The representation of the state of Rhineland-Palatinate in Berlin celebrates its 20th anniversary

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The representation of the state of Rhineland-Palatinate in Berlin celebrates its 20th anniversary

By the State Chancellery of Rhineland-Palatinate.

Germany is a federal state, whose competences are shared between the federal level and regional (state) and local governments. The Land of Rhineland-Palatinate, located at the heart of Europe with borders to France, Belgium and Luxembourg, has two representations outside of the state. One is located in Brussels and deals with EU policies and their impact on the Land.

The second representation is located in the federal capital Berlin and plays a key role in the federal legislative process. German federalism requires all 16 Länder to be represented at the federal level, in order to maintain a continuous link between the different levels of government.

After German reunification it was decided to move the Bundestag, a part of the federal ministries and other institutions from Bonn, former capital of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany, or Bonn Republic), to Berlin. Shortly thereafter all Länder opened new representations in Berlin. The former ministerial gardens of the Weimar Republic in the centre of Berlin became home to the new architecturally impressive buildings, including the new representation of Rhineland-Palatinate to the federal government.

Today the representation lies prominently near the Brandenburg Gate and the Reichstag building. It is neighbour to the Holocaust Memorial and has been built on the former death strip flanking the Berlin Wall, which separated the German capital for nearly three decades. The foundation stone was laid by the former Rhineland-Palatinate Premier Kurt Beck and the former long-time representative to the federal government, State Secretary Karl-Heinz Klär.

For the last six years two women have been heading the regional representation – Premier Malu Dreyer and State Secretary Heike Raab, the Plenipotentiary of the Land of Rhineland-Palatinate for Federal Affairs, for Europe, the Media and Digital Affairs.

A part from its political role the Rhineland-Palatinate’s “embassy” in Berlin, the representation can be perceived as a government institution with a wide range of tasks. It is a gateway between the Land’s capital Mainz on the river Rhine and the federal capital Berlin. It is an important meeting point for members of the Bundestag, the Bundesrat, the federal government, NGOs, citizens and other policy actors. Furthermore, it is a space for political discussions, negotiations and networking. German Länder hold the competence for broadcasting matters and Rhineland-Palatinate, as an important media site, traditionally chairs the broadcasting commission of the 16 German Länder which frequently gathers in the representation.

In addition to intensive political activity, Rhineland-Palatinate is keen to display its culture and way of life. Therefore, the representation became a well – known address in Berlin for book presentations, concerts, performances within the Berlinale festival calendar and, for example, the exhibition for caricature and political photography “Rückblende“, which is well-known throughout Germany and beyond. Many centuries ago, the Romans brought the tradition of wine making to the region that today covers our state. Rhineland-Palatinate is proud to produce two thirds of the annual German wine production. The representation is an ideal place to combine politics, art, history and culture and its broad range of events is often accompanied by high quality regional wines.

In 2020 the representation of Rhineland – Palatinate celebrates its 20th birthday, an occasion which was supposed to be celebrated with an innovative event and numerous guests, partners and companions. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the representation finds itself pioneering in the realisation of a very special anniversary. Yet, with positive and creative force the series “20 Years–20 Moments” with different digital and analogue event s was created mirroring the tasks of the representation and the merits of the state Rhineland- Palatinate.

For further information 

Representation of Rhineland-Palatinate to the German Federation: https://landesvertretung.rlp.de/de/startseite/

More on Rhineland-Palatinate: 

https://diplomatmagazine.eu/?s=Rhineland-Palatinate

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Image courtesy of Staatskanzlei Rheinlandpfalz / Premier Malu Dreyer & Plenipotentiary Heike Raab

Serbia, investing in regional cooperation

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Serbia, investing in regional cooperation

and intensifying bilateral relations with the Netherlands

By H.E. Ms. Ksenija Milenkovic, Ambassador of the Republic of Serbia to the Kingdom of The Netherlands.

Looking back at 2020, it was a year of challenges, fears and losses for the whole world. We learned how to live away from but still close to each other. We managed to transfer to the virtual sphere and function “normally” at work, in schools and at our homes. We protected our elderly and vulnerable and continued to love them and care for them remotely. However, 2020 was also a year of resilience and determination. It was also a year in which the principle of solidarity, although tested, became an ultimate value in itself.

My country Serbia faced similar difficulties and challenges like any other country in the world. Still, Serbia succeeded in preserving its economic stability and continued to grow in spite of unfavourable objective circumstances. Serbian economic growth in 2020 was above 5 per cent GDP, which is a remarkable result especially considering the overall economic climate. Our public depth remained low, even compared to more developed economies. In the year of corona, Serbia attracted 2,9 billion Euro worth foreign direct investments, which further demonstrates the high quality of the country as a desired investment destination.

While we still cannot say we emerged victorious against the virus, the first steps of vaccination in Serbia show more than promising results. Serbia commenced with vaccination of priority categories of citizens on 24 December 2020, while on 19 January 2021 en masse vaccination began. The system of registering for vaccination is fully digitalized and our citizens can choose between three different vaccines – Pfizer Biontech, Sputnik V and Sinopharm. Serbia is currently ranked second in Europe by the number of vaccines administered per 100 citizens and in total more than 500.000 citizens of Serbia to date received the first dose of the vaccine. The strategy of our president and our government to negotiate directly with the producers thus providing vaccines quickly proved to be a highly successful one. Moreover, we are part of the Covax system and Serbia in 2020 donated more than 2 million Euro to the global coalition for vaccination.

Throughout 2020 Serbia remained committed to the European integration which remains the strategic priority goal for our government. The government elected in the end of October 2020 following parliamentary elections in Serbia set the reforms in the area of rule of law as one of its six top priorities, which already resulted in a number of concrete steps and activities. Serbia accepted the new European Union methodology for accession negotiations with candidate countries and we look forward to its implementation for the overall benefit and higher quality of the accession process. While 2020 was a difficult year for the enlargement overall, we are hopeful that in 2021 we will see steps forward for all candidate countries in the region of the Western Balkans.

Serbia continued to invest in regional cooperation, with the main goal of achieving better connectivity and less obstacles for citizens and economy in the Western Balkans. An initiative by Serbia, Albania and North Macedonia known as the so-called Mini Schengen continued to contribute to creating the area of free movement of people and workers between the three countries. In a region where in the past more borders were created than lifted, the governments of three countries decided to enable movement without passports and with IDs only. Serbia is hopeful that the initiative will be accepted and joined by all in the region because it is aimed at benefiting all our citizens without exception. Serbia continued to actively participate in the Berlin process and all other initiatives created to foster regional cooperation.

Serbia is fully committed to the continuation of the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina based on the understanding that the only viable solution is a compromise and readiness of both sides not to be fully satisfied with the end result. Unfortunately, almost eight years after the achieving of the so-called Brussels Agreement its part on the creation of the Association of Serbian Municipalities has not been fulfilled by Pristina. Still, Serbia will continue to play a constructive part in the dialogue and maintain its role in securing regional stability. We are ready to explore different and creative solutions and hopefully move forward with the political dialogue under the EU facilitation.

As diplomats who are used to personal contacts and informal networking, adjusting to the new reality was not easy. However, in 2020 and early 2021 we succeeded in further developing and intensifying our bilateral relations with the Netherlands. With help and support from our colleagues from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs we continued the bilateral dialogue and jointly explored ways to continuously improve political, economic and cultural relations between Serbia and the Netherlands. In January 2021, the first bilateral political consultations were held between our two ministries, when Serbian and Dutch colleagues exchanged views on bilateral relations, European integration of Serbia, economic cooperation and other issues of mutual interest. On the Serbian side we are confident that this is the first step in building close relations and a substantial political dialogue with the Netherlands in all relevant areas.

Serbia is approaching its National Day celebrated on 15 February, the date which bears a special historical symbolism – it is the day when Serbia got its first modern constitution in 1835, the so-called Sretenje Constitution named after an orthodox christian holiday celebrated on the same day. More importantly, the Sretenje Constitution marked an important step in regaining Serbian statehood and its full independence.

