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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

The Embassy of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay marked his country’s Independence Day with a grand and festive reception. Held on August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague, the event drew over 200 distinguished guests from various sectors of Dutch society.

Ambassadors, chiefs of international missions, diplomats, academics, business leaders, and representatives from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with members of the Uruguayan community, all responded to H.E. Ambassador Dr. Álvaro González Otero’s invitation to celebrate ‘Día de la Independencia’—Uruguay’s National Day, commemorating its independence from Brazil in 1825.

H.E. Dr. Álvaro González Otero, Ambassador of Uruguay. National Day 2024 The Hague.

After nearly 200 years of conflict and civil unrest under Spanish and then Brazilian rule, Uruguay has emerged as a country renowned for its welcoming people, stunning landscapes, first-class meat production, and high-quality wine. In recent decades, Uruguayans have enjoyed a stable democracy, a steady improvement in living conditions, and overall well-being.

In a packed room with an animated audience, Ambassador González Otero took the microphone to thank all the attendees for their sincere affection for his people and country. He then proudly expressed:

“Two years have quickly passed since I arrived in this lovely kingdom. Since then, we have started to shift the focus of the Embassy, placing more emphasis on our bilateral relations. The Netherlands and Uruguay have more in common than people might imagine. We share international principles, landscapes, agricultural production, developed services, qualified exports, and a progressive lifestyle.

We also share strong commitments to the well-being of our citizens and visitors, the protection of human rights, environmental sustainability, progressive social policies, and significant efforts towards renewable energy and climate action. Both countries also emphasize education, democratic governance, and active participation in international organizations promoting peace and development. So, we will keep working to boost our bilateral relations.”

Uruguay National Day, August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague.
From the Embassy of Uruguay, Counsellor Pablo Bayarres, Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Hans Akerboom, Deputy Director Protocol and Host Country Affairs from the Netherlands.

Ambassador González Otero then listed some of the most relevant initiatives undertaken by the Embassy over the last few months:

– Uruguayan participation in the World Hydrogen Summit 2024: Led by the Minister of Industry, Energy, and Mining, Ms. Elisa Facio, with over 50 representatives from various sectors of the public and private sectors.

– Active participation in the “26th World Energy Congress.”

– Cooperation Project with Delft Institute for Water Education: Since 2011, Uruguayan professionals specializing in water resources have participated in the Delft Institute program for advanced training. Initially, the program began with 40 scholarships, resulting in 37 professionals successfully completing their studies. This early success led to the program’s relocation and implementation at the Technological University of Uruguay, now featuring regional participation. The program has since had two new editions in 2022 and 2024, expanding to include 17 professionals from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. This development has transformed Uruguay into a regional hub in the field of water resource education.

– Uruguay’s status as one of the 32 signing states of the Ljubljana – The Hague Convention in February 2024.

– Positioning Uruguay as a potential living and working destination for Dutch farmers.

– Interactions with RVO and Port of Rotterdam related to port cooperation.

– Exploring and initiating new cooperation projects with Westland Municipality and Wageningen University.

– Meetings with private sector actors related to agribusiness.

– Preparation for the Capitan Miranda’s visit to Amsterdam: Uruguay’s school tall ship has already confirmed its participation in Sail Amsterdam 2025.

– Multilateral achievements: The Embassy has made progress in multilateral areas, including ongoing contributions and work with international organizations based in The Hague: the ICJ, ICC, OPCW, HCCH, and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Additionally, a closer relationship with The Hague Academy of International Law has been pursued. Significant advances have also been made through the coordinated work of the GRULAC Group in relation to various international organizations.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General , Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Mr Arias spouse, Patricia van Oordt.

Following his remarks, Ambassador González Otero invited the audience to watch a short video about Uruguay, which made a great impression on those present. He expressed, “Uruguay is an exceptional country that has developed a dynamic and robust culture, shaped by a fascinating blend of gaucho traditions, European influences, and the unique Rioplatense spirit. Tango, folklore, candombe, and milonga are examples of its rich artistic musical expression. Uruguayan gastronomy, featuring high-quality meat, wine, and dairy products, especially the beloved ‘dulce de leche,’ delights palates and consistently wins prestigious awards worldwide.”

“The work we have done does not mean we are satisfied; we want to continue advancing in a deeper process. The bilateral relationship is already strong, but the potential to strengthen bonds in several key areas is even greater.”

The Ambassador of Uruguay, H.E. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero and the President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, Judge Graciela Gatti Santana with her husband Mr Gustavo Segovia.

The event was conceived to showcase the rich and diverse culture of Uruguay, a nation with a population of approximately 3,495,527 as of 2022.

The national anthems of Uruguay and the Netherlands were performed by the Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos. After the ambassador’s speech, the Embassy paid tribute to two influential musicians: José “El Sabalero” Carbajal and Jaime Roos, who both lived in the Netherlands. Jaime Roos settled in Amsterdam in 1978, where he played bass in several salsa, rock, and jazz groups. He had a son and remained in the Netherlands until 1984 when he returned to Uruguay.

Carbajal spent his days in the Netherlands with his wife, Anke van Haastrecht, and their two children. Anke was invited to share some special stories from their life together.

Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos.
Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez.

The enthusiastic audience enjoyed an authentic performance by talented Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez. The celebration continued with Uruguayan wine, classic savory empanadas, and dulce de leche, which delighted the crowded room and completed the great celebration.

Ambassador González Otero concluded the event by thanking his Embassy team: Counselor Pablo Bayarres, Chancellor Gustavo Morales, his assistant Juan Diego, and Martha Hernández and Sofía Anastasiou. He then led a warm toast for the people of the Netherlands, Uruguay, and the necessary and desired peace in the world.

China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

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China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

By Mariarosaria Iorio, Political Analyst

I. The post-cold war world  

International relations are nowadays characterised by major changes that started at the end of the 80s with the fall of the Berlin Wall.  Indeed, the end of the cold war was marked by the dislocation of the two main political blocks, namely the Soviet Union and the Western World. Such a dislocation resulted in the marginalization of the post-war multilateral system embodied in the United Nations, and the standstill of the multilateral trade negotiations in the late 90s in the context of the World Trade Organisation.  New lines of political thought have been facing each other since then, while reshaping the post-cold war world in a number of fragmented and variable sub-blocks of countries. 

The United States decided to put itself first by concentrating on its internal affairs, while withdrawing from international affairs.  

Europe, the old continent, looks for an efficient strategy towards autonomy from the United States.  Europe also tries, not without difficulty, to create a more cohesive internal and external political approach.  The reality is however evolving rather more towards fragmentation of Europe in favour of European National fragmented interests. Such a fragmentation is the natural consequence of the decadence of the European Institutional and collective actions to the advantage of individual Sates actions and interests.   In sum, what seemed to be a structured and coherent European Union block fighting for the promotion of its economic and political values all over the world has somehow become an alliance at variable geometry both internally and externally.  The disorganisation of the leadership results in a chaotic and unpredictable European External and Internal action. 

Thereof, the empty influence spaces left on the international relations scene has given new international actors the opportunity to emerge.  

Meanwhile, the fragmentation of the European Institutions has also impacted the EU-USA relations within NATO, and affected the security and peace sphere.  Security issues have been on and off on the European agenda.    

In this context, Russia that has lost its empire in the 80s looks now for a new power game. In spite of the disruption of the Soviet Union, Russia attempts either by influence or by force to exercise power in its ancient affiliate countries.  Russia that was supposed to be defeated with the fall of the Berlin Wall takes back its role of opponent to the Western World on the international scene at least as it concerns the international affairs philosophy.  Thus, creating a tension aimed at restoring its power in the world.   

The group of emerging and developing economies that constitute a new variable block with a large portion of population employed in agriculture have emerged as new actors in the world’s geo-political discourses.  At the head of this block on the international scene, there is China.  The shaky international leadership context has indeed given China a new space. China’s   communist past combined with its market-based economic strategy gives it a particular position.  

