI 25H is the touchstone of Gucci’s debut in high-watch making collections, its ultra-slim case allowing a light touch for the watch to become like a second skin on the wrist, suited to both men and women. The GUCCI 25H is presented in steel and pavé-set models and two tourbillon iterations in platinum and yellow gold. A mechanical watch design for our times, the GUCCI 25H seamlessly bridges authentic contemporary style and unparalleled savoir-faire of watch expertise. Two further high-watchmaking creations and one watch jewellery collection are also revealed, each brimming with the artistic character and free spirit of Gucci.  

G-Timeless  

In the picture a GUCCI 25H

The G-Timeless high-watchmaking creations comprise five exceptional designs: the G-Timeless Dancing Bees, a compelling new timepiece with a high jewellery touch with bees that shimmer and move on the dial. The watch is also offered in Tourbillon versions–a remarkable movement complication with an unmistakably stylish Gucci flourish. Also presented are the G-Timeless Automatic with bee motif, jewelled hard-stone dials and precious skin straps; the mystical G-Timeless with moon phases and the G-Timeless Pavé, a white-diamond encrusted automatic watch with alligator strap.  

Grip Five 

Grip high watch-making variations are crafted in precious materials balancing decorative craft traditions and cutting-edge techniques with technological know-how. Each Grip is fitted with a Jump Hour movement module triggered to jump for-ward every hour, to a minute’s disc that sweeps around through 60 minutes. The technology is creatively expressed on the new models incurved apertures on each dial, allowing a clean numerical display. Hardstone dials adorn three new 18ktgold Grip models–two in yellow gold, the other in white gold. Each dial is precision-cut by a highly skilled gemstone-cutter who must shape the delicate material while maintaining its strength.

The Grip design is fitted with an alligator strap in a shade that corresponds to the colour of its stone dial. The fourth design in the Grip gold series is created entirely in 18kt yellow gold with a brushed gold dial subtly engraved with the Gucci logo and straight, gleaming bracelet links. Each 18k gold Grip watch is precision-set with a continuous row of 44 baguette-cut diamonds. Grip Sapphire, a mesmerising Jump Hour watch in a case entirely crafted in sapphire crystal is the fifth edition in the Grip line. Presented in four colour variations, clear, blue, green and pink with a transparent rubber tone-on-tone strap embossed with the Interlocking G motif and with a steel ardillon buckle.  

With its High Jewellery Watch Collection, Gucci perpetuates the avant-garde thinking that defines jewelled-watch design with a dazzling treasure trove of precious timepieces inspired by the House’s design motifs: Dionysus, Lion Head and Gucci Play. Each design is created around a quartz movement, better suited to the goldwork and precious stones that set high jewellery watches apart. An artistic coming together of art, craft, precision, and style–each new design presents its own story in gleaming precious metals and stones. 

For further information 
www.gucci.com

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Images courtesy of Gucci 

Opportunities and threats of Iran’s return to 2015 nuclear deal

There were some conflicting speculations regarding the position of US President Joseph Biden‘s administration on Iran’s nuclear program, as optimists believed the new President would return to the nuclear deal as soon as he entered the White House, while pessimists announced that the decision to return to that deal would be very difficult if not impossible under the conditions agreed with President Barack Obama in October 2015. Many things have changed during Donald Trump’s tenure as president, as have many attitudes towards the nuclear deal, which today requires that the details of the deal be reconsidered and amended to suit the new circumstances.

Within days of taking office on 20 January 2021, the new US President Biden managed to change the face of US foreign policy towards the Middle East, thanks to a number of facts: first, his experience in dealing with challenges in the region gained over a long period of membership in the Senate (1973-2009) and in Obama’s administration where he was vice president from 2009 to 2017; second, his use of executive presidential powers as a means of taking swift action and avoiding confrontation with Republicans in the Congress; third, a clear vision, which sees the US global role from two perspectives, including  the moral principles and interests, instead of only thinking of the interests; fourth, his selection of an experienced team based on the criteria of expertise, skills and knowledge of the region; and fifth, the President and his team rely on multi-track diplomacy to implement this vision, which simultaneously stimulates and exerts pressure based on the carrot and stick principle.

The nuclear deal should be dealt separately from other issues

The Iranian issue is an important axis of the new US administration’s foreign policy. Biden’s vision of policy towards Iran can be divided into three segments, the most important of which is Iran’s nuclear programme, to save the nuclear deal with Iran and try to fix what Trump’s policy destroyed in that regard. The second segment concerns an attempt to suppress Iran’s expansion in the Middle East, primarily in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen, where pro-Iranian allies are in power. The third segment of American policy is putting Iran’s missile programme under international supervision.

This vision seeks to separate Iran’s nuclear programme from regional security issues in the first phase, which Saudi Arabia insists on. From Biden’s point of view, Iran’s nuclear programme (JSPOA)[2] is an international issue essentially related to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the group (5 + 1)[3] in charge of this issue, and they differ in term of regional security issues, despite some connections between them, especially regarding the establishment of collective regional security framework, with the participation of all parties whereby talks would be held at a later stage.

Analysts believe that if Biden manages to separate the nuclear issue from regional security challenges, it will provide chances for a quick solution to the problems of the nuclear deal and unresolved regional issues. The United States and Iran have expressed readiness to negotiate on the nuclear programme, but there are major differences in terms and how to achieve that.

Iran demands that all US sanctions be lifted first before it agrees to meet the restrictions on uranium enrichment from the 2015 deal, while the US sees this scenario the other way around, which means that Iran should first meet its obligations before the sanctions would be gradually abolished. There is another scenario announced by Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, namely that the two sides enter negotiations at the same time. However, the US President categorically stated in the CBS TV programme “Face the Nation“[4] that he would not lift the sanctions just to “bring Iran back to the negotiating table”. In response to a subsequent question, he explained that Iran must first “stop enriching uranium” more than what is envisaged by the nuclear deal, which is 3.67%.

On 31 January 2021 Tehran announced that it had produced 17 kilograms of 20% enriched uranium, thus bringing it a step closer to enriching uranium to 90%, which could be used in nuclear weapon production. 

Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Raphael Mariano Grossi warned: “Obviously we don’t have many months. We have weeks to renew a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action,” which indicates that Iran’s uranium enrichment will soon reach the point of no return.


The US concerns about Iran’s presidential elections

The US administration is anxiously awaiting changes resulting from Iran’s presidential elections in June 2021 and any possibility that the future president would come from the ranks of conservatives, who have controlled Iranian parliament since 2020 parliamentary elections. This possibility is quite realistic.  
The reformists do not have any notable candidate, unlike the conservatives who already have three political “hawks“: former President of Iran (2005-2013) Mahmuomd Ahmadinejad, former Tehran Mayor and current Parliament Speaker Mohammad Qalibaf, who was Hassan Rouhani’s strongest opponent at 2013 elections, and Head of Judiciary Ebrahim Raisi, who ran in 2017 presidential elections but lost to Hassan Rouhani.