We may not be able to celebrate our National Day this year the way we are used to in the diplomatic circles. And although we will miss dearly all our colleagues from the broad diplomatic community in the Hague, the entire staff of the Embassy in Serbia wishes you to be well and safe and we hope to see you all in the “Serbia house” in the Hague next year.

Chronique d’une épidémie Le Corona 19

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Chronique d’une épidémie Le Corona 19

Par Mariarosaria Ilorio, analyste politique.

Un événement effrayant se répandit au printemps 2020 en partant de Chine, les premiers cas y avaient été détectés en janvier 2020 dans une ville chinoise, la ville de Wuhan. La Chine, lointaine géographiquement, était de façon improviste si proche par la maladie. 

Au début de la pandémie, l’incrédulité sur la possibilité que l’épidémie arrive en Europe a prévalu. Les individus en parlaient dans les couloirs et dans les rues. En quelques semaines la mort est arrivée en Europe. La crise épidémique est ensuite devenue crise économique mondiale.   

En début mars 2020, nous étions au bureau et dans la confusion des réunions annulées et organisées et puis renvoyées : la tension montait sans savoir pourquoi… Je sentais la fibrillation: quelque chose allait changer rapidement. Les messages se firent de plus anxiogènes, et parlaient de possible changement de façon de travailler.  Puis l’annonce officielle: le Coronavirus, maladie mortelle prenant les voies respiratoires, était désormais arrivée en Europe.

L’Italie a été le premier pays touché, ensuite l’Espagne, la France, le Royaume Uni (qui avait nié au départ être touché par une telle pandémie et annonça que les britanniques devaient de préparer à perdre des personnes chères), et puis petit à petit toute la planète a sonné au son de l’épidémie. 

La pandémie s’est répandue dans le monde entier

D’abord, les personnes âgées, ensuite aussi les plus jeunes, et puis toute catégorie d’âge était désormais en danger, selon les annonces officielles. La mort par pandémie a ainsi fait sa réapparition en Europe. 

Les époques des épidémies qui semblaient désormais lointaines sont revenues dans notre quotidien avec de nouveaux mots d’ordres.  Confinement, distance sociale, masques, morts, hygiène, se laver les mains, restez chez vous, crise économique, chômage massif, pauvreté: une malédiction qui ramène l’humanité entière au cœur de sa vulnérabilité et de sa fragilité. 

Une expérience inattendue

  • L’Europe avait oublié les pandémies.
  • L’Europe avait oublié la production destinée à la santé publique.
  • L’Europe avait oublié la coopération et la collaboration entre  les peuples vivant sur le continent. 
  • L’Europe avait oublié la solidarité entre citoyens.
  • L’Europe avait oublié ses infirmiers et ses médecins.
  • L’Europe avait oublié les équipements sanitaires.
  • L’Europe avait oublié ses ainés dans les maisons de repos.
  • L’Europe avait oublié de produire ses produits alimentaires de base.
  • L’Europe avait oublié ses pauvres.
  • L’Europe avait oublié la solidarité et l’entre aide entre Etats. 
  • L’Europe s’est oubliée.

J’ai vécu cette expérience de confinement puis avec un esprit d’expérimentation et d’observation des réactions humaines en situation de crise. Le spectacle a été émouvant, attristant et révoltant à la fois. Je m’explique.  

Au début de l’épidémie il y a eu l’incrédulité de la part des européens: dans l’inconscient collectif « une telle pandémie ne pouvait exister en Europe ».

Le déni

La mort est entrée dans les discours et dans tous les esprits, même les plus cartésiens. Intéressant voir la peur de la mort et l’inquiétude de la perte de contrôle rentrer de plus en plus dans le quotidien des européens.

Peuples désormais habitués à l’illusion de tout contrôler ou à avoir l’illusion de tout contrôler. Même les Présidents les plus récalcitrants ont du accepter l’évidence: la santé des citoyens devaient passer avant l’activité économique.  Difficile choix.

Les dirigeants comme dans un sursaut de lucidité se sont rendus à nouveau compte que sans citoyens en bonne santé, il n’y avait pas d’économie.

Aux questionnements hésitants: 

Santé des citoyens ou activité économique?

Confinement pour protéger la santé publique ou continuation de l’activité économique européenne et mondiale?

Le vrai dilemme entre santé publique et activité économique

Depuis des années, nous avions en tant que observateurs politiques exprimé le regret de la tendance de l’Europe et des USA à libéraliser les services de santé et en laisser la gestion à des  acteurs privés. Nous avions à maintes reprises fait noter que les services de santé n’étaient pas des services comme les autres et que la vision libérale des services de santé était un non sens. 

Bien avant l’épidémie de Coronavirus, de nombreuses voix s’étaient levées pour attirer l’attention de l’éventuel désastre qui nous attendait. 

Personne ne pouvait imaginer que le Corona 19 débarque dans nos maisons, dans nos sociétés nous laissant démunis dans l’urgence de la mort qui ne regarde personne en face et qui ne se pose pas la question de la pertinence de son action.

Une évidence s’est posée à moi: la déshumanisation de l’Europe avait été en marche depuis longtemps sans que les citoyens en soient conscients. 

Pris dans le jeu de la compétition et de l’enrichissement, les européens avaient perdus de vue le sens de leurs choix politiques et économiques.

L’Europe et ses dirigeants nationaux avaient épousé la doctrine économique libérale fondée sur l’individualisme, la course à plus d’argent, moins de services d’intérêt général et surtout: l’encouragement à l’intérêt personnel contre l’intérêt général. 

Pendant la pandémie, l’Europe a montré encore une fois ses divisions, ses faiblesses, ses intérêts nationaux, son manque de fédération et a donné aux pays membres, en particulier aux pays du Sud de l’Europe l’impression qu’il y avait désormais une Europe officiellement à deux vitesses : UNE Europe du Nord qui se sent très sure d’elle-même ayant gagné sur tout les fronts depuis la seconde guerre mondiale ;  et UNE Europe du Sud qui serait à la traine et à laquelle l’Europe du Nord fait remarquer ses faiblesses.

J’ai pensé à la division Nord-Sud du monde, entre pays riches et pays pauvres, et à la division Nord-Sud en Italie, le Nord riche (l’Europe et les Etats Unis) et le Sud pauvre: la géographie serait-elle un facteur de déterminisme social et économique, comme théorisé dans nombreuses théories politiques? 

Comme si en quelques sortes ayant été virulente en Italie, la  pandémie serait venue « punir » un pays déjà en grandes  difficultés économiques depuis des décennies. 

Cette pandémie serait venue donner à l’Italie le coup final.

L’Europe serait ensuite venue pour la redresser en utilisant le Mécanisme économique de stabilité (MES).   

Surprenant

En écoutant les discours des jours qui ont suivis la pandémie, j’ai noté quelques expressions qui m’ont étonnée: « temporary solidarity » « the mafia is waiting for the EU funds. » 

Il y aurait donc une solidarité européenne « temporaire » sur laquelle il ne faudrait pas conter sur base continue et à long terme.  La solidarité des pays du Nord serait donc temporaire et conditionnée par des contreparties qui pourraient casser l’Europe en deux, notamment des crédits avec des intérêts à faibles taux. 

Déboussolant

Et puis, pitié !  

Tout ce débat rappelle la diatribe sur la coopération internationale entre prêts et subventions de l’aide au développement. 

Le Nord du monde qui endette le Sud du monde

La remise de la dette. A nouveau des prêts à taux faibles qui augmentent la dette existante et ainsi de suite.   

Pour ce qui est de la mafia qui attendrait les fonds européens, il est temps de clarifier que les organisations mafieuses se sont désormais lancées dans la finance et dans l’investissement et le recyclage en Europe et dans le monde.

Ces organisations peuvent en distribuer de l’argent !  Vite et de façon ciblée, notamment en finançant les segments les plus pauvres de la population. En somme, les organisations mafieuses peuvent « s’occuper » vite et bien des segments de la population « oubliés » par le gouvernement italien.     

Au fur et à mesure de la crise, il s’est dessiné une Europe à deux vitesses 

Malgré la crise mortelle ayant touché les pays du Sud d’abord et du Nord ensuite, l’Europe a montré au monde que la solidarité n’était pas une valeur sociale et politique fondatrice, mais plutôt une valeur « temporaire » à laquelle faire appel à géométrie variable et à certaines conditions.  