China is The One that can communicate to Russia. China is also The One that can have an influence on the Western economic and political scene as China owns a big part of Western Foreign Debt  

China embeds a horizontal strategy in both its trade and development policies, while producing at low wages.  Its production system coupled with its pragmatic political approach has reshaped the international power structure.  The top-down approach of the Western World faces now the competition created by the horizontal win-win approach proposed by China in both developing and industrialized countries.

Indeed, as a result of the decline of the Western World global hegemony based on market access and economic and social liberalism as a means to ensure economic growth and promote economic development, the vision promoted by China’s discourse, centred on the protection of livelihoods and local sovereign choices finds new adepts.  Furthermore, China has successfully attempted to promote a trade-off approach to international cooperation during the last 20 years.  A cooperation that does not interfere in internal affairs of partner countries as it has often reproached to the Western countries involved in international cooperation.  

As the developing countries leader, China positions itself as the spoke country for the poor.  As a new world powerful economic actor China plays as the guarantor of the Western Economic stability.  China positions itself as the bridge between the rich and the poor.  It is representing a different hegemonic game that only changes in its discourse, while still pursuing its own interests and influence zones.  Such a situation poses the question of the values that the international regime wants to embrace.  Indeed, this changing world results in an increased number of conflicts – be new or historical conflicts.  

The dislocation of the traditional leaders of the international relations has definitely created a chaotic and unpredictable scenario.  Chaos has in some cases been chosen as a political strategy to disrupt the post-1945 international regime. Such a disruption has benefitted new actors, and given space to new lines of thought.  These new lines of thought have attacked the existing international framework but has not yet succeeded in creating a new regime.  The increasing unbalance of power and the lack of leadership on the international political scene is risky. 

The reduction by choice of leadership of the United States has indeed resulted in the weakening of the values emerged as a result of the dramatic experience of Second World War, namely freedom of thought and freedom of speech to mention only a few.   We are now facing a much more authoritarian world with force used as a means to manage the political arena.  Dialogue seems to be a rather consuming exercise that has left its place to the use of force.  Force is no longer seen as the last option but rather the opening act for political dialogue.  Nationalism and individual interests are now at the centre of the political game. This trend is taking the world to instability and conflict.  

The peoples of the world are more and more questioning the existing system. People’s needs and expectations are not met.  The new emerged actors, such as China have given the hope of a possible change in the present international system without fundamentally questioning its rationale but rather trying to rip a slate of the cake.  

The struggle for influence among countries has not succeeded in building a peaceful and stable world. Citizens will have to face the challenge of building a new era of peace and stability worldwide.

Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

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Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

S.E. M. Philippe Couvreur est arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982, où il a d’abord occupé le poste d’assistant spécial aux bureaux du greffier et du greffier adjoint de la Cour internationale de Justice.

Il a ensuite exercé les fonctions de Secrétaire, Premier Secrétaire et Secrétaire juridique principal, avant d’être élu Greffier de la Cour en 2000, et réélu en 2007 et 2014. Pour marquer l’anniversaire de ses débuts à la Cour, il y a 35 ans, Diplomat Magazine l’a invité à témoigner de son expérience unique au service de cette institution, des évolutions qu’il a pu y observer, et à partager le regard qu’il porte sur les changements qui ont marqué la Cour et La Haye au cours des trois dernières décennies.
Philippe Couvreur avec le Pape Jean-Paul II prise le 13 mai 1985.
Je suis arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982 — de façon aussi inattendue que j’avais entamé des études de droit treize ans auparavant (mais c’est là une autre histoire…) — pour occuper un poste temporaire à la Cour internationale de Justice. La Cour était alors la seule institution judiciaire internationale existante au plan universel. Son activité, particulièrement faible à la fin des années 1970, ne pouvait en ce temps-là guère laisser présager du succès que rencontrerait la Cour dans les décennies à venir. Mon bienveillant maître de Louvain, le professeur Paul de Visscher, fils du célèbre internationaliste Charles de Visscher, unique juge belge à la Cour, m’avait prédit des jours aussi sereins qu’heureux, écoulés à lire et à écrire des ouvrages dans la solitude des imposants murs de la bibliothèque du Palais de la Paix…
Les mémoires ont été dûment déposés dans l’affaire El Salvador c. Honduras dans la salle Bol le 1 juin 1988, l’affaire du Différend frontalier terrestre, insulaire et maritime.
En rejoignant la Cour, un frais matin d’avril, dont je garde un souvenir très précis, le jeune juriste que j’étais découvrit, non sans étonnement, une organisation de taille très modeste, le Greffe, qui en est l’organe administratif, alors composé de moins d’une quarantaine de fonctionnaires. Le fonctionnement de la Cour reposait entièrement sur cette équipe restreinte de personnel permanent, auquel s’ajoutait, selon que de besoin, un personnel temporaire pour faire face au surcroît de travaux linguistiques et de sténodactylographie lors des sessions (publiques et privées) de la Cour. Je me rappelle avoir été frappé par la personnalité haute en couleur de certains de ces traducteurs indépendants, dont la grande culture littéraire m’émerveillait. Cette structure très économique du Greffe impliquait une grande polyvalence de ses membres, et les Secrétaires de la Cour — ses fonctionnaires supérieurs — étaient appelés, en sus de leurs travaux de recherches juridiques, de préparation des documents de la Cour, et de rédaction de la correspondance diplomatique, à assumer eux-mêmes l’essentiel des tâches linguistiques (traduction et interprétation) et d’information, ainsi que la supervision de nombreuses activités administratives et logistiques.
La Grande salle de Justice, l’affaire Relative au Timor Oriental (Portugal c. Australie) Arrêt du 30 juin 1995.
Il n’était nullement rare qu’un nouveau venu comme moi ait à passer week-ends et nuits blanches au Palais de la Paix à effectuer les travaux les plus divers… allant jusqu’à imprimer et polycopier, sur de vieilles machines à stencils ronéotype, des décisions dont la Cour devait donner la lecture en séance publique le lendemain ! Dès mon arrivée au Greffe, j’ai eu le bonheur et le privilège d’être initié et associé à l’ensemble des fonctions de l’institution sous la patiente supervision de personnalités d’exception, tels que MM. Torres Bernárdez et Pillepich, alors respectivement Greffier et Greffier adjoint. J’en ai retiré le plus grand bénéfice, puisque cette immersion sans préparation dans toutes les facettes de l’activité du Greffe m’a permis d’acquérir de ce dernier une connaissance unique — de l’intérieur — et sous tous ses aspects —, un acquis particulièrement précieux au moment où j’ai été amené, bien des années plus tard, à assumer la délicate responsabilité d’en assurer la gestion au plus haut niveau. Devenir un fonctionnaire du Greffe au début des années 1980 signifiait accepter de se couler sans discussion dans un moule à tous égards exigeant, et se donner corps et âme, avec humilité et discrétion, à l’institution, sans penser à soi ni parler de soi. Depuis ces années d’initiation, j’ai été le témoin de profondes transformations de la Cour, rendues inévitables à la fois pour répondre à l’accroissement considérable de ses activités, avec la disparition du monde bipolaire qui avait relégué le règlement judiciaire à un rôle quelque peu marginal, et pour saisir les opportunités nouvelles offertes, notamment, par le progrès des technologies et de la communication. Entre 1982 et aujourd’hui, le nombre de fonctionnaires a ainsi presque triplé (il a quasiment doublé depuis l’an 2000, année de ma première élection en tant que Greffier). L’organisation du travail a été progressivement spécialisée entre les divers départements, juridique, linguistique et chargé de l’information, qui furent créés en 1997, et les services techniques. Par ailleurs, les Membres de la Cour ne disposèrent pas, pendant longtemps, de « référendaires » — ils s’y sont d’ailleurs longtemps refusés—, et l’assistance apportée aux juges en matière judiciaire était principalement répartie entre les fonctionnaires du Département des affaires juridiques.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur avec la Reine Beatrix photo prise pendant le 50 eme anniversaire de la Cour (18-04-1996).
Les cinq premiers postes de juristes référendaires ne furent obtenus de l’Assemblée générale et créés qu’en 2002, à l’issue de difficiles négociations que je me souviens avoir menées avec beaucoup de plaisir et d’intérêt ; le nombre de ces postes s’est progressivement accru, pour s’élever à quinze aujourd’hui. Les divers développements qui ont marqué le monde au cours des dernières décennies n’ont pas manqué de soulever pour la Cour de nouveaux défis. Comme c’est le cas pour toute institution, elle n’a pu les relever en faisant table rase des enseignements de son histoire ni, à l’inverse, en ne saisissant pas toutes les opportunités offertes par le temps présent. A ces différents égards, la Cour est certainement parvenue, au fil des ans, à assurer un équilibre, toujours délicat, entre changements et continuité. La continuité de la Cour est bien sûr inscrite dans son Statut, qui fait partie intégrante de la Charte des Nations Unies, et reflétée dans ses méthodes judiciaires, qui ont été très largement élaborées par sa devancière, la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, et héritées d’elle. Cette continuité historique était particulièrement présente lorsque j’ai rejoint le Greffe. Ainsi, en manière d’anecdote, divers hauts fonctionnaires alors en poste avaient eux-mêmes côtoyé, au début de leur carrière, d’anciens fonctionnaires de la Cour permanente. Tous nourrissaient à l’égard de cette dernière le plus grand respect. Il régnait d’ailleurs dans les couloirs du Palais de la Paix une atmosphère feutrée et délicieusement surannée, évocatrice de la défunte Société des Nations. Je me souviens en avoir encore utilisé maintes fournitures de bureau ! La continuité jurisprudentielle et procédurale entre les deux Cours constitue pour les Etats une garantie importante de sécurité et de prévisibilité juridiques. Cette continuité, juridique et historique, de même que l’expérience accumulée en plus de quatre-vingt-dix ans d’exercice de la fonction judiciaire, sont pour la Cour un facteur crucial de légitimité.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur vec le Roi Willem-Alexander photo prise pendant le 70 eme anniversaire de la Cour (20-04-2016).
En même temps, la Cour a eu, à l’évidence, à s’adapter aux changements du monde réel dans lequel elle opère, comme aux nécessités et opportunités nouvelles de chaque époque traversée. L’une des transformations notoires auxquelles j’ai assisté fut l’ouverture croissante de la Cour sur l’extérieur : longtemps à l’écart, à dessein, des organes politiques des Nations Unies, la Cour a souhaité se faire plus et mieux entendre de ces organes et des Etats membres. Elle a ainsi rompu avec ce qui était parfois perçu comme un « splendide isolement » au sein des Nations Unies, même si elle défend toujours jalousement son autonomie. La Cour doit en outre désormais également tenir compte des nombreuses autres juridictions, internationales ou régionales, qui ont été créées ces dernières années, et veiller, autant que possible, à assurer l’harmonie du « concert judiciaire » que permet ce foisonnement de cours et tribunaux sur la scène internationale. Davantage ouverte sur la communauté internationale et ses réalités, la Cour s’est montrée de plus en plus attentive, non seulement à sa place dans l’Organisation des Nations Unies, mais aussi à la poursuite des objectifs de celle-ci et à sa mission propre au service du règlement pacifique des différends internationaux. Des différends de plus en plus complexes, tant juridiquement que factuellement, en même temps que politiquement plus denses, lui ont été soumis. En révisant constamment, selon que de besoin, ses méthodes de travail, elle a su les résoudre rapidement et efficacement, à un coût particulièrement modeste pour la communauté internationale, tout en assurant le développement du droit. Enfin, pour conclure sur une note plus prosaïque, mais qui est loin d’être négligeable, je ne peux taire la chance que j’ai eue de connaître l’extraordinaire développement de la ville de La Haye au cours des 35 dernières années. Celle-ci offre aujourd’hui à la Cour, comme aux nombreuses institutions internationales qui s’y sont installées à sa suite, une qualité de vie et un cadre de travail uniques, qui sont très loin de ressembler à ce que j’ai trouvé en y arrivant. A l’image de l’imposante stature du Palais de la Paix où elle siège, symbole mondialement connu de la justice internationale, la Cour est une institution solidement établie. En dépit des périodes de doute ou de désaffection qu’elle a traversées par le passé, son rôle est unanimement salué au sein de la communauté internationale et le recours à ses services par les Etats n’a jamais été aussi soutenu. 35 ans après, je continue de mesurer chaque jour le privilège qui est le mien de servir au mieux de mes capacités l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies. —– Les photos dans l’article sont une courtoisie de la Cour International de Justice.