Recent aggravation of relations resulted from the violation of the agreement on international control over Iran’s nuclear programme, which led to an increase in uranium enrichment based on decisions by the conservative-controlled Iranian parliament. 


A new US path towards Iran

The Persian Gulf region and Iran have been the source of tensions and wars for the past 40 years, but it seems that with President Biden we are entering a phase of anticipating a new American policy.  Biden and his team appear to be more in favour of a truce and reduction in tensions than former Trump’s administration.

The new path that the United States will follow towards Iran requires an open dialogue, especially after years of tensions that have lasted since the founding of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979. Some opinions suggesting that the ceasefire will strengthen Iranian expansion and extremism are incorrect. Iran today is not what it was in 1980. It is no longer a revolutionary Iran, but is now a pragmatic country, seeking to regulate its global role as a regional power and successor to the ancient Persian civilization.

Internal attempts to overthrow Iranian political system have failed. The US must find a model of cooperation with the present Iranian regime. Dialogue can open many doors, as did the seven-day visit by US President Richard Nixon on 21 February 1972, which opened the door to changes in China despite its communist ideology. China has supported all anti-American and communist movements around the world, including the Vietnam War against the US. American openness to China has changed many Chinese trends, and even led to the emergence of the school of capitalist economic reform in late 1970s, without changing the essence of the communist system.

The new US policy is less burdened with the protection of Gulf oil sources and it is oriented towards China. Therefore, the United States will not accept that certain Gulf states, especially Saudi Arabia, have the right to set ultimatums and restrictions on the US return to the nuclear deal and dialogue with Iran, but will ask its Arab allies to make compromises with Iran on common Gulf security concerns.

Some countries in the region had time to resolve their problems with Iran, but were more focused on the blockade option and the use of force, encouraging Trump administration to attack Iran. Nevertheless, this did not happen during the presidency of Donald Trump, who exploited tensions to increase arms sales deals, and it will not happen during Biden’s administration either.  It should be noted that the three countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Kuwait, Qatar and Oman, lead a rational policy towards Iran.

Today, Iran’s economy is no longer on the verge of collapse. It is now in a deep abyss, which had a dramatic effect on the country’s internal political situation that has been the scene of large demonstrations in many Iranian cities over the past two years. 

The official unemployment rate in Iran is 9.4%, which is 2.4 million economically active people. However, it is estimated that the real unemployment rate is at least twice as high, especially among the young. Annual GDP reduced in 2019/2020 by about 7%.  An additional 5% drop in Iranian economy is expected in 2021 if sanctions are not lifted. Annual inflation also jumped to more than 46% in November 2020.

Return to the nuclear deal – Iran’s exit from the crisis

Iranian leadership is well aware that the only way out of the crisis is to return to the nuclear deal which will be followed by economic progress.

The messages coming from the United States and Iran can be interpreted as mutual willingness to start negotiations to return to the nuclear deal. An optimistic atmosphere was established by the appointment of Wendy R. Sherman as US Deputy Secretary of State and Robert Malley as US Special Envoy for Iran, two key figures who actively participated in negotiations with Iran during former President Obama’s term in 2009-2017.

Iranian leadership has to show a high level of patience regarding the lifting of sanctions, since this will realistically not happen overnight. 

There are three types of sanctions imposed on Iran, and not all are related to the nuclear deal. For example, sanctions imposed on the Central Bank and the Revolutionary Guard are related to money laundering and aiding terrorism, and some sanctions are imposed due to human rights violations. Even if the sanctions imposed by former US President Trump are lifted, there will be still other sanctions that the two sides must discuss separately from the nuclear issue in order to be phased out.

Presidential elections will be held in June 2021. Will Iran’s supreme Islamic leader Ali Khamnei allow the negotiation process to be successfully completed during the term of current reformist President Hassan Rouhani, thereby increasing the power of reformists, or will he wait until a new president is elected, most likely coming from the conservatives?

Published by IFIMES – The International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES)[1] in Ljubljana, Slovenia, regularly analyses events in the Middle East and the Balkans. It has currently analysed events in Iran with an emphasis on restoring the 2015 nuclear deal. Ljubljana/Washington/Brussels, 19 April 2021            

Footnotes:
[1IFIMES – International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies, based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, has Special Consultative status at ECOSOC/UN, New York, since 2018.
[2]  Source: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/cmsdata/122460/full-text-of-the-iran-nuclear-deal.pdf
[3] P5+1 (the UN Security Council’s five permanent members China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States; plus Germany). All together with the EU.
[4] Source: interview with Joseph Biden, CBS, Face the Nation, 7 February 2021. www.youtube.com/watch?v=3YFFYIHAcoA

Mmusi Kgafela heads Botswana’s Investment Ministry

Mmusi Kgafela, Minister of Investment. Picture by Botswana Investment & Trade Centre

Friday, 16 April 2021, Gabarone, Republic of Botswana:  The Honourable Mmusi Kgafela was appointed by HE President Mokgweetsi Masisi in the capacity as Minister of Investment, Trade and Industry.  

Mmusi Kgafela replaced Peggy Serame, who now heads the Finance Ministry.   

Minister Kgafela previously served as Minister of Infrastructure and Housing Development. He is a lawyer by profession with extensive experience as sollicitor in the private sector. In Parliament he represents Mochudi West as MP for the Democratic Party of Botswana. 

Minister Mmusi Kgafela belongs to one of the chieftain clans from Bakgatla. He himself is a younger brother to the Kgosi (Chief) Kgafela II

For further information  
Ministry of Investment, Trade and Industry: https://www.gov.bw/ministries/ministry-investment-trade-and-industry

Cour internationale de Justice: éternel bel âge?

Par S. Exc. M. Philippe Couvreur, Juge ad hoc et ancien Greffier de la Cour internationale de Justice.

Décidément, les mois passent et se ressemblent…La pandémie de Covid-19, que l’on n’avait guère attendue, et dont d’aucuns avaient pensé qu’on pût se libérer promptement, grève toujours aussi sévèrement, si pas dramatiquement, nos existences. Dans le monde de la justice internationale, elle avait  rendu impossible, en 2020, la célébration d’événements historiquement aussi significatifs que le centenaire de l’adoption du Statut de la Cour permanente de Justice internationale (CPJI) ou le soixante-quinzième anniversaire de la signature de la Charte des Nations Unies, dont le Statut de la Cour internationale de Justice (CIJ) fait partie intégrante. Aujourd’hui, elle menace de plonger dans l’oubli une autre étape importante du processus de développement du règlement judiciaire international: l’entrée en fonctions de la CIJ, en avril 1946.