Incroyable

En période de confinement, de mort, de décisions économiques difficiles, l’Europe a pris des mois à discuter sans arriver à un acte fort de prise de décision.

Etonnant

La dynamique est devenue chaotique.

Les intérêts nationaux ont repris le dessus avec les stéréotypes qui vont avec.

Dommage

Au-delà des questions techniques, cette expérience a mis en exergue l’idée stéréotypée que les pays du Nord de l’Europe se font fait des pays du Sud de l’Europe. 

Dans les discours officiels, il en ressort une méfiance évidente pour la gestion des fonds européens de la part de l’Italie, en particulier, mais aussi de l’Espagne. 

J’ai été étonnée d’entendre que les Ministres se seraient soit disant mis plus ou moins d’accord sur les mesures de « solidarité » à prendre, comme le SURE (pour les chômeurs), le Fonds spécial pour les entreprises et le MES pour l’Italie (et l’Espagne), un MES qui serait « sans conditions » avec une ligne destinée uniquement aux dépenses de santé.   Mais, sans arriver à une action rapide.

Effrayant

La solidarité temporaire

La mort entretemps a fait son cours. Une « solidarité temporaire » serait aussi à la base des mesures discutées par le Conseil de l’Europe. Concept intéressant la « solidarité temporaire » : il mérite quelques lignes de réflexions. 

La solidarité européenne ne pourrait donc pas durer « à l’infini ». Donc une solidarité limitée dans le temps serait tout ce que l’Europe peut se permettre.

Pourquoi ?

Est-ce que cette définition de solidarité temporaire voudrait dire que les européens ne se sentent pas unis dans le même destin ?   

Les liens entre peuples européens ne seraient donc pas organiques ? 

Si tel est le cas, quel serait alors le facteur commun de l’Union européenne ?

Le marché

Nous serions de nouveau dans la dichotomie entre marché et solidarité. 

Si la solidarité n’est pas une valeur unifiant les européens qui restent donc dans leur individualisme, quelle autre valeur pourrait être portée dans la construction sociale pour qu’il se justifie une action commune dans cette crise sanitaire et économique ?

La coopération, vue comme l’ensemble des actions tendant à préserver l’intérêt général ? 

Quel serait l’intérêt général dans ce cas ? 

L’intérêt général serait celui de la continuation de l’Union européenne comme processus d’intégration des peuples et des Etats. 

Cet intérêt général doit être reconnu par les Etats membres de l’Union qu’ils soient au Nord ou au Sud.

Pourquoi ?

Parce que si l’Union n’est pas obligée d’être solidaire, elle ne survivra pas à la compétition interne et au manque de coopération.  La situation actuelle doit nous faire réfléchir à l’intérêt général européen au-delà des intérêts nationaux.

La valeur argent et l’intérêt national sont au centre de la sociologie européenne et mondiale 

Je comprends mieux pourquoi les discours médiatiques ont du parler des « héros » et le magazine « TIME »  a mis en première page les photos des « héros » de cette crise sanitaire, notamment les infirmiers et les médecins.

« Héros » 

Aurions-nous besoin de « héros » si nous avions gardé en Italie et en Europe le cap tendant à valoriser et à investir dans les secteurs de la santé publique ?

Aurions-nous besoin d’importer des masques et des ventilateurs, si nous n’avions pas réduit les dépenses de santé car considérées inutiles ? 

Je pense qu’il n’y a pas besoin de « héros » : il y a besoin de personnel sanitaire et d’infrastructures de santé en mesure de faire face à la crise sanitaire, en soignant les personnes âgées et les personnes fragiles.     

Pourquoi avons-nous eu besoin de « héros » ?

Pourquoi avons-nous dû arrêter des secteurs entiers et confiner tout un pays ?  

La réponse que je donne est que le système de santé italien, comme ceux des autres pays européens touchés par la crise, a été mis à mal par des années de désinvestissement systémique initié dans les années 80 et qui a continué dans le temps.  

Ce désinvestissement a laissé un système sanitaire au minimum indispensable ne prévoyant pas de crises de l’ampleur que nous avons vécu au printemps 2020 et qui continue encore en 2021. 

Nous applaudissions sans aucun doute nos « héros » des balcons. Mais avec le recul, il conviendra de s’interroger sur ce qu’il faudra changer, une fois passé ce cap de l’urgence sanitaire. 

En somme, la crise sanitaire a fait ressortir les maux de la  société européenne et mondiale. 

L’évident conflit entre santé publique contre économie capitaliste.  

L’investissement dans la santé publique est un une composante de l’activité économique durable.   

From Sadat to Saddam: The Decline of American Diplomacy in the Middle East

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From Sadat to Saddam: The Decline of American Diplomacy in the Middle East

By David J. Dunford, Reviewed by Albadr SS Alshateri.

David Dunford was a long-serving US diplomat whose career in the Foreign Service spanned 1966 to 1995. His book chronicles his experience in the Middle East, from his 1981 appointment as head of the economic section at the US Embassy in Cairo to his time as ambassador to the Sultanate of Oman.  After retirement in 1995, Dunford was recalled several times to serve in Egypt, Iraq and South Korea.[MOU1] 

Dunford attributes the decline of American diplomacy to the rise of the national security state after the trauma of 9/11. He contends that a “new generation of law enforcement and intelligence officials,” who had not had the experience or respect for diplomacy, came to lead their respective organization. Worse even, how by 2014 the “surveillance state was criminalizing ordinary diplomacy”.

The question that irks the author is how, despite unrivaled preponderant power, the US was not able to do better in its diplomatic achievement. Accordingly, the book uses the author’s “personal experiences to illuminate the reasons why” the US has not fared better.

Dunford outlines three purposes for writing this book. First, the uniqueness of diplomacy as a profession; second the meaning of decline of diplomacy to a professional diplomat; third, to show the young men and women who are interested in joining the Foreign Service what diplomacy is and what it means to be a career diplomat.

Dunford’s first post in the Middle East was Cairo, where he arrived in the summer of 1981. Unbeknownst to Dunford, who lacked any experience in Egyptian or Middle Eastern Affairs, a crisis was brewing in the host country. Four months after his arrival, President Sadat was gunned down by his own military officers during a military parade commemorating the October War.

The US Embassy in Cairo went into crisis mode to figure out the consequences of the assassination. Egypt weathered the storm, and the assassination was not a harbinger to a coup. The embassy’s biggest worry turned out to be how to organize the high-level US delegation to the funeral services for the fallen US ally. In one of the book’s anecdotes, the only crisis was seating Henry Kissinger next to an American teenager who had once been a personal guest of Sadat. Kissinger protested that he “hadn’t traveled several thousand miles to sit next to a bleeping kid”.

Egypt was the cornerstone of US foreign policy in the Middle East during Dunford’s tenure. When the author finished his tour in Egypt in 1984, he served as director of Egyptian affairs at Foggy Bottom. From his perch in Washington, DC, he managed the relationship with Cairo. He saw his job mostly as crisis management, including the 1985 seajacking of the Achille Lauro by Palestinian terrorists who shot and threw overboard a wheelchair-bound elderly Jewish American, Leon Klinghoffer.

The author provides a wider context for the violence that besets US policy in the Middle East, including Israel’s occupation of Arab lands and the invasion of Lebanon. Under the Reagan administration, “The pro-Israel lobby was at the height of its power” and would have attacked the administration for suggesting “moral equivalence between Arab terrorism and Israeli actions”.

At Dunford’s next assignment was deputy chief of mission (DCM) in Riyadh. The lack of an ambassador there put him in charge of one of America’s largest embassies. An early diplomatic tussle arose over Washington concern about the Saudis purchasing Chinese intermediate ballistic missiles that could reach Israel. The Saudis, however, persuaded Reagan that Riyadh needed those missiles, to the dismay of the Department of the State.

Dunford resumed his DCM role when Chas Freeman, perhaps one of the best diplomats in the US foreign service, was appointed as ambassador to Saudi Arabia. Although Freeman foresaw Saddam’s invasion of Kuwait and conveyed his thoughts to State, Washington was consumed by the dissolution of the Soviet Union and paid little attention to the unfolding events in the Middle East. Sure enough, Saddam crossed the borders with Kuwait on the morning of August 2. The Middle East finally got Washington’s attention.