Ambassadors Forum Brings Diplomacy and International Business Together

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Ambassadors Forum Brings Diplomacy and International Business Together

A meeting of diplomatic representatives, government leaders and CEOs explores Europe’s economic competitiveness and international partnerships

At a time of shifting geopolitical dynamics, changing trade relations and increasing international economic challenges, the Ambassadors Forum has established itself as an important meeting point between the diplomatic community and the business sector.

Emiel de Sévrèn Jacquet, Chairman and Founder of the Ambassadors Forum and Honorary Consul of Ukraine.

Founded and organised by Emiel de Sévrèn Jacquet, Chairman and Founder of the Ambassadors Forum and Honorary Consul of Ukraine, the initiative brings together ambassadors representing countries from around the world with senior executives of leading Dutch companies and organisations across different industries.

Since its creation, the Forum has developed a distinctive platform where diplomacy and business meet. Its founding concept is to bring the international diplomatic community and the leadership of major companies together on one occasion, recreating the dynamics of international exchanges in which economic interests, diplomatic relations and opportunities for cooperation intersect.

“Personal relationships are the foundation of international cooperation. And that is what this Ambassadors Forum is all about: creating a trusted, informal and discreet environment where relationships can be strengthened, new connections established and opportunities explored.” Said de Sévrèn Jacquet.

He also expresed “We meet at a time of significant geopolitical and economic change. Russia’s war against Ukraine has reminded us that peace, security and sovereignty cannot be taken for granted.
Just a two hour flight from here, in Ukraine, the cost is immediate and devastating. For Europe, the consequences extend far beyond its eastern borders.

And even amid war, Ukraine has shown remarkable determination: to innovate, to build, and to reform. Especially in the field of defence, but also in other sectors like energy. For European and international businesses, this brings a responsibility and a significant opportunity. The ability to work alongside Ukrainian partners, to develop technologies together, to strengthen industrial cooperation, and to contribute to a more secure and prosperous Europe and world.

In the years ahead, Europe, the Netherlands and many other countries face an important choice.

We can become more fragmented and inward-looking, or we can become more connected, competitive and strategically capable. I firmly believe we must choose the latter.”

Jordanian Ambassador H.E. Khalid Al‑Kadi, H.E. Mr. Walid Minkara, Ambassador of Lebanon and the ambassador of Saudi Arabia, H.E. Mr. Shahir Khalid A. Al Khaniny. Photo by Chantalle Laurent.

Hosted at the Royal Tropical Institute (KIT) in Amsterdam, this year’s edition welcomed more than 80 ambassadors, representatives of the Dutch government and over 70 CEOs from leading Dutch companies.

The programme addressed some of the most pressing questions facing Europe, including economic competitiveness, international trade, technological development and strategic security.

H.E. Mr. Emad Hanna, Ambassador of Egypt, H.E. Ms Charlotte Frater, Ambassador of New Zealand, H.E. Ms. Franca Deza Ferreccio, Ambassador of Peru, Dra. Mayelinne De Lara, Diplomat Magazine’s Publisher, H.E. Mrs. Ann Derwin, Ambassador of Ireland, H.E. Ms Sally Loo Hui, Ambassador of Panama, H.E. Mr. Walid Minkara, Ambassador of Lebanon,

Europe’s economic and strategic position

The Forum opened with a welcome address and keynote speech by H.E. Mr Tom Berendsen, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, followed by an address from Mr Peter Wennink, former CEO of ASML and author of the Wennink Report.

Minister Berendsen addressed the changing geopolitical environment and the need for Europe to strengthen its defence capabilities, economic security and international partnerships. He emphasised that realism in international affairs should not lead to resignation, stating: “Realism isn’t the same as resignation.”

He called for stronger European cooperation, increased resilience, continued support for Ukraine and a renewed commitment to international rules and institutions. He also underlined the importance of connecting economic and security policies, pointing out that developments in energy, transport, technology and trade have consequences far beyond national borders.