On se souviendra que la CPJI avait tenu sa dernière séance privée en octobre 1945, non sans prendre toutes les mesures requises à l’effet d’assurer la continuité de la juridiction internationale ainsi que le transfert de ses archives et de ses biens à la nouvelle Cour. Les juges de la CPJI avaient remis leur démission au Secrétaire général de la Société des Nations (SdN) fin janvier 1946 et les premières élections à la CIJ se tinrent à Londres le 6 février suivant. Ceux des  juges élus qui se trouvaient présents à Londres se réunirent sans attendre, de façon officieuse, et le Dr. Guerrero, ancien Président de la CPJI et doyen d’âge, fut chargé d’organiser la première réunion formelle de la CIJ le 3 avril 1946, à La Haye, au cours de laquelle devaient être examinées diverses questions pressantes telles que l’établissement du Règlement de la Cour, les privilèges et immunités des juges, le budget de l’institution, ainsi que l’élection du Président et du Vice-Président et la préparation de l’audience solennelle d’ouverture de la Cour. Cette audience fut fixée au 18 avril 1946, date à laquelle la vingt-et-unième Assemblée de la SdN décida la dissolution de la CPJI. Entre-temps, aux termes d’un accord conclu entre le Secrétaire général des Nations Unies et le président de la Fondation Carnegie, les locaux occupés, au palais de la Paix, par la CPJI, furent remis à la CIJ.

La séance inaugurale de la Cour se tint comme prévu le 18 avril, dans la grande salle de Justice du Palais, archi-comble pour l’occasion, en présence d’éminentes personnalités  au nombre desquelles LL.AA.RR. la Princesse Juliana et le Prince Bernhard des Pays-Bas, le Président de la première Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Paul-Henri Spaak, le Ministre des affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas, M.J.H. Van Roijen, ainsi que M. de Monchy, Bourgmestre de La Haye et l’ensemble du Corps diplomatique.

Dans son discours, imprégné de cet art oratoire dont il avait le secret, Paul-Henri Spaak lança ces mots: « je n’oserais pas affirmer que la Cour internationale de Justice est l’organisme le plus important des Nations Unies, mais je crois pouvoir affirmer qu’il n’y en a pas dans tous les cas de plus important »; et d’ajouter: « il n’y a pas de monde civilisé et de paix durable s’il n’y a de respect absolu et complet devant la juridiction internationale et ses arrêts ». Dans la foulée, il forma le vœu suivant: « que, dans les années (qui viendraient), (l’) activité (de la Cour) (devînt) chaque jour plus importante ». C’est cette séance inaugurale que la Cour a désormais pris coutume de commémorer solennellement à fréquence quinquennale; elle l’a fait pour la dernière fois en 2016. Mais que dire aujourd’hui, soixante-quinze ans plus tard, du vœu de M. Spaak? Le succès croissant qu’a connu l’activité de la CIJ depuis 1946 ne souffre aucune controverse: on peut donc conclure sans hésitation qu’à ce jour ce vœu a été exaucé! Mais peut-être est-il utile de rappeler ci-après, à grands traits, les étapes les plus caractéristiques du développement de cette activité au fil des trois quarts de siècle écoulés.

Le monde face auquel la CIJ s’est trouvée en 1946 différait radicalement de celui qui avait présidé à la naissance de sa devancière. Les nouvelles données  sociologiques de l’immédiat après-guerre, le système de sécurité collective original institué par la Charte des Nations Unies et les réalités institutionnelles spécifiques qui en sont dérivées ont contribué à privilégier le règlement politique des différends sous l’égide des « puissances victorieuses », siégeant en permanence, avec un droit de véto, au Conseil de sécurité.

La « paix par la justice et le droit », si présente dans les esprits en 1899-1907, puis en 1919-1920, passa quelque peu au second plan, et ainsi en alla-t-il du règlement juridictionnel. Aucun traité de paix, à l’issue du second conflit mondial, n’avait confié à la CIJ de responsabilité particulière pour en traiter les séquelles. Cet état de fait global et la survenance rapide de la guerre froide ont sérieusement pesé, dans un premier temps, sur la velléité des Etats de porter devant la Cour leurs différends (politiquement) les plus importants: les grandes crises internationales, qui posaient des problèmes de sécurité immédiats, ont ainsi largement échappé à l’examen de la Cour pendant ses premières décennies d’activité.

A cette date, la CIJ a rendu un nombre impressionnant de décisions: pas moins de 143 arrêts et 28 avis consultatifs, ainsi que de très nombreuses ordonnances, dont certaines à contenu normatif substantiel, tranchant avec effet obligatoire diverses questions se posant dans le cadre de procédures incidentes ( indication de mesures conservatoires, admissibilité de demandes d’intervention ou de demandes reconventionnelles, etc.). Le rythme auquel les affaires et les prononcés se sont succédé, ainsi que leur nature, ont considérablement varié dans le temps.

Avant de revenir brièvement sur leur évolution, deux observations s’imposent d’emblée. Tout d’abord, il appert que l’activité contentieuse de la CIJ a été singulièrement plus intense que son activité consultative, en net contraste avec la pratique à l’époque de la CPJI, laquelle était fréquemment saisie par le Conseil de la SdN de demandes d’avis, y inclus sur des différends pendants: ce déséquilibre s’est d’ailleurs progressivement renforcé avec temps, ce qui ne laisse de susciter des interrogations et doit être regretté, compte tenu des vertus préventives avérées de la procédure consultative en matière de solution pacifique des différends, et du fait qu’elle constitue un instrument inestimable de promotion de l’état de droit et de développement du droit international. Deuxièmement, eu égard aux changements profonds qu’a subis la communauté internationale depuis les années 1960, les affaires contentieuses soumises à la CIJ sont rapidement sorties du cadre européen dans lequel la CPJI avait été largement confinée: quelque 100 Etats, appartenant à toutes les régions du monde, ont aujourd’hui été parties à des affaires devant la Cour (dont près de 30 Etats africains et 20 asiatiques, ainsi qu’une quinzaine d’Etats latino-américains).

S’agissant de l’évolution de l’activité judiciaire de la Cour dans le temps, deux périodes peuvent être globalement distinguées: de 1946 à la fin des années 1970; et des années 1980 à ce jour. La première, quoi qu’on ait pu en dire, a été fondamentale pour la Cour. Il est vrai qu’après la fameuse affaire du Détroit de Corfou (1947-1949), la volonté des Etats de soumettre à la Cour des différends juridiques à «haute densité politique» a largement fait défaut. Jusqu’à la fin des années 1970, ses arrêts ont principalement porté sur des questions territoriales (titres historiques, conventions de délimitation, « effectivités », coutumes locales, acquiescement) et maritimes (lignes de base, délimitation du plateau continental, extension unilatérale de droits de pêche), ainsi que de protection diplomatique (nationalité effective, protection des droits des actionnaires). Sans doute peu spectaculaire, cette activité, de nature plutôt préventive, a eu raison, de manière durable, de nombreuses tensions et a efficacement concouru au développement du droit international.