Of particular note is how much Secretary of State James Baker wanted to keep the diplomats at arm’s length and retain policy in his inner circle during the crisis. After the war ended, Ambassador Freeman “had put plenty of thoughts on paper but ideas originating outside Baker’s tight circle were not welcome”.

The last post for Dunford as a professional diplomat looked more like a reward than a chore, given Oman’s low ranking in Washington’s regional pecking order. Budget cuts under Bill Clinton eliminated the meager financial aid ($15 million per annum) to Oman; it was up to the ambassador to face the consequences.

In the concluding chapter, the author tackles the subject of the decline of US diplomacy. By decline, Dunford means the political leadership has utilized diplomacy less than the military and economic options. “We have used military force extensively since 9/11 attack and the results have been, at best, disappointing”, he declares.

The trauma of September 11 was one factor, but Israel was another. The author argues that James Baker weakened regional bureaus, particularly the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, because he believed the officers there were “sympathetic to Arab positions and not sufficiently supportive of Israel”.

Dunford points to two other factors contributing to what he perceives as the decline of American diplomacy. First, the propagation of political appointments, special envoys, and representatives that replaced career diplomats deprived the US of professionals and experts on the various regions. Second, leaks of diplomatic correspondence and conversations made foreign leaders cagy about expressing their concerns to US diplomats.

Ambassador Dunford is a dedicated professional and the book – albeit marred by a few errors and typos — is an expression of devotion for his vocation. Unfortunately, despite the title, the book reads more like a memoir of the author’s long experience as a diplomat in the Middle East than an account of the decline of US diplomacy.

 [MOU1]He was recalled twice for service in three countries?  How does that work?

This article has been published November 2, 2020 in Modern Diplomacy. https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2020/11/02/from-sadat-to-saddam-the-decline-of-american-diplomacy-in-the-middle-east-book-review/

The woman with a hundred faces

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The woman with a hundred faces

By Alexandra Paucescu

Life often makes surprising twists, takes you to places you never expected and puts you in certain situations that will force you to go far beyond your limits and your comfort zone.

Diplomatic life is certainly one that fits this definition. What do you do, how do you cope with all the challenges and pressure? How do you find inner resources to redefine yourself over and over again? To many, this is a tedious matter… to her it came naturally, as a chain of situations and opportunities, which highlighted her multiple facets.

Slovakian born Monika Kapralikova is a woman with a hundred different faces and talents, which she naturally and modestly displays. One can only be amazed talking to her… and I certainly was. For the whole time of our discussion, I kept wondering myself: ‘Where does she get all the energy from?  How does she do all that?’

The intellectual woman who studied history and cultural studies at Comenius University in Bratislava, got her PhD and had a brilliant academic career, was swept away by her Spanish husband and, as she confesses herself, ‘in love, you often act, not think’… so she joined his nomadic diplomatic life and started her own lifetime adventure: Vienna, Madrid, Prague…

‘The first few years I fully immersed myself into motherhood, so I slowed down the pace and enjoyed family life’ she says.  But, as often happens with highly accomplished and active women, she soon realized she needed more, something to define herself outside being a partner and a mother, something to give her pleasure and satisfaction. And that is in fact what triggered her many talents being revealed.

She worked for different cultural projects (International Festival Divadelná Nitra in Karlovy Vary), volunteered for causes she held dear and started writing.

Book release.

Her academic background seemed to help and in 2017 she published her first book, ‘Beyond the province borders’, a cultural history of the period between the two World Wars in former Czechoslovakia and the life of the poet and editor Jan Smrek. The book was highly appreciated and won the prestigious ‘Egon Erwin Kisch Prize’ in 2018.

Being present as a speaker (2018) and then as an organizer at TEDx conferences in Bratislava came as a natural result of the attention the book received and as a recognition of her good work and talent, both as a writer, speaker and organizer.

TEDx Bratislava as presenter.

Did she stop there? Of course not! In 2019, another book followed. This time it was ‘Water drops on the rock’, a collection of 50 stories about women from different fields and backgrounds, who lived in former Czechoslovakia, from 19th century till today.

‘I co-authored this book, together with eight other writers and I am especially proud of it, as it is a family book with multiple moral aspects. It also teaches us that not only high achievers are worth mentioning!’ 

Indeed, that is something which especially children nowadays should learn and understand, easing the pressure of an often too demanding society!

She now works on two more books and also discovered her other artistic talent: she became part of a Spanish theatre group in Vienna, called ‘Soles del Sur’ (Southern Sun).

‘We usually have two productions per year, but because of the pandemic, we were forced to limit our performances. But I enjoy it immensely, it gives me so much pleasure and it is yet another way to express my artistic nature’.

Life is now full for Monika. She has ambitious projects, a nice family, two lovely young children who speak five languages already (‘a linguistic laboratory’ as she jokes about the situation) but who feel the pressure of this life as Third Culture Kids and react in their own ways to this reality, which will surely shape and influence their adult life.

Monika Kapralikova.

‘You can never be too prepared for moving, at least at the emotional level. It is always a struggle, a road to constant reinvention. I had, at the beginning, my own prejudices about the diplomatic life and the role of spouses, and it was a long process of acceptance, I didn’t want to be one of ‘those women’. But in time, I found my way, my role, I discovered also the benefits of diplomatic life, I’ve met wonderful and compassionate women and learned to face the reality: that everything in life is temporary and all problems will eventually be solved.’

Of course, being a foreign born diplomatic spouse could only add up to the difficulty of adjustment.  As she is now preparing to move ‘home’ to Madrid, she tells me ‘I feel like I never really go home. I am always a foreigner. Even when we move to Spain, to me it is like another foreign posting. It is like I live Homer’s mythical story of Ulysses, always on the way home to his beloved Ithaca, but never reaching it’.

I listen to her words and I can’t hide my amazement at this woman’s many facets. She tells me she also used to sing jazz in her younger years and, as if it wasn’t enough: she takes swims in the Danube, even now, at 0 degrees Celsius in winter time, along with a few other equally brave women. It is an exercise that proves strong will and determination, for sure, but she says: ‘I live by the golden rule ‘Better be tired to death of doing things, than dying with regrets you’ve never done it at all!’

Monika Kapralikova, swiming in the Danube in winter time.

It certainly seems that she has done a lot so far… and she still has a whole life of adventure in front of her… so world, be prepared… Monika is coming!

Main picture Monika Kapralikova with her husband at OECD charity ball.

About the author:

Alexandra Paucescu

Alexandra Paucescu- Romanian, Management graduate with a Master in Business,  studied Cultural Diplomacy and International Relations.

She speaks Romanian,  English,  French,  German and Italian. Turned diplomatic spouse by the age of 30, she published a book about diplomatic life, writes articles and also gives lectures on intercultural communication.

Kazakhstan – success story after 30 years of independence

Diplomat Magazine
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Kazakhstan – success story after 30 years of independence

By H.E. Ambassador Dauren Karipov, Head of Mission of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the Federal Republic of Germany.

Kazakhstan gained its independence from the Soviet Union on 16 December 1991 and received international renown for voluntarily closing the Semipalatinsk Nuclear Test Site and renouncing the world’s fourth-largest nuclear arsenal, which it had inherited from the USSR. In the three decades since, the ninth-largest country in the world has asserted itself as an economic powerhouse, aiming to join the ranks of the world’s most-developed countries by 2050.

Many experts would agree that the country is already well on its way, having seen an impressive post-independence 15-fold increase of GDP per capita, from $700 to $10,500, and being ranked 25th for investment attractiveness in the World Bank’s most recent Doing Business report.

Located in the heart of Eurasia, Kazakhstan maintains a strategic partnership with Russia, including within the Eurasian Economic Union, as well as with the USA and China, and maintains traditionally close relations with all of its neighbors. Relations with the European Union have been traditionally strong, as recently seen with the entry into force of the EU Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with Kazakhstan.