The Minister also highlighted the importance of international partnerships, observing that “true partnerships often reveal themselves precisely when times are tough.”

His address provided an important perspective for the subsequent discussion on Europe’s ability to translate economic strength into strategic influence.

Can Europe turn economic competitiveness into strategic power?

The central panel discussion, entitled “Europe’s Moment: Can We Turn Economic Competitiveness into Strategic Power?”, examined the implications of the Wennink Report for the Netherlands, Europe and its international partners.

The panel brought together Minister Tom Berendsen and Peter Wennink, alongside H.E. Christopher Rampling, British Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands; Mr Fabricio Bloisi, CEO of Prosus; and Mr Sam Lowe of Chatham House and member of the UK Government’s Strategic Trade Advisory Group.

The discussion was moderated by H.E. Prof. Dr Jan Peter Balkenende, Minister of State and former Prime Minister of the Netherlands.

Moderated by H.E. Prof. Dr Jan Peter Balkenende, Minister of State and former Prime Minister of the Netherlands a panel discussion composed by H.E. Christopher Rampling, British Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands; Mr Fabricio Bloisi, CEO of Prosus; and Mr Sam Lowe of Chatham House and member of the UK Government’s Strategic Trade Advisory Group.

The exchange considered Europe’s economic and technological position, the importance of international trade and the conditions necessary to maintain competitiveness while reducing strategic dependencies. A question-and-answer session allowed participants to engage further with the speakers.

Diplomacy and business at the same table

The afternoon concluded with a networking reception, providing ambassadors, policymakers and business executives with an opportunity to continue their conversations and establish new professional contacts.

The Ambassadors Forum is supported by an Advisory Committee comprising Jan Peter Balkenende, Marjan Rintel, Steven van Rijswijk, Roy W.O. Jakobs, Arthur van Dijk and Bibi van Zuylen van Nijevelt.

By bringing together the diplomatic representatives of nations and the leadership of major companies, the Forum addresses an increasingly important dimension of international relations: the close relationship between diplomacy, economic cooperation and business interests.

As Minister Berendsen reminded participants in his closing reflections, “The world will always keep changing. What matters is whether we are willing to change with it and build the relationships that will enable us to shape a safe and prosperous future.”

For more information visit Ambassador Forum:  www.amfor.nl 

The AI Opportunity: Are Our Institutions Ready?

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The AI Opportunity: Are Our Institutions Ready?

By Irakli Beridze
Head, UNICRI Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics

Imagine a world in which scientific discoveries that once took years happen in weeks, doctors detect diseases earlier, and public services become more accessible and effective. This is no longer simply a vision of the distant future. Artificial intelligence is already bringing parts of it within reach. Google DeepMind’s AlphaFold, for example, has made predictions of more than 200 million protein structures available to researchers worldwide, opening remarkable possibilities for scientific discovery.

As AI systems become increasingly capable, their potential to transform our societies will only grow. There is every reason to be optimistic. Yet, this positive potential rests on a question that receives far less attention than technological breakthroughs themselves: are our institutions prepared to make the most of it?

Since establishing the UNICRI Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics in The Hague in 2017, we have seen how the difference between technological potential and meaningful impact often lies in institutional capacity. Our AI for Safer Children initiative, developed with the United Arab Emirates Ministry of Interior, demonstrates how AI can deliver tangible benefits. Supporting investigators across 131 countries in combating online child sexual exploitation and abuse, the initiative illustrates what becomes possible when innovation is combined with skilled professionals, international cooperation and institutional responsibility.

This experience also underpins AI-POL, our inititative with INTERPOL, supported by the European Union, to help law enforcement institutions adopt AI responsibly. Effective adoption requires attention to the entire lifecycle, from understanding technological capabilities and limitations to development, procurement, deployment and continuous oversight. Leadership, accountability and public trust are equally essential. But institutional readiness cannot be measured solely by an organization’s ability to adopt AI. It must also be measured by its ability to understand, question and, when necessary, reject the conclusions these systems produce.

The same challenge extends beyond law enforcement. Governments, diplomatic services, judicial institutions and international organizations are increasingly integrating AI into their operations. Their ability to do so responsibly depends not only on technological expertise, but also on preserving the institutional judgement and accountability needed to govern its use.

Having participated in international AI governance discussions for more than a decade, I have witnessed considerable progress in developing shared principles, frameworks and mechanisms for cooperation. These achievements are important; but international consensus, however valuable, is not effective without institutional capacity. The real test of governance is not only what governments agree upon, but whether their institutions can translate those commitments into responsible decisions and everyday practice. International cooperation must therefore move beyond setting expectations to helping institutions develop the capacity to meet them.

This makes AI readiness a strategic priority for institutional leadership, rather than simply a technical or compliance responsibility. Governments and international organizations must invest in the people, decision-making processes and organizational cultures that allow AI systems to be evaluated and challenged. Organizational culture is key, since even institutions with strong governance frameworks face the more subtle challenge: maintaining human oversight on paper does not necessarily mean preserving it in practice.

As AI becomes more capable, we will naturally delegate more tasks to these systems. Much of this will be beneficial, expanding human capabilities and allowing people to focus on more meaningful work. But we must distinguish between delegating tasks and surrendering judgement. When sophisticated recommendations arrive instantly and with apparent confidence, the temptation to accept rather than question them grows. Over time, institutions may retain formal responsibility while gradually losing the practical capacity to independently verify, explain or challenge their decisions. For public institutions, where decisions can affect fundamental rights, justice and public trust, this responsibility is especially consequential.

The greatest danger may arise when increasingly capable AI systems meet institutions that have gradually surrendered their capacity for independent judgement.

This is not an argument against technological progress. Quite the opposite. It is an argument for ensuring that our institutions evolve alongside it – becoming not only more technologically capable, but also more resilient, accountable and confident in exercising human judgement with the support of AI.

I remain profoundly optimistic about what AI can help humanity achieve. Its future is not predetermined by technology alone. It will also be shaped by the institutions we build, the values we uphold and the decisions we make.

The choice is still ours. We must remain the authors of our history, not the characters of a story we did not write.

Twenty years of Rwandan diplomacy in The Hague

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Twenty years of Rwandan diplomacy in The Hague

From judicial cooperation to diaspora gatherings, Rwanda’s relationship with the Netherlands brings diplomacy into contact with people’s lives. The twentieth anniversary of the Embassy of the Republic of Rwanda in The Hague in 2026 offers an opportunity to reflect on that relationship and consider its future.

Ambassador Lambert Dushimimana, who took up his role in June 2025, brings a background in law and public service to this work. He holds a master’s degree in International Law from the University of Pretoria and previously worked in legislative drafting and university teaching. Before becoming Governor of Western Province, he served as Senator and Chairperson of the Committee on Political Affairs and Governance.

His own links with the Netherlands began well before his diplomatic appointment. In 2009, he participated in curriculum development activities at Utrecht University concerning criminology and regional human rights protection. Today, his responsibilities connect bilateral relations with Rwanda’s engagement in The Hague’s international institutions.

A partnership grounded in justice

The Embassy’s establishment in 2006 built on Dutch support for Rwanda following the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. During his official working visit to the Netherlands in October 2015, President Paul Kagame recognised the Netherlands as one of Rwanda’s earliest development partners.

The visit included a meeting with King Willem-Alexander and Queen Máxima, alongside discussions with Foreign Minister Bert Koenders and Minister of Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation Lilianne Ploumen. President Kagame also met Senate President Ankie Broekers-Knol and House of Representatives Speaker Anouchka van Miltenburg, who expressed their commitment to strengthening bilateral relations.

Judicial cooperation remains a substantial part of this partnership. In March 2026, Rwanda’s Minister of Justice, Dr Emmanuel Ugirashebuja, met Dutch Minister of Justice and Security David van Weel. Their discussions reaffirmed a shared commitment to justice, particularly in cases involving genocide suspects.

That work has a deeply personal significance for survivors and their families. In April 2023, a memorial to the victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi was inaugurated in Amsterdam’s Beatrixpark through collaboration involving the Embassy and IBUKA Netherlands, with Dutch institutional support.