En même temps, la Cour a donné une série d’avis consultatifs hautement marquants dans des domaines aussi variés que le droit de l’Organisation des Nations Unies (conditions d’admission, personnalité juridique internationale et réparations, contributions étatiques), les réserves à la Convention pour la prévention et la répression du crime de génocide, l’interprétation de traités de paix, les conséquences des décisions du Conseil de sécurité ( concernant spécifiquement la Présence continue de l’Afrique du Sud en Namibie) ou l’acquisition de la souveraineté territoriale et le droit à l’auto-détermination (problème du Sahara occidental): tous ces avis ont contribué de façon notoire au renforcement de l’état de droit et de l’Organisation.

Durant cette période, la Cour a rendu 42 arrêts (dont 16 sur des questions de compétence ou de recevabilité), 16 avis consultatifs et 8 ordonnances en indication de mesures conservatoires. Son rythme d’activité judiciaire modéré lui a permis de réexaminer en profondeur son Règlement et ses procédures à partir de 1968, un exercice de longue haleine qui a débouché sur une révision partielle du Règlement en 1972 et l’adoption d’un Règlement entièrement révisé en 1978 (lequel, légèrement retouché depuis, est toujours en vigueur): le but en était d’accroître l’attractivité de la Cour, en simplifiant les procédures et en facilitant l’accès aux chambres ad hoc.

A la fin des années 1970, des changements significatifs se sont produits. La Cour a commencé à connaître de différends associés à des menaces plus immédiates pour la paix et la sécurité internationales. Des affaires telles que celles du Personnel diplomatique et consulaire des Etats-Unis à Téhéran (1978-1979), des Activités militaires et paramilitaires au Nicaragua et contre celui-ci (1984-1991) ou du Différend frontalier (Burkina Faso/Mali) (1984-1986) ont donné à la Cour l’occasion d’exercer ses fonctions judiciaires en situation de crise internationale aiguë.

Dans ce contexte, elle a précisé que le recours parallèle à un autre mode de règlement pacifique (en particulier le Conseil de sécurité) n’était pas en soi un obstacle à l’accomplissement de sa mission. Par la suite, elle a été saisie de certains aspects de conflits parmi les plus graves des dernières décennies, tels ceux de la région des grands lacs en Afrique (affaire des Activités armées sur le territoire du Congo) ou des Balkans (affaires concernant l’Application de la Convention pour la prévention et la répression du crime de génocide).

La Cour n’est pas seulement intervenue de façon urgente dans ces affaires (notamment par la voie de l’indication de mesures conservatoires de  portée sans précédent), alors que des atrocités étaient commises sur le terrain, mais aussi ultérieurement, aux fins d’établir la responsabilité des Etats intéressés et de faciliter la restauration de relations apaisées, voire amicales, entre eux. Elle a été amenée, dans ces circonstances, à sensiblement développer sa jurisprudence en matière de recours à la force et d’exercice du droit de légitime défense, ainsi que d’application du droit humanitaire, une jurisprudence qu’elle a pu confirmer et affiner dans quelques avis consultatifs de grand retentissement (Licéité de la menace ou de l’emploi d’armes nucléaires; Conséquences juridiques de la construction d’un mur en Territoire palestinien occupé). Par ailleurs, tout au long de cette période ont été soumis à  la Cour maints différends qui, sans porter directement sur le recours à la force, s’étaient matérialisés dans un contexte armé, en divers points du globe, du Caucase à  l’Asie du Sud-Est.

En parallèle, la CIJ a continué de développer, de façon chaque fois plus substantielle, et à un rythme accéléré, sa jurisprudence dans ses domaines d’activité traditionnels: différends territoriaux (par exemple sur la relation entre titre écrits et « effectivités »), questions de délimitation maritime (cristallisation des nouvelles normes du droit de la mer et établissement d’une méthodologie de délimitation claire et efficace, en trois étapes, d’application générale quand la configuration des côtes le permet) et protection diplomatique (protection des droits des sociétés et des droits propres des  actionnaires ou des gérants). Il échet d’ajouter qu’au-delà, le champ opératoire de la jurisprudence de la Cour s’est logiquement étendu à mesure que s’étendait celui du droit international lui-même, et que la Cour a récemment rendu des décisions innovatrices dans des matières telles que la protection des droits fondamentaux de la personne humaine (Ahmadou Sadio Diallo) ou celle de l’environnement (Usines de pâtes à papier; Construction d’une route au Costa Rica le long du fleuve San Juan), en formulant pour la première fois des considérations de grand intérêt sur la réparation du dommage environnemental (Certaines activités menées par le Nicaragua dans la région frontalière). Au cours de la période 1979-2021, la Cour a prononcé 101 arrêts (dont 40 sur des questions de compétence ou de recevabilité), 12 avis consultatifs et 45 ordonnances relatives à des mesures conservatoires. Pendant les 40 dernières années, elle a traité trois fois plus d’affaires contentieuses qu’auparavant et rendu plus du double d’arrêts; en revanche, le nombre d’avis consultatifs donnés a diminué et est tombé de quasi 40% du total des décisions de la Cour (hors ordonnances) à quelque 12%; enfin, autre développement significatif, le recours aux procédures incidentes (en particulier les demandes en indication de mesures conservatoires) s’est très nettement accru.

L’aperçu qui précède, nécessairement sommaire, montre à suffisance qu’en soixante-quinze ans l’activité de la CIJ s’est considérablement renforcée. Assurément, depuis les années 1990, la communauté internationale s’est progressivement « juridictionnalisée » et le contexte général est redevenu globalement plus favorable au règlement judiciaire. La Cour a indubitablement bénéficié de ce nouveau climat, plus propice à l’accomplissement de sa mission en qualité tant d’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies que d’« organe du droit international ». Mais elle a également su gagner la confiance de ses justiciables en témoignant, par son action propre, de ce qu’elle constituait un mode de solution pacifique des différends efficace face aux réalités complexes du monde contemporain, et très peu onéreux (son budget demeure inférieur à 1% du budget régulier de l’ONU), qui n’en sacrifie pas pour autant ses impératifs immanents de développement continu d’une jurisprudence cohérente et de haute qualité. La CIJ est ainsi apparue comme étant non seulement garante de sécurité et de prévisibilité pour les Etats, mais aussi capable de leur offrir des solutions concrètes et durables non disponibles ailleurs. La paralysie dont les organes politiques ont souvent à pâtir lui est étrangère; et les limites que peut engendrer le caractère éphémère ou spécialisé d’autres juridictions n’affectent en rien son action.

 Le 18 avril 1996, le Président Mohamed Bedjaoui, ouvrant la cérémonie du cinquantenaire de la Cour, se félicitait du « bel âge » qu’elle avait atteint. Ces mots évoquent immanquablement  la  célèbre mise en garde de Fénélon dans les Aventures de Télémaque: « Souviens-toi que ce bel âge n’est qu’une fleur qui sera presque aussitôt séchée qu’éclose ». Heureusement, force est de constater, un quart de siècle plus tard, qu’échappant aux outrages du temps, la CIJ, riche de sa fertile expérience, s’épanouit avec une sereine autorité dans ce « bel âge »…On lui souhaite qu’il en soit longtemps encore ainsi!