Since the establishment of their diplomatic relations in February 1992, Kazakhstan and Germany have engaged in close political dialogue, investment cooperation, and cultural exchanges. These ties are reinforced by the “living bridge” made up by ethnic German immigrants from Kazakhstan living in Germany, as well as ethnic Germans residing in Kazakhstan.

Nur-Sultan City.

Kazakhstan currently ranks 51st among Germany’s trading partners, accounting for 80% of all trade conducted with the Central Asian republics. Over the past decade, Kazakhstan has received over $3.8 billion of German direct investments, 90% of which target our country’s manufacturing industry.

The Kazakh government has adopted a new preferential regime tailored for German investors, which includes tax breaks, preferences, and provision of land and infrastructure. A special governmental working group headed by Kazakhstan’s Deputy Prime Minister has been tasked with providing prompt, high-level assistance to Kazakh-German investment projects.

Kazakhstan possesses tens of trillions of dollars worth of mineral deposits, including zinc, tungsten, silver, lead, chromite, copper and gold. The country has the world ninth-largest proven oil reserves, as well as abundant reserves of coal and uranium, which it leverages in order to gain access to high-tech technologies for its digitalization efforts.

Kazakhstan has rekindled its historical role as the main connecting link on the modern iteration of the Silk Road, transforming itself into the region’s largest business and transit hub for people and goods traveling between Europe and Asia. By 2025, the amount of cargo traveling through Kazakhstan will grow 1.5 times to 30 million tons per year.

The Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel and Kazakhstan President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev.

Kazakhstan is well on its path towards democratic transformation. Recently adopted legislation has halved the registration barrier for creating political parties, introduced a 30 percent quota for including women and youth on electoral party lists, created an institution of parliamentary opposition, and established a notification procedure for holding peaceful meetings and demonstrations. A number of new laws related to strengthening the protection of human rights, children’s rights, the election of local governmental administrations, and the lowering of the threshold for parliamentary elections will be introduced into national legislation this year.

Speaking before the newly elected Lower House of Parliament (Mazhilis) on January 15, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev announced a third package of democratic reforms to further improve the quality of life and provide new opportunities to the populace.

The results of past thirty years of development give us reason enough to be proud of Kazakhstan’s achievements. Ensuring a worthy and prosperous future will require hard work of every Kazakh citizen, and we remain steadfastly confident that our nation’s creativity and unity will transform this goal into reality.

Home is a Feeling

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Home is a Feeling

By Yvonne Cocco from Style Me Cocco

Leaving your home country and settling abroad can be overwhelming, it requires  a very open-minded and positive attitude. There are days when you absolutely love where you are and others when you feel homesick; it can be difficult to deal with so much change at one time : culture, language, weather, making new friends, among others.

Being an expat myself, I believe home is a feeling and I encourage you to stay positive and nest in your new location by embracing your new surroundings.

I remember when I moved to Stockholm I did my best to find a spaceful apartment outside the city center and made it warm and charming, with a couple of additions.  I was always happy to come back from work and sink into my very own sanctuary, despite the extreme winter months. The fact that I felt so “at home”, made my whole experience a fantastic and rewarding memory abroad.

A home definitely demands to be created, so enhancing your living abroad experience means having a place you love. If your new rental seems dull and colourless, have fun with your decor and interior decoration. The range of experience gained from living in multiple cultures is quite valuable, display it and make it more personal.  

An easy way to create an intimate, elegant and/or warm atmosphere is by bringing accents of color and balance with: throw pillows, plants, books and rugs. All these placed purposely can elevate and lift a room, particularly when painting walls is not an option.

Let me help you bring cosiness and style to your living space (even if you feel it’s cold and uninviting). By adding texture, delightful materials and pleasant lighting, I can create for  you a home away from home that you look forward to be in everyday.  

Style Me Cocco is my home styling company and it delivers a multisensory experience : how you feel in a styled room, what you see is pleasing to the eye, what you touch has a pleasant texture and what you smell transports you to a happy place. Thus, adding home scents to the home styling service completes our mission of delivering feel-good-homes by providing a sense of well-being. We work exclusively with fragrances Made in France that provide the best and most sustainable quality.

We also offer an exquisite range of furniture and decor objects from Spain that will make a unique statement to any property.

Remember, happiness is an inside job and self care begins with your intimate space. Having an alluring home wherever you are is not an expense, it’s definitely an investment.

For Information:

Visit our website : www.stylemecocco.com

For your convenience, we can accomodate your needs in a virtual consultation.

Antigua and Barbuda: not only white beaches and crystal clear seas

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Antigua and Barbuda: not only white beaches and crystal clear seas

but also excellent investment opportunities

By H.E. Dr. Dario Item, Ambassador of Antigua & Barbuda to the Kingdom of Spain, Liechtenstein and Monaco

Antigua and Barbuda is an independent democratic island state of the Commonwealth, located between the Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean Sea, belonging to the archipelago of the Lesser Antilles. It consists of 3 larger islands (Antigua and Barbuda and Redonda) and many smaller ones. The twin-islands state has a total area of about 440 km2 and has about 100’000 inhabitants. It is entirely surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean (to the north and east) and the Caribbean Sea (south and west).

The country’s form of government is a constitutional monarchy with a British-style parliamentary system. The reigning British monarch (Elizabeth II) is represented in Antigua by an appointed Governor-General as the head of state (currently Sir Rodney Errey Lawrence Williams).

The official language is English; Creole-English is also spoken. Antigua and Barbuda gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1981.

The twin-islands are a very popular tourist destination and most of the attractions are located on the island of Antigua while Barbuda has its strong point in miles of completely virgin and unspoiled beaches. Everyone knows the island of Antigua for its beaches, crystal clear sea, orchids, bamboos, palm trees, and excellent climate. That is why it is a popular holiday destination. The island has 365 beaches, all free and open to the public. “One for every day of the year” as the locals say. By boat is the best way to explore them all and choose the one you like most.

The beauty of Antigua and Barbuda has long attracted the international jet set. VIPs such as Giorgio Armani, Stefano Gabbana, Leonardo Del Vecchio, Jean-Paul Belmondo and Robert De Niro have long chosen Antigua & Barbuda as their spiritual refuge.

Beyond its natural beauty, Antigua and Barbuda offer great investment opportunities: tourism, renewable energy, agriculture, constructions, digital assets business, and financial services are booming sectors in the country. In 2018, for the first time, it opened an embassy in Madrid, located in Calle Felipe IV n. 7 (www.embassy.ag). The Head of Mission is Ambassador Dario Item.

Moreover, in order to collect and display all relevant information in an organic and accurate manner, Antigua and Barbuda launched this year AntiguaBarbuda.com, the country’s first and official business hub for potential international investors who are looking to learn more about the investment and business opportunities in the country.

The hub is home to a wide array of information that many potential investors and visitors of Antigua and Barbuda may find helpful in their decision-making process.

Why invest in Antigua and Barbuda?

There are many good reasons to invest in Antigua and Barbuda: Stable, democratic, and business-friendly government. First of all, Antigua & Barbuda is a small, stable country both politically and socially, with a healthy democratic system of government based on the Westminster (UK) system. Antigua & Barbuda is one of the most secure and safe countries in the Caribbean and compares very well worldwide for low crime rates and law rule. The government of Antigua and Barbuda is definitely business-friendly and can count on an efficient administration and a fast decision-making process.

Well Educated and Skilled Population

Furthermore, Antigua & Barbuda is one of the more prosperous states in the Eastern Caribbean, with Tourism, Business Service Outsourcing, and Financial Services as the largest economic sectors. The literacy rate is over 95%, reflecting a consistent focus on investment in education.

Antigua & Barbuda has developed practical human resource skills in tourism, information technology-enabled services, financial services, and construction. A network of colleges and accreditation and certification bodies ensures that skills quality meets world standards. Further, government policy aims at ensuring that the skills produced match competitive business requirements.

The country has also enacted cutting-edge digital assets legislation and aspires to become one of the most attractive hubs for digital exchanges and cryptocurrencies.

Robust ICT Infrastructure

Antigua & Barbuda places a high priority on ICT as an essential enabler for national development. Consequently, the country has experienced rapid growth in its ICT sector, driven by significant public and private sector investment. Antigua & Barbuda now has a modern telecommunications infrastructure, which has facilitated fast growth in broadband internet and data and voice services vital for modern information-intensive businesses.