On 7 April 2026, the Walk to Remember led to the memorial. More than 150 guests attended the commemoration, where Hans Docter, Deputy Secretary-General of the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, delivered the keynote address.

Alongside bilateral engagement, the Ambassador represents Rwanda in multilateral discussions. In October 2026, he delivered a statement on behalf of the Africa group at the Executive Council of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons.

People shaping the relationship

The diaspora has helped give the relationship continuity beyond official meetings. The Embassy supported the integration of independent organisations into the Rwandan Community Abroad in the Netherlands, strengthening community participation and ties with Rwanda.

A significant gathering took place in Amsterdam on 3 October 2015, when more than 5,000 Rwandans from across Europe and friends of Rwanda discussed their contribution to the country’s socioeconomic transformation. President Kagame called for Rwandans at home and abroad to work together, emphasising young people’s responsibility to carry Rwanda’s legacy forward.

That engagement continues through practical community initiatives. At a women’s gathering at the Embassy in March 2026, participants committed to supporting a cervical cancer awareness and prevention campaign. A youth session during February’s Heroes Day celebration in Breda encouraged Kinyarwanda learning and engagement with Rwandan heritage.

The Embassy also creates opportunities to discover Rwanda through travel and business. In October 2025, Dushimimana opened the Visit Rwanda travel trade roadshow in Utrecht, bringing Dutch travel professionals together with Rwandan tourism representatives.

His message to the readers of Diplomat Magazine is of a resilient, forward-looking Rwanda pursuing its vision of becoming a high-income country by 2050. Economic growth provides part of that picture: GDP increased by 8.9% in 2024, while services and industry each expanded by 10%.

As the Embassy enters its third decade, Ambassador Dushimimana wishes to deepen existing relations and explore further opportunities with partners. Encouraging exchanges between young people in Rwanda and the Netherlands offers one possible direction, extending a relationship that successive generations will help shape.

Bohemian Voices, European Echoes: A Musical Celebration of Czech National Day

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Bohemian Voices, European Echoes: A Musical Celebration of Czech National Day

The Embassy of the Czech Republic in the Netherlands marked its National Day with an evening of music, history and Czech culinary traditions at the historic Paleiskerk in The Hague.

On the occasion of the Czech National Day, H.E. René Miko, Ambassador of the Czech Republic to the Netherlands, hosted a festive cultural evening in cooperation with the Residentie Orkest and Museum Bredius, bringing together the diplomatic community, representatives of the arts and members of the Czech diaspora.

The historic Protestant Paleiskerk provided an atmospheric setting for the occasion, whose musical highlight was a performance by 30 singers of the Camerata Carolina Chamber Choir from the International Study Centre of Heidelberg University. Under the direction of Professor Franz Wassermann, with Professor Maria Sofianska at the piano, the ensemble presented a programme exploring the richness of Czech and European musical heritage.

A particularly significant moment was the performance of Antonín Dvořák’s The Heirs of the White Mountain, a historical hymn dating from 1872. The ten-piece programme also featured works by Frédéric Chopin, Ēriks Ešenvalds, Jean Sibelius and Fanny Hensel, bringing together different musical traditions and generations. The evening concluded with Ludwig van Beethoven’s celebrated Ode to Joy, an uplifting tribute to the shared cultural heritage of Europe.

The concert attracted a distinguished audience of ambassadors and diplomats, representatives of cultural institutions, members of the arts community and, notably, members of the Czech diaspora, whose presence added a special dimension to the national celebration.

Following the performance, guests continued the evening over a reception featuring Czech culinary specialities, accompanied by Czech beer and wine. It offered an opportunity to discover the country’s gastronomic traditions while exchanging impressions of the concert and celebrating Czech culture in a welcoming atmosphere.

Through music, history and gastronomy, the celebration offered a meaningful expression of Czech national identity and its place within Europe’s wider cultural heritage. Congratulations to Ambassador René Miko and his team for bringing together such a memorable celebration in The Hague.

The rising tide of antisemitism debated at the EU Parliament

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The rising tide of antisemitism debated at the EU Parliament

An Old Hatred in a New Era

By Willy Fautré, Director of Human Rights Without Frontiers

HRWF (09.11.2026) – Antisemitism, one of the oldest and most persistent forms of hatred in European history, is once again becoming a deeply troubling reality across the continent and members of the European Parliament are very concerned about this phenomenon.

MEP Bert-Jan Ruissen

On 5 November, MEP Bert-Jan Ruissen (European Conservatives and Reformists Political Group), Co-Chair of the EP Intergroup on Freedom of Religion or Belief and Vice-Chair of the Delegation for relations with Israel hosted a conference about anti-Semitism in Europe at the European Parliament in Brussels.

MEP Charlie Weimers (ECR Political Group), a member of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs had also joined the panel. In his introduction, MEP Ruissen recalled the antisemitism wave in the 1930s and its consequences and said “We may not keep silent, we have to stand up against antisemitism. We must understand how dramatic the current situation is in Europe. The fact that a lot of Jews are considering to leave Europe tells us something. It tells us that we have to act now.” He stressed that Christians have a special responsibility towards Jews because they cannot ignore that they have the same roots.”Let us as Christians be united to condemn all forms of antisemitism and let us show our solidarity with the Jews.” MEP Weimers was quoted as saying in his introductory words “We are here to discuss Jewish life in Europe.

MEP Charlie Weimers

Jewish life must be able to flourish on our continent. No Jewish family should feem they need to keep a suitcase packed, ready to leave. Parents should be able to send their children to school without fear. Families should be able to celebrate their traditions openly. Someone wearing a kippah should feel at home in any European city but we are far from that Ideal. One of the most serious threats facing Jewish communities today comes from Islamist extremism, and especially the Muslim Brotherhood.”

Despite the lessons of the Holocaust, decades of education, and the commitment of European institutions to human rights and equality, Jewish communities are increasingly confronted with hostility, intimidation, discrimination and violence in the EU. From verbal abuse and vandalism to physical attacks and threats against Jewish institutions, antisemitism has re-emerged as a serious challenge to Europe’s democratic values.

A worrying rise across the continent
The figures published by European institutions confirm the seriousness of the problem. According to the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), 80% of Jewish respondents in its 2024 survey felt that antisemitism had increased in their country over the previous five years. Furthermore, 90% had encountered antisemitism online, while 37% had experienced harassment because they were Jewish. Perhaps most disturbing, 76% said they sometimes concealed their Jewish identity in public for fear of discrimination or hostility.

 
The situation has not significantly improved since then. In January 2026, a new Eurobarometer survey revealed that 55% of Europeans consider antisemitism a problem in their country, while 47% believe it has increased over the previous five years. These findings demonstrate that antisemitism is not simply a concern expressed by Jewish communities themselves; it is increasingly recognised as a broader European problem. 
The increase is visible in several countries.

In Belgium, for example, UNIA, the national equality body, recorded 277 reported antisemitic incidents in 2024, compared with 57 in 2022. In Germany, officially recorded antisemitic crimes rose from 2,641 in 2022 to 6,236 in 2024. France also experienced a dramatic increase, with 1,570 recorded antisemitic acts and threats in 2024, compared with 436 in 2022. Although national reporting systems differ, making direct comparisons difficult, the overall trend is unmistakably worrying. 


The impact of the conflict in the Middle East
One of the main factors contributing to the recent increase has been the conflict in the Middle East. Following the Hamas terrorist attacks against Israel on 7 October 2023 and the subsequent Israeli military campaign in Gaza, tensions surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have increasingly spilled over into European societies.
While criticism of the Israeli government, its policies or military actions is entirely legitimate, it must remain part of democratic debate. However, such criticism becomes antisemitic when Jewish people, simply because they are Jewish, are held collectively responsible for the actions of the Israeli government. Jewish citizens of France, Belgium, Germany or any other European country are not representatives of the Israeli state and should never be treated as such.