Role of Shavkat Mirziyoyev in Shaping a Strong Civil Society in Uzbekistan

By Eldor Tulyakov, Executive Director of the “Development Strategy” Center.

After Shavkat Mirziyoyev became the head of state in Uzbekistan, during a new stage of development, he began to pay special attention to the development of a strong civil society. The process of radical reforms carried out in the country has embraced all spheres of the social and political life of society.

The head of state presented the main program – the Strategy of Action[1] in five priority areas of the country’s development for the medium term, which identifies such priority issues, as enhancing the role of civil society institutions in the life of society, in particular, the media, improving the activities of non-governmental organizations, developing and introduction of effective mechanisms for the implementation of the system of public control in all areas.

In this regard, the strengthening of the necessary institutional framework, aimed primarily at improving the legal framework, in order to ensure the effective operation of civil society institutions, their comprehensive support, and stimulate their initiative in exercising public control over the activities of state bodies, has acquired particular importance in this direction.

Also, in the course of the new stage reforms, a system was formed to take into account the opinion of the population by state bodies when establishing a dialogue with the people and making decisions on important socio-political issues. Ample opportunities are provided for the active participation of non-governmental non-profit organizations in social protection of the population, strengthening its health, solving environmental problems as soon as possible, harmonious education of the younger generation, increasing medical and legal knowledge of citizens and a number of other reforms.

After the issue of the practical assurance of citizens’ participation in public administration was put on the agenda on the basis of the initiative put forward by the President “not the people should serve the state bodies, but the state bodies must serve the people” [2], the activity of non-governmental non-profit organizations and other civil society institutions in the implementation of democratic reforms began to increase significantly.

In particular, due to the fact, that laws, decrees, resolutions and other normative legal acts adopted in the interests of the people, first of all, are submitted for public discussion, public examination, and as a result of public criticism of the work of government agencies and their leaders in the media and social networks – a number of shortcomings and problems, violations are put to an end.

In turn, Virtual[3] and People’s Receptions[4] of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan were created in order to ensure human rights and interests, dialogue with people, careful study and solution of life problems and needs of the people. These structures have become a mechanism for in-depth analysis of the effectiveness of the activities of state power and management bodies, as well as local problems and a criterion for assessing their activities, increasing the responsibility of state bodies and officials to society. In order to further strengthen the legislative basis for the system of working with complaints, the Law “On Appeals of Individuals and Legal Entities” was adopted in a new edition [5].

Today, People’s receptions in all regions, cities and districts of Uzbekistan have switched to an active system of identifying and solving problems by door-to-door rounds [6]. At the same time, there is ensured the organization of a direct dialogue with the population, the identification and solution of problems on the ground, the protection of the rights, freedoms and legal interests of individuals and legal entities. People’s receptions are empowered to systematically study the activities of state bodies, introduce submissions to state bodies for consideration, proposals to bring officials who have violated the law to disciplinary responsibility, up to and including dismissal.

In the past 2020 alone, the virtual reception of the President and People’s receptions received about 1.2 million applications. As a result of the information and heard reports submitted by the People’s Receptions of the President, 752 senior officials who did not work with appeals at the required level were brought to justice[7]. At the same time, since recently, it has become possible to observe how the practice of receiving applications and complaints from citizens, and timely appropriate response to them has been established through the virtual reception rooms open on the official websites of all ministries and departments.

In addition, responsible officials at all levels, working on the ground in the context of mahallas, identify shortcomings in improving the living standards of the population, study the opinion of the people about the reforms being carried out and try to organize their work on this basis[8]. In addition, a system was formed for organizing regular mass visiting receptions for the heads of the Presidential Administration, ministries and departments, khokims of regions, cities and districts in the regions. In the past 2020 alone, more than 19 thousand of such field receptions were held, at which measures were taken to solve more than 124 thousand problems of about 120 thousand representatives of the population[9].

In the process of reforms on shaping of a new Uzbekistan, in the preparation of draft annual state programs adopted within the framework of the tasks defined by the Action Strategy, there are taken into account the topical issues raised by the population, problem that are awaiting solutions, proposals of civil society institutions, non-governmental organizations, as well as critical speeches distributed in the media and social networks. After development, a draft program is submitted for public discussion; it is adopted and sent for implementation only after taking into account the opinions, proposals and recommendations of ordinary people, experts, as well as representatives of international organizations[10].

It should also be noted that in the renewed Uzbekistan, the constitutional right of every person to freedom of thought, speech and belief, to search, receive and disseminate information that he wants is practically ensured, which, in turn, received the recognition of the international community[11]. In particular, at the request of the President, “closed doors” were opened in the activities of government bodies, transparency was ensured, in particular, an “open space” was created for the free expression of the critical opinion of the population on the desired topic. The head of state in person regularly monitors speeches on social networks, national and foreign media and other sources about the problems that society faces and that concern the public, sometimes reprimands responsible leaders who are indifferent to resolving these issues, sometimes applies disciplinary sanctions, even releases them from office and calls on civil society institutions to be uncompromising in these processes[12].

At the initiative of Shavkat Mirziyoyev, effective mechanisms of this institution were introduced into the law “On Public Control”[13], adopted in 2018. The relations of government and government bodies with citizens, citizens’ self-government bodies, non-governmental non-profit organizations, as well as the media in the field of organizing and exercising public control over the implementation of legislative acts were regulated. Also, by the decree of the President, Public Councils were created under state bodies. These councils are called upon to exercise public control over the activities of a state body and its officials on the implementation of adopted regulations, programs, agreements, contracts, projects and programs implemented within the framework of social partnership, take an active part in systematic monitoring and comprehensive analysis of public opinion on the activities of a state body on the most important issues affecting the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of citizens, the development and implementation of state programs and other programs in the field of combating corruption.

Thus, the fact that the institution of public control is the most important tool for building a strong and free civil society in the new Uzbekistan, organizing fruitful cooperation between state and public organizations, as well as ensuring the effectiveness of reforms – is the core of the updated policy.

In this sense, the priority attention is paid to the issues of further development of the institution of public control in the country, improvement of the activities of non-governmental non-profit organizations, strengthening participation of citizens in the affairs of the state and society, introduction of modern mechanisms of public-private partnership, in a word, establishment of a systemic dialogue between the state, citizens, civil society institutions.

It should be openly admitted that although at present there are about 9,200 non-governmental non-profit organizations in Uzbekistan[14], many of them have not found their place and role in the life of society, their activities were not significant. At the same time, the issue of participation of citizens who are subjects of public control, citizens’ self-government bodies, non-governmental non-profit organizations, and the media in the reform process did not meet modern requirements. In particular, the majority of civil society institutions, having legal powers to hold public hearings to discuss issues related to the activities of state bodies and their officials, those having social significance, did not pay due attention to the practical application of this norm.