Business-friendly Currency and Foreign Exchange Environment

Antigua & Barbuda is a member of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) within a common central bank and currency area. The currency is the Eastern Caribbean Dollar that is pegged to the US Dollar at the rate of EC$2.70 to US$1. The country has no foreign exchange controls or restrictions on capital repatriation.

The attractive tax regime for inward investors

The country has also an attractive tax regime for inward investors. Antigua & Barbuda’s corporate income tax rate is 25%. Exemption from payment or reduction in the rate is allowed depending on the level of capital investment and the number of jobs created in new investment proposals. Further, exemption from or reduction in the import duty rate on raw materials, components, machinery, and equipment can also be granted. The presence in the country of a free zone also allows to maximize profits thanks to the strong tax incentives granted by the government.

Welcoming People

The people of Antigua & Barbuda are noted for their friendly and welcoming nature, particularly towards visitors, whether tourists or investors. There is wide acceptance of the importance of attracting foreign investment into the country.

Robust legal and regulatory framework

Antigua & Barbuda has a Common Law system based on the UK model. The legal code guarantees investor protection, facilitating an attractive investment environment. In the Latin American Caribbean Region, Antigua & Barbuda is ranked highly for enforcing contracts and protecting investors.

Antigua and Barbuda

Excellent travel links

The Antigua and Barbuda airport is the most modern, stylish, and efficient airport in the Caribbean. It is definitely one of the flagships of the country.

Antigua is easily accessible by direct scheduled flights from the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States; by charter flights from Germany and Italy; and by regional flights from almost all Caribbean islands.

Covid-19

The country and its government also did very well in handling the COVID-19 pandemic and has one of the lowest infections and fatality rates in the world. Their preventive measures have been in place since the onset of the pandemic and have proven to be effective.

With the goal of attracting investors and further stimulating the economy, the country has also activated citizenship and residency programs.

Citizenship by Investment Program

Antigua and Barbuda offers the possibility to acquire citizenship by investing in the country. Depending on your preferred lifestyle, there are several paths to acquiring citizenship through investment.

Whether you are looking to apply for citizenship for yourself and your family, here are some of the benefits of having an Antigua and Barbuda passport:

  • Live long-term in a Caribbean country known for its white sand and blue waters.
  • Lifetime citizenship for your family/qualified dependents with a one-time investment.
  • Visa-free travel to more than 150 countries, including EU Schengen areas, the UK, and Ireland.
  • No wealth, inheritance, and personal income taxes.
  • Since 2019, Antigua and Barbuda passport holders can travel through a visa waiver program in Russia, Ukraine, and Kosovo.
  • Efficient application processing (usually 3 months processing time).
  • Confidentiality of application procedure.
  • Freedom of movement within the Caribbean (CARICOM) countries.
  • Ability to freely hold dual or multiple citizenships.
  • Investment options

The citizenship-by-investment program (CIP) allows foreign investors have the following options:

a)Contribution to the National Development Fund (NDF)

  • US$100,000 for a family of up to four applicants.
  • US$125,000 for a family of five or more applicants.

b)Contribution to the University of West Indies (UWI)

USD 150,000 (inclusive of processing fee) for a family of six or more is entitled to citizenship as well as a one-year scholarship (tuition only) for one of its members.

C)Real estate option

Minimum of US$400,000; or US$200,000 as part of a joint investment.

d)Investment in business

Minimum of US$1.5 million for a single investor; or $400,000 as part of a consortium investment of more than $5 million.

Nomad Digital Residence (NDR) Program

Antigua and Barbuda welcomes investors and entrepreneurs who are looking to stay longer in the country. It is offering a long-stay visa through its Nomad Digital Residence (NDR) program.

The program is designed for those whose work can be done remotely, and want to do so from a safe Caribbean country. The country allows many entrepreneurs to maintain access to modern facilities and amenities, including reliable telecommunications infrastructure.

Eligible applicants will be granted a special-resident authorisation that will be valid for up to two (2) years from the first instance.

Fees

For those who want to proceed with the application, fees are:

  • US$1,500.00 – single applicant
  • US$2,000.00 – couple
  • US$3,000.00 – a family of 3 and over

The application is restricted to foreigners whose minimum annual income is USD 50’000 or more.

Antigua and Barbuda is a beautiful and safe location, with a great quality of life and excellent travel links. What are you waiting for to visit us?

Recovery action plan of the Union: On Next Generation EU & a New Independent authority?

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Recovery action plan of the Union: On Next Generation EU & a New Independent authority?

By Nora Wolf

The first address of the European Commission since the pandemic was one highly anticipated by all the citizens of the EU block. On September 16, President Ursula von der Leyen took it upon herself to reveal the EU’s roadmap for a post-Covid world following the approval of the recovery funds last July which constituted a breakthrough and sent a welcome signal in terms of cohesion and solidarity on the part of the 27 members.

Aside from paying tribute to our frontline workforce and praise the courage and human spirit showed by all in the face of virus spread, von der Leyen set out what she called Next Generation EU; a movement to breathe new life into the EU but also and most importantly to adapt and lead the way into shaping tomorrow’s world.

Through her speech, the president highlighted roughly 8 key themes which will be at the centre of this new European era’s agenda for the next 12 months, in accordance with the cardinal principles of trust, tolerance and agility.

In other words, the 750 billion recovery funds raised extra-ordinarily will be directed towards the following areas:

1° Economy: the Union members must all breed economies that offer protection, stability and opportunities in the face of the continuous health crisis with a specific wish expressed for a stronger Health union – and thereby an extension of the Union’s competencies on the matter – but also the advent of European minimum wages.
2° Green Revolution: the Union will adopt more radical attitudes towards mitigating climate-change and safeguarding our planet, starting with the ambitious aim of becoming the first climate-neutral continent by 2050 through the EU’s Green Deal. So called ‘lighthouse’ high-impact and hydrogen-based projects will become an additional focus.
3° Technology: Europe has to step up its game and become a digital leader through securing industrial data and using it to support innovation. Delineating the use of AI by regulating the field, creating a secure EU e-identity and ensuring connectivity deployment so as to fully cover rural areas are also high on the list.
4° Vaccine management: The Union praises the open approach followed up until now in facing the virus whilst many others have opted for withdrawal and undercutting of cooperation. Having served as an example regarding vaccines research and funding, the EU must uphold its policy all the way to the finish line and ensure its accessibility for every citizen around the world.
5° Multilateralism: the current international order system needs some rethinking and international institutions need reform in order to de-paralyze crucial decision-making in urgent situations. This starts with the EU taking faster univocal positions on global issues (Honk-Kong, Moscow, Minsk, and Ankara) and systematically and unconditionally calling out any HR abuses whilst building on existing partnerships with EU’s like-minded allies.
6° Trade: Europe will be made out as a figure of fair-trade by pushing for broker agreements on protected areas and putting digital and environmental ethics at the forefront of its negotiations. Global trade will develop in a manner that is just, sustainable, and digitized.
7° Migration: A New Pact on Migration will be put forward imminently as to act on and move forward on this critical issue that has dragged for long enough; in that regard every member state is expecting to share responsibility and involvement including making the necessary compromises to implement adequate and dignifying management. Europe is taking a stand: legal and moral duties arising from Migrants’ precarious situations are not optional.
8° Against hate-inspired behaviours and discriminations: A zero-tolerance policy is reaffirmed by the Union by extending its crime list to all forms of hate crime or speech based on any of the sensitive criteria and dedicating budget to address de facto discriminations in sensitive areas of society. It is high time to reach equal, universal and mutual recognition of family relations within the EU zone.

Granted, the European ‘priorities forecast’ feels on point and leaves us nearly sighing in relief for it had been somewhat longed for. The themes are spot on, catch words are present and the phrasing of each section is nothing short of motivational with the most likely intended effect that the troops will be boosted and spirits lifted subsequently. When looking closer to the tools enunciated for every topical objective, there seems however to be nearly only abstract and remote strategies to get there. 