Unfortunately, this distinction is not always respected. Jewish students have reported intimidation at universities, Jewish businesses and institutions have faced hostility, and individuals wearing visible symbols of their religion have become targets of verbal or physical aggression. Synagogues and Jewish schools increasingly require security measures that should never have to be necessary in democratic societies.

Antisemitism in the digital ageAnother major concern is the role of social media and digital communication. Online platforms have made it easier than ever for extremist ideas, conspiracy theories and antisemitic propaganda to spread rapidly across national borders.
Traditional antisemitic stereotypes have found new forms of expression online. Jewish people are portrayed as secretly controlling governments, financial institutions or the media. Holocaust denial and distortion circulate alongside conspiracy theories blaming Jews for international conflicts and economic difficulties.
The anonymity offered by the internet encourages individuals to express hatred they might otherwise hesitate to display publicly. Furthermore, algorithms can amplify provocative and divisive content, allowing extremist messages to reach particularly large audiences. The result is an environment in which antisemitic language can become normalised, especially among younger generations who encounter such content through social media.
However, online hatred does not remain confined to the digital world. It can contribute to the creation of an atmosphere in which discrimination, intimidation and even physical violence become more acceptable.

A threat to European democratic values
The rise of antisemitism should not be considered exclusively a Jewish problem. It represents a direct threat to the fundamental principles upon which modern Europe was built: freedom, equality, tolerance and respect for human dignity.

European history offers a particularly painful reminder of the consequences of allowing hatred to flourish. The Holocaust, during which six million Jews were systematically murdered by Nazi Germany and its collaborators, remains one of the darkest chapters in human history. Yet the persistence of antisemitic ideas demonstrates that the lessons of this tragedy have not been sufficiently absorbed by every generation.
The European Commission has recognised these dangers and emphasised the need to combat antisemitism both online and offline, while protecting Jewish communities and preserving Jewish cultural life. 

What can Europe do?
Combating antisemitism requires more than political declarations and expressions of solidarity following violent incidents. It demands sustained action from governments, educational institutions, civil society and individual citizens.


First, education must play a central role. Teaching the history of the Holocaust remains essential, but education should also address the history of Jewish communities in Europe, the origins of antisemitism and the ways in which anti-Jewish prejudice adapts to changing political and social circumstances.
Second, European governments must ensure that antisemitic crimes are properly investigated and prosecuted. Jewish citizens must be able to attend religious services, send their children to school and participate in public life without fear. Better monitoring, consistent reporting systems and effective protection for Jewish institutions are also necessary.

Finally, political leaders and public figures must demonstrate responsibility in their language and actions. They should condemn antisemitism unequivocally, regardless of its political, ideological or religious origins. Defending the rights of Palestinians and criticising Israeli government policies must never become an excuse for hostility towards Jewish people.

Never again must remain a commitment
Europe stands at an important crossroads. More than eight decades after the Holocaust, the resurgence of antisemitism demonstrates that prejudice and intolerance have not disappeared. They have simply adapted to new circumstances, political tensions and communication technologies.
The fact that Jewish people increasingly feel obliged to hide their identity in public should be unacceptable in a continent that claims to defend democracy and human rights.


Remembering the Holocaust is important, but remembrance alone is insufficient. Its lessons must be translated into concrete action, political courage and everyday solidarity. Antisemitism must be challenged whenever and wherever it appears, whether in the street, at a university, in the media or on social networks.
Ultimately, the test of European democracy is not simply how it treats the majority, but how effectively it protects minorities. Ensuring that Jewish people can live openly, safely and proudly as Europeans is not a privilege to be granted; it is a fundamental right.

Never again should be more than a historical slogan. It must remain a living commitment.Other speakers were: Tomas Sandell, Founding Director of the European Coalition for IsraelRik Eckstein, Canadian businessman and son of Holocaust descendant Chief Rabbi Pinchas Goldschmidt, President of the Conference of European RabbisJonas Markowitz, European Union of Jewish Students A representative of the Christian minority in IranPascale Falek, Policy Officer, Office of EC Coordinator on combatting antisemitism and fostering Jewish life.

South African Food Festival in The Hague with Celebrity Chef Zola Nene

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South African Food Festival in The Hague with Celebrity Chef Zola Nene

19 November 2026 | Leonardo Royal Hotel The Hague

The Embassy of South Africa and South African Tourism invite the public to experience South African cuisine on 19 November 2026 at Leonardo Royal Hotel The Hague. The culinary event will feature renowned chef Zola Nene, who will personally prepare and curate the menu in collaboration with Chef Sido de Brabander and the hotel’s culinary team.

H.E. Mr. Vusi Madonsela, Ambassador of South Africa to the Netherlands. Photography by Roy Stry for Diplomat Magazine.

Ambassador Vusi Madonsela, emphasised South African culture, gastronomy and the opportunity to share the country’s culinary heritage with the Dutch public.

“Food is an important expression of South Africa’s rich cultural diversity and heritage. Through this festival, we are pleased to share our culinary traditions with the people of the Netherlands and invite them to discover the flavours of South Africa.”

Zola Nene is an award-winning chef, television personality, food stylist and cookbook author. A graduate of the Institute of Culinary Arts in Stellenbosch, she became widely known through South Africa’s Expresso Morning Show, followed by appearances as a judge on The Great South African Bake Off and MasterChef South Africa. She also presented Celeb Feasts with Zola and authored several cookbooks, including Simply Delicious, Simply Zola and Simply Seven Colours, which received international recognition at the Gourmand World Cookbook Awards.

South African chef Zola Nene

Her cooking celebrates South Africa’s diverse culinary heritage, combining traditional flavours and ingredients with contemporary presentation. Her participation promises a distinctive introduction to the country’s food culture for guests in The Hague.

The collaboration with Leonardo Royal Hotel’s Chef Sido de Brabander will bring together South African culinary traditions and the hotel’s professional kitchen team. Further details of the menu will be announced shortly.

Event Information

  • Date: Thursday, 19 November 2026
  • Venue: Leonardo Royal Hotel The Hague
  • Address: Van Stolkweg 1, 2585 JL The Hague
  • Organisers: Embassy of South Africa and South African Tourism
  • Open to: The general public

Reservations are strongly recommended to secure a table.

Reservations: Leonardo Royal Hotel The Hague.

Find the hotel on Google Maps.

Peace for United Europe: A Vision or Illusion?

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Peace for United Europe: A Vision or Illusion?

By Ján Figel

“Peace is not simply one issue among others, but a prerequisite for the universal common good and a test of the moral maturity of peoples, especially of those who bear responsibility for governing.” (Pope Leo XIV)

Since 2014, a Cold War has returned to the Euro-Atlantic area, invoked by internal conflict in Ukraine and Russian annexation of Crimea. Germany and France as guarantors of the 2015 Minsk Agreement did not guarantee its implementation. Ukraine could have remained a whole, free, and democratic multi-ethnic state. Following the invasion by the Russian armed forces in 2022, the long and bloody interstate war started.

The European Union has failed to prevent or halt this conflict. It is as if there no longer are true successors to Schuman, Adenauer, De Gasperi, and Monnet, embodying their political vision, attitudes and actions. Similarly, one may critically ask what the OSCE, signatory of Minsk I Agreement (2014), has actually done for collective security and cooperation over the last dozen years.

Test of leaders´ maturity

Over 20 EU sanction packages against Russia and massive rearmament have not brought peace any closer. The consequences of war in Ukraine—like in the Middle East and Iran—are manifold and painful for ordinary citizens. The Euro-Atlantic region faces high energy prices, significant inflation, public finance deficits, national debt, economic stagnation, bankruptcies, and rising migration. Political shifts in Germany, along with social unrest and violence in France call for a fundamental change in course. 

The war in Ukraine continues to escalate. Things could still get even worse. Two world wars originated on the Old Continent. History does not repeat itself, but it may rhyme. It is essential to preserve the memory of nations for fostering a sense of belonging and shared responsibility. Because peace, stability, security, and prosperity are inextricably linked.