Proceeding from this, based on the idea of the Head of State, NGO houses are being created in all regions of the country, which, one by one, are transferred to the disposal of independent institutions of civil society. Also, they are provided with legal knowledge to participate and win in national and international grant competitions, practical assistance is provided in establishing close cooperation with international organizations. In short, in order to establish social justice, NGOs are actively supported, which serve balance, equality, mutual responsibility and accountability in the relations of the individual, society and the state[15].

As a result of the measures taken, there is a gradual revival of the activities of civil society institutions in the country. In particular, it should be noted that last year, in the context of a pandemic, on the initiative of NGOs, a huge amount of work was carried out in the fight against coronavirus, charity events, efforts to protect the health of citizens were extremely effective[16].

At the same time, projects and programs implemented by non-governmental non-profit organizations are yielding tangible results in healthcare, science, culture, education and other areas. In this process, civil society institutions enter the arena as an important factor in the protection of human rights, freedoms and legitimate interests, democratic values.

The adoption of two more especially important documents – a resolution[17] and a decree[18] by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in March of this year – became another big step towards the development of civil society and bringing the reforms carried out in this direction to a new level, in particular, ensuring the openness of their activities. The issue of ensuring the openness of the activities of civil society institutions is defined as one of the main directions of the “Concept for the development of civil society in 2021–2025” approved by this Decree.

According to the Decree, from April 1, 2021, the Index of openness of the activities of non-governmental non-profit organizations will be introduced, and at the end of each year their rating will be formed, based on the results of the activities of non-governmental non-profit organizations, the degree of social partnership, the effectiveness of allocated subsidies, grants and social orders and other important indicators of their activities.

Also, from now on, information on the activities of non-governmental non-profit organizations will be posted on their official website and on the website www.e-ngo.uz or on other open sources of information with a link to this website. Based on these data and assessments made by the public, an index of NGO openness will be determined at the end of each year. At the same time, the main indicators are summarized in real time and will be available for general review. In determining the final result of the Openness Index, broad participation of governmental and non-governmental organizations, in particular the public, is ensured.

Based on the results of the Openness Index, lists (ratings) are formed for “the top 20 most transparent non-governmental non-profit organizations” and “the top 20 most active non-governmental non-profit organizations”.

The positive work of non-governmental non-profit organizations included in these ratings will be popularized among the public; within the framework of social partnership, there will be issued recommendations (vouchers, certificates) for receiving state grants and social orders; in accordance with the established procedure, assistance will be provided in strengthening the material and technical base (office equipment, computers, other technical means, provision of buildings, etc.); measures will be taken to develop cooperation with government agencies and international organizations.

Summing up, it should be especially noted that the Head of State is deeply aware of how important and necessary the role of the third sector is on the path of progressive development of Uzbekistan. In this regard, the President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev promotes relevant life ideas and initiatives to establish a systemic and effective dialogue between the state, citizens and civil society institutions in a modern form, combining efforts aimed at the comprehensive development of the state, and is making effective efforts to ensure their practical implementation.


[1] National legislation database. https://lex.uz/mobileact/3107036 Decree of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan dated February 7, 2017 No. UP-4947 “On the Strategy of Actions for the Further Development of the Republic of Uzbekistan” // Collection of Legislative Acts of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2017, No. 6

[2] Tulyakov E. Reforms in the public administration system are a bold step towards the third renaissance https://strategy.uz/index.php?news=1070

[3] Information and legal portal https://www.norma.uz/uz/bizning_sharhlar/prezident_virtual_qabulhonasining_yangi_talqini_ishga_tushirildi

[4] National legislation database https://lex.uz/docs/4166965  

[5] National legislation database. https://lex.uz/docs/3336171  

[6] National legislation database. https://lex.uz/docs/4166965

[7] Site of the newspaper “Yangi Ozbekiston”.https://yuz.uz/news/2020-yilda-prezident-xalq-qabulxonalariga-1-milliondan-ortiq-murojaat-kelib-tushgan

[8] Governmental portal of the Republic of Uzbekistan. https://gov.uz/uz/pages/government_sites

[9] Applications and suggestions received by the People’s Receptions serve as the basis for large projects and programs. “Yangi Uzbekiston” newspaper, 2021 January 5, No. 2.http://online.anyflip.com/brpug/atkd/mobile/index.html

[10] “Development Strategy” website.https://strategy.uz/index.ph p?news=119&lang=uz

[11] Website of the newspaper “Yangi Uzbekiston”. https://yuz.uz/news/soz-erkinligi-barqaror-taraqqiyot-masalalariga-hamnafas 

[12] Mirzieyov Sh. Our people need gas, and many of them are paying for it honestly and on time. https://review.uz/oz/post/xalqimizga-gaz-kerak-ularning-kopchiligi-buning-uchun-tolovlarni-oz-vaqtida-halol-qilib-tolab-kelmoqda-shavkat-mirziyoyev

[13] National legislation database. https://lex.uz/docs/3679092  

[14] Портал негосударственных некоммерческих организаций Министерства юстиции Республики Узбекистан http://e-ngo.uz/

[15] Саттарова Г.Давлат дастурида ННТларни қўллаб-қувватлаш хусусида… https://uza.uz/uz/posts/davlat-dasturida-nntlarni-qollab-quvvatlash-xususida_240877

[16] Сайт благотворительного общественного фонда Узбекистана «Махалла». https://obfm.uz/uz/news/2020/09/22/pandemiya-davrida-saxovat-va-komak-jamgarmasi-ehtiyojmand-oilalarga-qariyb-105-milliard-som-naqd-pul-tarqatdi

[17] Сайт Национального информационного агентства Узбекистана. https://uza.uz/uz/posts/nodavlat-notizhorat-tashkilotlarini-davlat-tomonidan-qollab-quvvatlash-ularning-faoliyati-erkinligi-huquqlari-va-qonuniy-manfaatlari-himoya-qilinishini-taminlashga-oid-qoshimcha-chora-tadbirlar-togrisida_245986

[18] Сайт Национального информационного агентства Узбекистана. https://uza.uz/uz/posts/2021-2025-yillarda-fuqarolik-zhamiyatini-rivozhlantirish-koncepciyasini-tasdiqlash-togrisida_246489

Initial Appearance of Pjetër Shala

On 19 April 2021 at 15:00, the Initial Appearance of Pjetër Shala will take place in the courtroom of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers (KSC) in The Hague.

Pjetër Shala (“Mr Shala”) was arrested on 16 March 2021 by the Belgian authorities and transferred to The Hague on 15 April 2021, on the basis of a request for cooperation in the execution of an order for arrest and
transfer from the Kosovo Specialist Chambers.

The confirmed indictment alleges that Mr Shala is responsible, under various forms of individual criminal responsibility, for the war crimes of arbitrary detention, cruel treatment, torture and murder committed in
the context of and associated with a non-international armed conflict in Kosovo. The alleged crimes with which Mr Shala is charged took place between approximately 17 May 1999 and 5 June 1999 against persons
detained at the Kukёs Metal Factory (Albania) allegedly used by the Kosovo Liberation Army.