This is because a great number of the decisive steps that the Union wishes to see be taken depend on the participation of various instruments and actors. Not only does it rely for most on the converging interests, capabilities and willingness of nation States (inside and outside the euro zone), but it is also contingent on the many complex layers and bodies of the Union itself. And when a tremendous amount of the proposed initiatives for European reconstruction is reliant on such a far-reaching chain of events, it simply calls into question the likelihood for the said measures and objectives to be attained – or at the very least in which timeframe.

One might then rightfully wonder whether good and strong willpower coupled with comprehensive projections can be enough. And perhaps in the same vein, whether we can afford to wait and let it play out in order to find out? In his recent writing Giles Merritt, founder of the platform ‘Friends of Europe’ tends to suggest we most certainly do not have the luxury of waiting it out and not pushing the forward thinking even further. Indeed, according to him, Europe could and should do more. More than a call for action and change that might end up echoing and fading in the depths of the EU’s bureaucracy, the Union would be expected to back up its ambitious intentions with the setting up of an independent planning agency to ‘ensure revolutionary ideas and projects are speedily implemented’, to borrow Merritt’s words.

Whilst van der Leyen’s announcement was promising and efficient in that it sent an important message – the EU is wanting to get in the driver’s seat – only the follow-up with radical motions such as the creation of a readily available tool to implement fast and impactful changes can lend support to a claim that Europe is in a position to resolve current internal and external EU challenges, and more generally to bounce back from conceded decline suffered in the most recent decades.

As a matter of fact, Diplomat Ali Goutali and Professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic were the firsts to make an analysis in that sense as they articulated their proposal for the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) earlier this year. Faced with similar challenges and need for sharper thinking and tools in order to be at the forefront of the economic and technologic challenges ahead, the OIC had relied heavily on its Committee on Scientific and Technological Cooperation and agenda reform to reinforce its cooperation and innovation capabilities as a global player. 

Nevertheless, Goutali and Bajrektarevic already felt months ago that additional steps ought to be taken for the OIC to be able to respond swiftly and reaffirm further its mandate of facilitating common political actions. To that end, it was suggested that a mechanism for policy coordination in critical times – the Rapid Reaction Capacitation – in charge of, primarily, vaccines management and AI applications should be introduced. Furthermore, the stakes behind the urgent need of strengthening our international order through cohesive endeavours are evidently the same for both the EU and the Arab World. That is to permanently leave behind a pseudo-competitive nation-based attitude that is nothing but a relic from the past and has achieved little in the context of the Covid outbreak.

Hence, if such an independent body was to be established, all three authors agree that it could gather the indispensable political power and resources to carry out the desired reforms on multilateralism, cyber and digital infrastructures, Covid recovery measures or geopolitical partnerships. Necessarily streamlined in order to avoid undue blockades, these new regional bodies could be composed of energetic forward thinkers across the private and public sectors empowered to map out and act on adequate strategies for a post-Covid world. This is because we all share the same goal: achieving solidarity not only on paper or as a conceptual motto but in real life and in real time. And after all, didn’t von der Leyen herself concur with that line of thinking as she enjoined Member states to move towards qualified majority voting to avert slow and cumbersome decision-making processes?

It seems pretty clear to me that such discussions in relation to the aggressiveness in actions and potential bureaucratic barriers might raise an old-as-the-world yet still very important questions: Should we, Europe, be ready to risk losing some of the legitimacy or democratic aspects of our political bodies in order to gain in speed and efficiency in times of crisis? And if not, considering the embracement of some of our supra-national entity’s actions is already on shaky grounds, how can we ensure that such bold measures may still be reconciled with maximal legitimacy given our equally urging need for unity?

About the author:

Nora Wolf


Nora Wolf is a Swiss based international politics and economics specialist from the Kingston and University of Geneva. Her expertise includes Human Rights, Humanitarian Law and International Criminal Law in an inter-disciplinary fashion for the EU and the UN-related thinktanks and FORAs. She is currently attached with the IFIMES Permanent Mission to the UN Geneva as the second alternate.

Ljubljana/Geneva, 27 January 2021

Footnotes:
[1] IFIMES – International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies, based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, has Special Consultative status at ECOSOC/UN, New York, since 2018.

  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9968  (Research ● Nora WOLF ● Recovery action plan of the Union: On Next Generation EU & a New Independent authority?)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9962  (Research ● Academician Prof. Dr. Mirko Pejanović: Lessons learned after the implementation of the Dayton peace agreement)
  • Link (BSH): https://www.ifimes.org/ba/9961  (Analiza ● Akademik prof. dr. Mirko Pejanović: Lekcije naučene nakon implementacije Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9958 (Press release: Lamberto Zannier becomes the new Director at IFIMES for the Euro-Mediterranean Diplomacy and Intercultural Affairs)
  • Link (BSH): https://www.ifimes.org/ba/9960  (Saopćenje za javnost: Lamberto Zannier novoimenovani direktor za Euro-mediteransku diplomaciju i interkulturna pitanja IFIMES-a)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9950  (Research ● Prof. Dr. Anis H. Bajrektarevic ● Living Antifascism: There is no Health without Freedom)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9942  (Research ● 2020 Bosnia and Herzegovina: There will be no rule of law without the comprehensive reform of the BiH judiciary – Fadil Novalić case illustrates the state of the BiH judiciary)
  • Link (BSH): https://www.ifimes.org/ba/9940  (Analiza ● Bosna i Hercegovina 2020: Vladavine prava nema bez temeljite reforme pravosuđa – slučaj Fadil Novalić oslikava stanje u bh. pravosuđu)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9941  (Research ● 2020 Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict: Return of Russia to Caucasus – end of war between Armenia and Azerbaijan)
  • Link (BSH): https://www.ifimes.org/ba/9938  (Analiza ● Sukob Azerbajdžana i Armenije 2020: Povratak Rusije na Kavkaz – kraj rata između Armenije i Azerbajdžana)
  • Link (BSH): https://www.ifimes.org/ba/9940  (Analiza ● Bosna i Hercegovina 2020: Vladavine prava nema bez temeljite reforme pravosuđa – slučaj Fadil Novalić oslikava stanje u bh. pravosuđu)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9937  (Research ● Maria Maria Smotrytska: European logistics hubs of Belt and Road Initiative. Aftermath of the BRI implementation in CEEC)
  • Link (BSH): https://www.ifimes.org/ba/9936  (Analiza ● Prof.dr. Anis H.Bajrektarević: Binarizacija vanjske politike: Tko je izgubio Nesvrstane?)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9933  (Research ● 2020 United States of America: Foreign Policy of the New US Administration for Europe, Middle East and Western Balkans)
  • Link (BSH): https://www.ifimes.org/ba/9929  (Analiza ● SAD 2020: Vanjska politika nove američke administracije prema Evropi, Bliskom istoku i Zapadnom Balkanu)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9932  (Research ● General (Rtd) Corneliu Pivariu: The Great Powers’ Competition in The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in the First Half of the XXI Century. Eventual Possibilities of Cooperation Among Different Players)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9931  (Research ● Viola Christian: To Achieve the SDGs, We Must Eliminate Violence Against Women and Girls)
  • Link (BSH): https://www.ifimes.org/ba/9930  (Studija ● akademik prof.dr. Mirko Pejanović: 25 godina Daytonskog sporazuma: Pretpostavke ubrzanja integracije Bosne i Hercegovine u EU)
  • Link (ENG): https://www.ifimes.org/en/9928 (Research ● 2020 Morocco–Western Sahara: One of the oldest conflicts in Africa on the verge of a new war?)
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The Basics of Economic Diplomacy, Lessons from Latvia

Diplomat Magazine
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The Basics of Economic Diplomacy, Lessons from Latvia

By Eugene Matos de Lara

The coronavirus presents Germany’s most significant challenge in its postwar history; Chancellor Angela Merkel told viewers across the German nation. COVID triggered the most profound economic recession in nearly a century, threatening almost every fundamental aspect of our societies. The IMF estimates our global economy went down by 4.4% in 2020, the worst decline since the Great Depression. The only major economy to grow in 2020 was China of 2.3%.