Yet, the way out of the quagmire of war lies in the hands of the East and the West. The West emerged victorious in the first Cold War, but it failed to secure peace. We failed to create a unified Europe—a single community encompassing all nations. Changes occurred solely through the expansion of one pole, disregarding deep-seated historical, cultural, and geopolitical realities. We have transitioned from a state of bipolarity to unipolarity. Now, as Pax Americana draws to a close—driven by American politics itself, the rising influence of China and the formation of the BRICS, a multipolar order is emerging. 

New Schuman and Marshall Plans

The principles applied by R. Schuman and G. Marshall in their plans for peaceful cooperation and post-war reconstruction of Europe remain relevant. They should be applied again, serving as a foundation for a genuine and sustainable peace. A dignified peace agreement is urgently needed and possible. It is essential for the nations that have long suffered from the consequences of war.

Many observers view the confrontation between two nuclear powers through conflict in Ukraine as a proxy war. Consequently, the United States and the Russian Federation could today serve as the primary, foundational protagonists for a new “Schuman Plan” (focused on reconciliation, cooperation, and economic community) and a new “Marshall Plan” (focused on post-war reconstruction, growth and development). The conduct of war revolves around energy carriers and infrastructure, natural resources, and rare minerals.

On the basis of this strategic security and economic agenda, a qualitatively new community of the West and East could emerge. It must be open, first and foremost, to the nations of Europe, North America, and Central Asia. To some, an agreement between the US and Russia might seem treacherous; to others, unimaginable; and to still others, illusory. Yet, many reactions to the agreement reached by France and Germany in May 1950—to establish the European Coal and Steel Community between then “perpetual” enemies—were of a similar nature. Applying the same principles in an updated form would follow a proven path toward peace, cooperation, and shared prosperity. This deal would run counter to neither the interests of Ukraine nor those of the EU. Quite the contrary. It could facilitate the full realization of the European Founding Fathers’ vision: a united, whole, peaceful, and prosperous Europe.

Dignified peace agreement between Ukraine and Russia 

Upon such a solid foundation, a dignified peace agreement between Ukraine and Russia could then be negotiated and adopted—with the participation and support of the US and the EU. Such agreement can be defined as an outcome rooted in reality that simultaneously addresses both sides’ legitimate interests regarding new security, stability, normalization of relations, and reconstruction of destroyed territories and infrastructure. It must be free from revanchism or humiliation, and devoid of any grounds for the future conflict. Points of agreement should include, among others:

– Return of displaced persons and refugees to their homes, and resolution of humanitarian needs,

– Justice, the rule of law, and the protection of human rights along with the provision of acceptable conditions for the culture, language, and education of ethnic minorities according to European standards,

– Resolution of territorial issues in such a way that the areas affected by the war don’t become “grey zones” unrecognized by the international community and law,

– Lifting of all sanctions adopted in relation to this conflict, which may stimulate significant economic growth,

– Establishment and launch of a European fund for the reconstruction of war-torn territories,

– Ukraine’s continued, dynamic progress toward EU integration, in accordance with standard rules and existing conditions,

– An offer from the EU to the Russian Federation of a mutually beneficial strategic partnership open to higher forms of cooperation in future.

The window of opportunity to embark on such a politically innovative path is open. Courage, determination, and perseverance are essential for pursuing such a groundbreaking deal. Together with necessary creative and constructive effort they constitute a “test of the moral maturity of peoples, especially of those who bear responsibility for governing.” A positive contribution towards peace and unity would benefit not only Europeans and Americans. It will bring positive fruits for the entire international community.

About the author:

Mr. Ján Figel

Mr. Ján Figel is a Former EU Commissioner and Deputy PM of Slovakia.

Milan as the heart of internationalization: Italian industrial excellence meets Latin America

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Milan as the heart of internationalization: Italian industrial excellence meets Latin America

By Diplomat Magazine

In the global geopolitical and economic landscape, the internationalization of Italian companies increasingly relies on strategic bridges built across the Atlantic. The setting of the Hotel Meliá in Milan hosted the fourth edition of America Latina Day, a fundamental forum organized by Proa Latam under the coordination of Antonino Di Marco and his team, reaffirming the Lombard capital as the true beating heart of economic diplomacy and the international projection of Italian businesses.

The Latin American market is currently undergoing a period of profound transformation and industrial modernization—a context where capital goods, infrastructure, and Made in Italy technology represent not only an offering of excellence, but essential drivers for the sustainable development and infrastructure growth of the entire South American continent. Charting the guidelines for bilateral exchange was the high-level panel dedicated to strategic technologies and partnerships, moderated by journalist and geopolitics expert Domenico Letizia.

The debate centered on the need to move beyond simple export logic to build true, integrated supply chain partnerships. In this context, Bruno Bettelli, President of Federmacchine, recalled that the Federation represents global excellence in capital goods, emphasizing that the key competitive advantage lies in integrating Italian technologies directly into local production processes. Behind every commercial transaction, Bettelli highlighted, lies an identity-driven matrix based on human relationships, where business diplomacy must know how to build lasting and cross-cutting ties.

Access and stability in Latin American markets, however, require rigorous technical and regulatory governance. Matteo Marconi, CEO and Technical Director of AC&E, explored the critical topics of regulatory compliance, certifications, and operational safety, emphasizing that international competitiveness relies inevitably on adhering to strict machinery safety standards, alongside growing attention to cybersecurity and machinery usage controls—critical success factors for anyone deciding to export or produce in Latin America.

The discussion found concrete experiential alignment in the contribution of Paolo Biglieri, General Manager of Blend Plants Italia. With a personal and entrepreneurial history deeply bridging Italy and Argentina, Biglieri leads a cutting-edge company in mobile concrete plants for major infrastructure projects such as mines, highways, railways, and airports, maintaining a strong footprint in key markets like Chile, Peru, Costa Rica, and Brazil. From his experience in the field came the proposal to establish a structured mechanism for educational and professional exchange, aimed at introducing Latin American artisans and technicians firsthand to the know-how and craftsmanship of Italian manufacturing.

In this scenario, moderator Domenico Letizia underscored the strategic value of the human and geopolitical heritage linking Rome and Buenos Aires. Argentina, in particular, holds extraordinary potential thanks to the historical presence of its vast Italian-Argentine community, a unique cultural and identity bridge that serves as a natural lever to accelerate economic cooperation, foster technology transfer, and solidify industrial integration across both sides of the Atlantic.

The proceedings of America Latina Day thus confirm that Italian industrial leadership is measured by its capacity to build cohesive systems, combining security, compliance, and human capital for shared growth between Italy and Latin America.

Sudan

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Sudan

El-Obeid: the SAF security apparatus has been turned against civilians

By Willy Fautré, director of Human Rights Without Frontiers

Sudan’s El-Obeid, danger comes both from the skies and from those claiming to protect them. Rapid Support Forces (RSF) drone attacks threaten the city, while Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) security actors stand accused of arbitrary arrests, torture and detention in appalling conditions. The UN-appointed investigators raising the alarm are right: civilian protection cannot mean condemning one armed force while overlooking abuses attributed to the other. 

The findings, presented on 28 October by the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan, demand scrutiny of SAF conduct. “Thousands have been arrested by SAF security cells, detained and tortured in unofficial locations and in El Obeid Central Prison, kept under appalling conditions,” mission expert Mona Rishmawi said. Her demand was unequivocal: “These practices must stop immediately.” These are investigators’ findings, not a court judgment, but their gravity makes dismissal indefensible. 

The reported conditions inside El-Obeid Central Prison illustrate the scale of the concern. According to the mission, approximately 2,000 people are held in a facility designed for about 450. One former detainee described as many as 40 people confined in a cell measuring roughly 2.5 metres by two metres. Such testimony raises urgent questions about detainees’ treatment and the SAF’s willingness to protect people in their custody.

Overcrowding is only part of the picture. Investigators also reported detention in unofficial locations and intensified surveillance by SAF-affiliated security actors. Particularly troubling is the targeting of people engaged in humanitarian, human rights and peace work. These activities should not become grounds for suspicion simply because independent civilian organisation is inconvenient to military power. The reported pattern suggests that the threat extends beyond prison walls into the city’s civic life.

Arresting those involved in relief and peace efforts risks weakening the very networks civilians need to survive. It can also discourage people from reporting abuses or assisting their neighbours. Those consequences are reasons for urgent scrutiny, not evidence that every allegation has already been judicially established. The appropriate response is independent investigation and protection for those who testify—not blanket acceptance of security justifications.