The Initial Appearance of Mr Shala will be a public hearing. During an Initial Appearance, the Pre-Trial Judge ensures that the rights of the Accused, including the right to legal representation, are respected, and that
the Accused understands the charges against him.

The Initial Appearance can be viewed online in Albanian, English and Serbian with a short delay at https://www.scp-ks.org/en/streaming. The hearing can also be followed from the public gallery of the courtroom on the premises of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers in The Hague.


Due to measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19, seating in both the public gallery and the media centre will be very limited and pre-registration is required. To pre-register, please send an email to public@scp-ks.org by Friday, 16 April 2021 at 16:00. The email should include full name, date of birth, citizenship and passport/ID number, affiliation (e.g. general public,
accredited diplomat, NGO/civil society) any other relevant details.

Main image: Detention Facilities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers in The Hague.

Uzbekistan has been awarded the EU’s General System of Preferences Plus (“GSP+”)

By Roy Lie Atjam.

On the 9th April 2021 in Brussels, the Republic of Uzbekistan has been awarded the status of a beneficiary country of the EU’s General System of Preferences Plus GSP+. In order to mark this joyous occasion, a press conference with the participation of the Ministry of Investment and Foreign Trade and the EU Delegation in Uzbekistan was held to commemorate this event in Tashkent.

The head of the EU delegation to Uzbekistan, Charlotte Adrian, noted that:-

 “The application of the GSP + system of preferences in relation to Uzbekistan is as timely as possible, especially during the country’s recovery from the COVID-19 crisis. This is also a good incentive for the further implementation of reforms in Uzbekistan related to the implementation of 27 major international conventions on the environment, human and labor rights, as well as good governance.”

This is the main requirement of the European side for the provision of GSP+. Interestingly, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev has since released scores of political prisoners and independent media activity has been improved. Attention has also been given to limit forced labor in the cotton fields. The fact that the Republic of Uzbekistan has applied for the EU’s GSP+ is a clear indication of president Mirziyoyev’s ambition to reform the country’s economic structures and to construct the “new Uzbekistan”

Uzbekistan began to put into motion what was needed to obtain the status of a beneficiary country of the GSP+ in early 2020. After the completion of the internal approval process, Uzbekistan submitted an application to the European Commission for the “GSP+” status on 9th June 2020.

Uzbekistan received the status of a beneficiary country of the EU’s General System of Preferences Plus.

Prior to obtaining GSP+ status, Uzbekistan used the basic General System of preferences (GSP), under which the republic exported 3,000 items of goods to the EU countries without customs duties and 3,200 items of goods at reduced rates. Whereas the GSP+ provides for a significant expansion of commodity items for duty-free access. Uzbek producers and exporters will be able to enjoy unilateral tariff preferences when exporting their goods to the European market. At the same time, the number of commodity items that can be exported duty-free to the EU countries can estimate up to 6,200 commodities.

The textile industry alone will make it possible to increase exports of products of approximately $ 300 million per annum. It is understood that Uzbekistan is seeking to join the World Trade Organization.

The Ambassador of Uzbekistan in Benelux countries, Mr Dilyor Khakimov has indicated in a very detailed interview that for Uzbekistan, Europe has traditionally been a source of advanced technologies, knowledge, investment, and innovation in the economy, as well as an important partner in the formation and strengthening of democratic institutions. The development of parliamentarism and civil society, the principles of a market economy, key sectors of public life, health, education as well as many other areas.

When asked how much Europe is aware of the reforms in Uzbekistan, Khakimov responded that in 2020, despite the severe restrictions associated with the pandemic, the Embassy of Uzbekistan in the Benelux countries held more than 55 information events. This included briefings, round tables, conferences, presentations, both in offline and online formats, during which information was provided on various aspects of the reforms being implemented in the republic. And this is only through one diplomatic mission. He further mentioned that if the events organized by all the diplomatic missions of Uzbekistan in Europe were taken into account, it would be become very clear that the visibility of Uzbekistan in the information space of the European political establishment is very solid and the partners from the Old World are well aware of the processes taking place in our country.

Shell is implementing a project for the production and processing of natural gas from the “Mustakillik 25” field in the Surkhandaryaregion. Lummus Technology (formerly a McDermott division) is implementing a project on modernization the Shurtan Gas Chemical Complex and others.

A real success story was the project to build a super-modern greenhouse complex using Dutch technologies in the Khankinsky district of the Khorezm region. The total area of the greenhouse of the 4th generation is 6 hectares. By the way, all over the world the area of such greenhouses does not exceed 50 hectares, 6 of which are in Uzbekistan.

Despite the pandemic, the Embassy has organized a number of important bilateral visits during the year. So, in January, the delegation of Uzbekistan, consisting of representatives of the Presidential Administration and the Ministry of Agriculture, visited the Netherlands. During the visit of the delegation of the Ministry of Agriculture, meetings were organized at Plantlab and the world’s leading agricultural university – Wageningen University. A presentation of the potential of Uzbekistan in the field of agriculture was held in The Hague with the participation of representatives of more than 40 leading Dutch agricultural companies.

Regarding the WTO, the Ambassador went on to say that the issue of joining the World Trade Organization is also in the center of attention of the Head of State, and there is an order to intensify work on joining the WTO.

Brussels and The Hague are the world capitals of multilateral diplomacy. The Ambassador noted that both Brussels and The Hague represented very dynamic and unique poles of diplomatic work. Uzbekistan is a member of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), which is headquartered in The Hague. In March 2020, the Republic became a member of The Hague Conference on Private International Law. In addition, the issue of joining the Permanent Court of Arbitration is currently at the final stage of consideration.

The ambassador indicated that also that the country is interested in cooperation with such structures as Eurojust, which unites the judicial authorities of the EU countries, the European Institute of Public Administration, the OSCE High Commissioner for National Minorities, and many others.

The interview concluded with the question asking what kind of work the embassy is doing to develop relations and cooperation with compatriots living in the Benelux countries. The Ambassador mentioned that the Embassy provides all possible support to their citizens. Among the most memorable cases, he personally would like to mention the Uzbek aerial acrobats Kristina Vorobyova and Rustem Osmanov, who were injured during a performance at the World Christmas Circus show in Amsterdam (the Netherlands) in January 2020. The diplomatic mission provided all-round assistance to their artists, and also ensured the arrival of K. Vorobyova’s mother in the Netherlands.

The diplomatic mission also provided much needed support and assistance to dozens of compatriots who were in a difficult situation due to the coronavirus pandemic. In particular, they were provided with financial support and assistance in departing on charter flights to Uzbekistan.