The immediate outlook on the pandemic’s impact has made us think on how governments have dealt with prospects for economic growth. Most forecasts envision a 5 per cent contraction in global GDP, despite the outstanding efforts of governments to counter the economic spiral with fiscal and monetary policy support and even austerity.

During the COVID-19 crisis peak, EU leaders regularly met via e-conferences to discuss and assess the situation and coordinate action COVID economic reactions. The same happened in other states internally, namely Canada, who spearheaded federal strategic communication and policy building under the Trudeau government to reboot the economy. Something that will cost Canadians considerably down the line. Yet most if not all world leaders know that this situation is expected to leave lasting scars through lower investment, an erosion of human capital through lost work and schooling, and fragmentation of global trade and supply linkages. We are just about to enter a new world era.

It is instructive for us international relation practitioners to review and refine our diplomatic, economic strategies to guide us through these hardships. What diplomatic tools can we use to help our communities get through, and how to go about it?

A little refresher for those interested in economic diplomacy and its study has rapidly developed over the past decade that is very relevant today, especially. Yet, there is still no strict consensus among academics about its definition. Despite this lack of agreement, in this short article, I will try to outline the basics of economic diplomacy theory and some examples of its practice.

We could see economic diplomacy as a policy practice, institutional structure, behavioural aspects, and policy aims and results in dealing with the state and businesses’ financial and commercial interests. Indeed, different thinkers have given a variety of angles of practice and theories on economic diplomacy yet they all agree that: economic diplomacy can be defined as a set of methods and processes related to cross border economic activities such as exports, imports, investment, lending, aid and migration, all of which are pursued by state and non-state actors. It is divided into three main elements; economic diplomacy encompasses the use of political influence and relationships to promote trade and investment, monetary assets and relationships to increase economic security including multilateral negotiations to consolidate the right political climate and political-economic environment to facilitate the institution’s objectives.

To distinguish it from diplomacy in general, we would have to highlight the private sector’s involvement in decision-making processes precisely because market developments are closely monitored by private sector actors and not government agencies to stay informed about where and how to invest in their country of interest. Economic diplomacy became particularly important within our globalized economic interdependence context to set the tone of foreign policy. It is also essential for domestic markets while managing regional trade and competitive international investment agreements. To get the desired financial results, states would have to use their available resources agencies, networks, and yes – diplomatic tools, while practising economic diplomacy.

The subject touches many levels, and governments practice informal dealing on various issues such as trade agreements and investment agreements. Multilateral approaches are assisted with pre-established guidelines within a set framework of international organizations in different levels such as the World Trade Organization, the Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development, etc. Strategic communication is imperative between the private and government sectors to agree on set positions, hardliners, in other words, taken between government actors and their stakeholders before negotiating with other countries or organizations in this framework.

Moreover, we must not forget the plurilateral or more commonly known as the regional approach. It offers a streamlined, expressway for exploring the market opportunity, The EU being the best example of this approach. From the plurilateral perspective, we can observe how economic diplomacy has many tools to remove trade barriers while its users aspire to liberalize economies. Liberalizing markets, of course, has proven itself easier done in the regional context.

Contemporary practices see economic diplomacy as mainly concerned with formal government activities to promote their economic interest. However, our readers are invited to see the idea in the broader sense, which goes much further than foreign ministers’ mandated responsibilities. Engagement in economic diplomacy concerns all government agencies that have economic responsibilities, it is not exclusive to the foreign ministries, although they might not acknowledge it themselves. That is, in other words, all ministers, and independent public agencies and institutions that are involved with economic issues are engaged in economic diplomacy.

Analyzing the current global cooperation structures shifts economic diplomacy to be deployed by states seeking to achieve the newly flexible international environment’s financial goals. These flexible approaches and the weakening adherence to strict multilateral rules have made bilateral policies more attractive to economic diplomacy. The same could also be said about plurilateral methods; geo-economic power shifts encourage governments to reassess their national and foreign policies to be compatible with regional power shifts. Modifications and changes spark new thinking, such as on commercial diplomats’ mandate working on trade and investment promotion. In emerging economies and small states, a larger role for the ministry in international economics becomes necessary for success because emerging forms are seen to have a much stronger influence on the domestic private sector. Therefore public institutions have a larger stake in economic diplomacy than the private sector alone.

Nonetheless, economic and cultural and historic reasons explain why trade partners in emerging economies expect state involvement from their foreign partners in investment and trade. This contrasts the separation of public and private sectors as seen in larger capitalist economies. Economic diplomatic practices reflect the larger private sector and allow these to have an essential role in diplomatic practices. In the same way, states must be flexible; they have to change how they go about diplomacy depending on the economy they are dealing with.

As mentioned above, due to its main concerns with governments’ actions and what they do to promote their economic interests, economic diplomacy involves government agencies as primary actors. It recognizes the involvement of non-governmental entities in shaping economic diplomacy strategies.

The case study of Latvia’s economic interests regarding economic diplomacy manifests in facilitating exports and promoting foreign investment, a good form of flexible economic diplomacy. Of course, most of the work concerning economic diplomacy is done through the Latvian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its diplomatic representation network across many countries, each with commercial representatives that would deal with economic diplomacy. However, other ministries such as the Ministry of Economics, the Ministry of Transportation, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Agriculture and the State Chancellery are also in touch with, say the embassies to define commercial targets.

Meanwhile, other government agencies such as the Investment and Development Agency of Latvia are involved, indirectly, in dealing with various issues more or less related to the realm of economic diplomacy. Relations between government agencies and non-governmental actors have been coordinated through several forms of cooperation, both formal and informal. Diplomacy, commerce, trade and international investment concepts are therefore hard to separate in cases of practical implications for Latvia, which leads to an assumption that businesses may have an easier way to access decision-making. Indeed, economic diplomacy favours the discussions as direct as a business owner and an ambassador.

Internationally, Latvia’s economic diplomacy policy is highly influenced by its business sector and its membership in the EU. Since the EU has an exclusive role for trade policy and significant part of the investment policy, the EU monopolizes much of the economic diplomacy arena; the EU institutions are also negotiating EU-level treaties and agreements on behalf of Latvia. However, Latvia is still free to negotiate bilateral agreements with third-party countries, although only in cases where the EU has not already started negotiations and with the formal approval of other member states, and engage in external economic activities to promote trade and investment. Over the last 25 years, the Latvian government established a fully functioning set of state organizations from the ground up, responsible for formulating and executing an economic policy which includes economic diplomacy.

These frameworks imply action on both domestic and external levels for Latvia to be competitive enough in the international environment. Main policy initiatives suggest that the government is pursuing an active partnership with non-government actors to facilitate a better environment for business. Other state institutions, indirectly would do their part by informing and supporting Latvian companies that wish to enter foreign markets and provide useful services to foreign investors and enterprises looking to invest in Latvia. That said, it is evident that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is not only the only coordinator since other agencies’ activities help towards this end as well. Yet the foreign affairs organizations have become the spearhead of foreign economic management since they are best positioned to represent and promote Latvian businesses abroad and access foreign markets.

While there is no universally useful institutional framework of economic diplomacy applicable for every country, the coordination of economic diplomacy in Latvia has adapted to the changing environment and issues that are most pressing in a particular time frame, and that is so considering the current changes and tensions coming from contemporary EU challenges. This and other institutional frameworks’ success or failure can be observed only by an in-depth look at specific issues of economic diplomacy, not a general overview. To conclude, for those who are embarking in studying the challenges of a state’s economic diplomacy, they must dissect and uncover its layers due to its broad umbrella covering a series of stakeholders interconnected through formal and informal activities.

A bout the author:

Eugene Matos De Lara

The author is an scholar, teacher, pilot and a Canadian military officer. The former publisher of the academic journal Border Crossing, and a former member of the International Public Diplomacy Institute also worked in embassies, international political organizations, and private law firms. Matos De Lara, also worked with several indigenous leaders and community activists. LL.B, Political Science and Public Administration degree from the University of Ottawa, Community and Public Affairs from Concordia University and Masters in Diplomacy from the University of Malta. Currently in the Faculty of Civil Law, and International development at the University of Ottawa. Eugene is a regular contributor to the Institute of Middle Eastern and Balkan Studies, and at the Geneva Desk for Cooperation.

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