None of this diminishes the danger posed by the RSF drone strikes. El-Obeid’s residents face overlapping threats, not competing narratives. The UN’s intervention is therefore justified precisely because it refuses a selective account of civilian suffering. Its investigators describe a population exposed both to bombardment and to coercion by security actors inside the city. Concern about arbitrary detention does not distract from the aerial assault; it completes the picture of what residents are enduring.

The immediate demands should be concrete: end arbitrary detention and torture, disclose where people are being held, permit independent scrutiny of detention conditions, and protect humanitarian workers and witnesses. Allegations involving SAF-affiliated actors require credible investigation rather than assurances that military necessity explains everything. Responsibility must be established through evidence and fair procedures.

The broader warning is equally important. Investigators describe a war becoming more geographically extensive, technologically sophisticated and dangerous for civilians. Their call to expand the UN arms embargo beyond Darfur addresses that wider escalation. But international diplomacy must not obscure the responsibilities of those exercising power locally.

The SAF is failing the most crucial test: whether people under its authority are safe from abuse. The UN is right to insist on accountability: protection loses its meaning when civilians must fear both the forces attacking their city and those controlling its prisons.

India Is Building Two Fertiliser Futures at Once

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India Is Building Two Fertiliser Futures at Once

The 2026 Strait of Hormuz disruption showed how an energy shock can become a food-security risk. India is responding on two fronts: expanding gas-based urea production while using long-term procurement to build a green-ammonia industry. The next challenge is to translate greater supply security into more balanced fertiliser use and healthier soils.

By Jianbo Wu

When tensions around the Strait of Hormuz began to disrupt energy and fertiliser flows in the spring of 2026, India looked set for another familiar fertiliser scare. As one of the world’s largest fertiliser consumers, India remained exposed to overseas fertiliser supplies and the energy inputs behind them, particularly through the Gulf. Early tenders that year reflected the pressure: urea import prices jumped sharply, while delayed shipments and higher feedstock costs raised fears of a domestic shortage.

Yet India did not run out of fertiliser. By mid-July, official figures showed about 6.9 million tonnes of urea in closing stocks, while availability of all major fertilisers exceeded Kharif requirements. By the end of August, stocks had risen further to 7.51 million tonnes. The disruption has not ended, and it exposed real vulnerabilities in the country’s supply chains, but it has not broken the system that delivers fertiliser to farmers.

In addition to strategic inventories, India’s resilience rested on two other buffers: domestic production and fiscal support. Domestic plants now produce about 30 million tonnes of urea a year. Most importantly, the government kept the retail price of urea at ₹266.50 per 45-kg bag despite international volatility. That price has been unchanged since March 2018. The stability is not free: the subsidy on a 45-kg bag rose from ₹1,350 before the war to ₹2,775.

Physical stocks and domestic conversion capacity absorbed delays; fiscal capacity absorbed the price. But the deeper significance of the episode lies in what the stress test revealed: India is not simply trying to protect the fertiliser system it already has. It is building two different ways to make that system more secure.

The First Future: Moving Control Upstream

The first future India is constructing relies on a state-backed expansion of conventional gas-based capacity. On July 15, 2026, the Cabinet approved the National Investment Policy for Urea (NIPU-2026), the country’s first dedicated investment framework for the sector in nearly fourteen years. It aims to support eight or nine new plants, adding roughly 10 million tonnes of annual capacity, close to the gap between India’s current domestic production and consumption. By late September the Department of Fertilisers had received 17 proposals, potentially worth up to ₹2.04 trillion.

The significance of NIPU-2026 lies as much in its investment framework as in the tonnes it promises. The policy separates fixed and variable costs, introduces a 12-16 per cent return-on-equity band and reduces foreign-exchange exposure by converting fixed costs into rupees after four years. The government estimates that these changes could save more than ₹250 crore for each new plant compared with the previous framework.

This policy is designed to make the existing fertiliser system easier to finance and more resilient to external cost pressures. The capacity it supports is aimed at closing India’s immediate and medium-term supply gaps, using proven industrial designs and additional domestic production. More importantly, it seeks to move control upstream, towards the domestic conversion stage. 

Nitrogenous fertiliser production follows a strict physical chain: natural gas to hydrogen, hydrogen to ammonia and ammonia to urea. India cannot control the international gas market, but it can exercise greater control over how energy is converted into fertiliser at home.

The Second Future: Change the Energy Foundation

India’s second fertiliser future addresses the same vulnerability differently. Instead of simply strengthening the existing gas-based system, it seeks to change what that system depends on.

The National Green Hydrogen Mission, approved in 2023 with an outlay of ₹19,744 crore, was designed to build a domestic industry around green hydrogen and its derivatives, with a target of at least five million tonnes of annual green hydrogen production by 2030.

Through the Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI), the government has already aggregated demand for 724,000 tonnes of green ammonia a year for 13 fertiliser plants. The winning prices ranged from ₹49.75 to ₹64.74 per kilogram, with a weighted average of ₹53.27. The agreements run for ten years, giving producers something that new technologies usually lack: a committed buyer. In August 2026, SECI also proposed procuring another 1 million tonnes a year through new tenders.

The scale, however, needs to be kept in perspective. At about 0.57 tonnes of ammonia per tonne of urea, 724,000 tonnes of green ammonia is equivalent to roughly 1.3 million tonnes of urea, around 3 per cent of India’s consumption of about 40 million tonnes. It can begin to displace fossil-based ammonia used in part of the fertiliser industry, but it is not yet large enough to materially change India’s urea supply balance.

Even so, the significance lies in the method. Instead of waiting for production capacity to emerge and then looking for demand, the state is creating demand first and using long-term procurement to make new production investable. In this sense, the National Green Hydrogen Mission is being drawn into India’s fertiliser strategy, linking the energy transition to a problem usually treated as one of food security.

Fertiliser Security Is Not Yet Food Security

India is not choosing between grey and green. It is pursuing both because they solve different problems on different timelines. One secures supply in the near term; the other seeks to build the infrastructure for a new one over the longer term. Both strategies address the same vulnerability that the Hormuz shock made impossible to ignore: fertiliser security depends on the security of the energy system behind it.

Yet neither future fully answers what happens after fertiliser reaches the farm. India’s fertiliser resilience comes alongside another achievement: record agricultural output. Its 2025–26 foodgrain production reached an estimated 376.56 million tonnes, 5.3 per cent above the previous year and the highest level on record.

Record output, however, does not tell us how sustainable that production is. The country’s N:P:K ratio stood at 10.9:4.4:1 in 2023–24 and improved to 9.3:3.5:1 in 2024–25, but remained heavily skewed towards nitrogen relative to phosphorus and potassium. Preliminary Soil Health Card results from 2025–26, covering more than 9.3 million samples, point to a wider constraint: nearly 82 per cent recorded organic-carbon levels below the desirable range. 

That nitrogen skew is partly a price effect. Urea remains administratively cheap at ₹266.50 a bag, while DAP is held near ₹1,350 and MOP sells for roughly ₹1,700–2,200. In the first three weeks of August, farmers bought about 80 per cent of estimated monthly urea demand, compared with 70 per cent for DAP and 38 per cent for MOP. The policy that keeps urea affordable has also reinforced a long-standing preference for nitrogen

The Hormuz shock demonstrated that India possesses the administrative capacity and financial depth to absorb an international supply crisis. In the coming years, the key test will be to manage the two futures without allowing one to crowd out the other. Beyond those supply-side tests, the harder question is whether India can maintain the soil and nutrient balance that turns fertiliser into lasting agricultural productivity.

About the author:

Jianbo Wu is Secretary General of the Green and Smart Energy Organization (GSEO), an international non-profit focused on cooperation in green and smart energy systems. His work examines the intersection of energy, infrastructure, global supply chains, and economic connectivity. He has directed multiple United Nations-supported programmes and has contributed commentary to a range of international policy and business publications, including East Asia Forum, Singapore Business Review, and the LSE South Asia Centre.

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