The GSP + scheme will offer broader opportunities to increase trade between the EU and Uzbekistan, as tariffs will be lifted on a number of important export commodities such as textiles, clothing and plastics. In spite of relative proximity to the EU market, the trade potential has not yet been fully tapped, as the EU is only seventh on the list of Uzbekistan’s export destinations.

The Uzbek Deputy PM Sardor Umurzakov is of good faith that GSP+ will give a powerful impetus to investors and the private sector, primarily from the EU countries, to the implementation of promising projects in Uzbekistan, as well as form a solid basis for diversification and swift development of trade and economic ties between Uzbekistan and the EU countries.

Kudos to Uzbekistan for the well-deserved success, so pleased to see you accomplishing great things.

OPCW Signs Contract to Begin Construction of New Centre for Chemistry and Technology

THE HAGUE, Netherlands — 15 April 2021 — The Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and Dutch construction company Dura Vermeer yesterday signed the main construction contract for a new facility – the OPCW Centre for Chemistry and Technology (“ChemTech Centre”). The contract was signed by the OPCW Director of Administration, Mr Christopher Buck, and, on behalf of Dura Vermeer, by Mr David Snelleman. The contract signing was overseen by OPCW Director-General, H.E. Mr Fernando Arias, and CEO of Dura Vermeer, Mr Job Dura.

The Director-General stated: “By entering into this contract, the OPCW has taken a significant step towards the establishment of the ChemTech Centre. This facility will strengthen the Organisation’s scientific capabilities, critical to our mission of safeguarding the Chemical Weapons Convention. In Dura Vermeer, the OPCW has found an experienced and reliable partner for turning the ChemTech Centre plan into reality.”

Director-General Arias also expressed his gratitude to the OPCW Member States and other donors that have supported the project so far. He further emphasised the important role the ChemTech Centre will play in developing the OPCW’s ability to address the threat from chemical weapons use and enhance capacity building activities to the benefit of all 193 Member States – in areas like analytical chemistry skills, chemical safety and security, first response, sampling techniques, and emergency management.

Mr Dura commented: “Dura Vermeer is proud to start work for the OPCW, the global leader in the effort to rid the world of chemical weapons, and to join the Organisation in realising its ambition to establish the new ChemTech Centre. We hope the Centre will be a source of pride for the community and for the OPCW. Our enthusiastic team is keen to embark on this new flagship project.”

The ChemTech Centre is an important upgrade to the OPCW’s research, analytical and capacity building capabilities in support of Member States. It will bring together the OPCW Laboratory, Equipment Store, and a range of state-of-the-art training facilities. The Centre will also serve as a knowledge repository to tackle chemical threats worldwide as well as a platform to promote expert dialogue, exchange, and collaboration in the field of peaceful uses of chemistry. In addition, a new logistics centre and training facilities will significantly enhance the professional development of OPCW inspectors, mission preparations, and support deployments.

The building will be located on a 6,400m2 plot within the Heron Business Park in Pijnacker-Nootdorp, outside The Hague. Construction is scheduled to begin this summer and the Centre should become operational at the end of 2022.

Pakistan to open consulate in Munich

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Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi and Ambassador Dr Mohammad Faisal – Picture by Embassy of Pakistan in Germany.

Tuesday, 13 April 2021, Berlin, Federal Republic of Germany: Pakistan shall open a consulate general in Munich, Bavaria, Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi announced in the framework of his visit to Berlin. 

Talking to media personnel in the German capital, Foreign Minister Qureshi said Pakistan and Germany had great prospects for cooperation in trade and investment, and expressed confidence that a new consulate general would expedite matters in this regard. 

The foreign minister said a consul general will be appointed at the Munich mission to supplement the diplomatic efforts of the country’s embassy in Berlin. 

He said Pakistan was committed to properly formulating the Strategic Engagement Plan of Europe and added the country could explore cooperation with Germany, particularly in the areas of information technology, solar energy and electric vehicles. 

He expressed satisfaction that around 5,000 Pakistani students were currently studying at various educational institutions in Germany, adding that the nation’s visionary poet Allama Mohammad Iqbal also studied at an institute in Munich in Bavaria.  

Mr Qureshi said efforts would be made to expand the scope of cooperation in the education sector by engaging the Higher Education Commission so that Germany could become a top destination for Pakistani students. 

The foreign minister also visited the Pakistani embassy in Berlin where Ambassador Dr Mohammad Faisal and other diplomats received him warmly. The Minister reviewed different sections of the embassy, including the consular section, and expressed satisfaction over the facilities, and services provided therein. 

For further information 


Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan: https://pakemb.de
Visit of Foreign Minister Qureshi to Berlin (11-13 April 2021): https://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/en/aussenpolitik/maas-qureshi/2453556

Bavarian State Chancellery: https://www.bayern.de/staatskanzlei/staatsministerin-melanie-huml/

Nippo-German foreign and security consultations

H.E. Ambassador Hidenao Yanagi at the Representation of North Rhine-Westphalia. Picture by NRW Landesvertretung-Michael-Setzpfandt


Tuesday, 13 April 2021, Berlin-Tokyo:  Germany held its first foreign and security policy consultations with Japan, a partner with shared values. The talks took place in 2+2 format, with each country being represented by its Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Defence

 Foreign and security policy consultations between Japan and Germany are a new form of cooperation between the two countries: Nipponese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi and Defence Minister Nobuo Kishi participated on the Japanese side, and Foreign Minister Heiko Maas and Defence Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer on the German side. The Federal Foreign Office was the virtual host of the joint video teleconference.

The 2+2 Japan-Germany consultations, as they are called, are a tangible result of the German Government’s Policy guidelines for the Indo-Pacific, which it adopted in the autumn of 2020. In these, Germany declared its intention to play a stronger and more active role in the Indo-Pacific region, which stretches from the eastern coast of Africa to the western coast of the Americas.

A key part of this strategy is to diversify and deepen Germany’s relations with countries in the region.The Indo-Pacific region is the fastest-growing economic region in the world. Viêt Nam and China are among the small number of countries in the world that recorded economic growth in 2020, despite the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Indo-Pacific accounts for a large share of international trade. However, the region is also seeing an increasing amount of conflict and geopolitical rivalry. Global challenges, such as facing down the pandemic, tackling climate change and the equitable shaping of globalisation, cannot be tackled without the countries of the Indo-Pacific.

Japan is among Germany’s oldest and closest partners. This year, the two countries are celebrating their 160th anniversary of bilateral relations. Japan is the oldest democracy in East Asia and, like Germany, is an export-oriented, high-tech country. We therefore have a number of things in common: We share fundamental values, face similar challenges and have the same interests in many areas.

For further information:


German Foreign Office: https://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/en/aussenpolitik/laenderinformationen/japan-node/foreign-security-policy-consultations-japan/2453746

Embassy of Japan in Germany (HE Yanagi Hidenao): https://www.de.emb-japan.go.jp/itprtop_de/index.html
160 years of German-Japanese diplomatic ties: https://www.de.emb-japan.go.jp/itpr_de/160jd.html