Wednesday, 23 December 2020, Ankara, Republic of Turkey: Salvadoran ambassador presents his credentials to President Recep TayyipErdoÄźan.
Previously HE Ambassador AgustĂn Vázquez GĂłmez served as El Salvador’s head of mission in The Netherlands, spending six productive years in The Hague. He was co-accredited to the OPCW whilst serving in the Dutch kingdom.
Ambassador Vázquez Gómez was received for the ceremony of accreditation in Turkey alongside his family at the Presidential complex in Ankara.
His swearing-in ceremony took place before the Constitutional Council at the Ouaga Sports Palace 2000 with a limited number of participants, and a shortened duration of one hour in view of the pandemic-related restrictions.Â
Monday, 28 December 2020, Nuku’alofa, Kingdom of Tonga: The Prince Claus Award 2020, an international recognition, honouring outstanding achievements in the field of culture and development, was presented to the Dowager LadyTunakaimanu Fielakepa at a special ceremony held at Liku’alofa Resort, Tonga National Cultural Centre in the kingdom’s capital.
HRH Princess Pilolevu, The Honourable Lady Tuita of ‘Utungake, presented the award at a function hosted by the Honorary Consul of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The annual awards are usually presented in the Grand Hall of the Royal Palace in Amsterdam by HRH Prince Constantijn of the Netherlands, the Honorary Chair of the board of the Prince Claus Fund, however travel was not possible this year due to the COVID-19 travel restrictions.
The Honorary Consul, Mrs Petunia Tupou KC, said that 83 nominations had been submitted from around the world. Forty five were short-listed. “Only seven laureates were selected based on their inspirational leadership, and this is the very first laureate for the Pacific islands,” she said.
Tunakaimanu Fielakepa was honoured for her immense contribution to the ongoing vitality of women’s textile arts, demonstrating that koloa is a living cultural form and an integral part of Tongan culture.
She received the award in an online ceremony from the Royal Palace in Amsterdam on 2 December for being a committed activist for Tonga’s living cultural heritage, its language, traditions, values and customs. The awards are supported by the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and thus non-resident Dutch Ambassador Mira Woldberg in dispatched a video message to Tonga for the event from the embassy based in Wellington, New Zealand.
MENA in the First Half of the XXI Century. Eventual Possibilities of Cooperation Among Different Players
Corneliu Pivariu
The current landscape of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), after all the political, military and geopolitical evolutions the Arab world went through during the last two decades provides the image of a venue placed at the center of a complex and conflictual geostrategic area targeted by an ample offensive of the outside interferences which intensity is comparable only to the colonial period of the process of crystallization of the Arab world’s nation states.
After the end of the Cold War and the provisional establishment of the monopolarism in the world order the Arab community’s concern for the issue of its collective security devolved into a regresive path and the said concept of collective security was replaced by a sustained orientation of the Arab states towards national isolationism, towards the devaluation of the old unionist vision of the “joint Arab action”. Consequently, such an option exhibited progressively led to the dilution of the security potential of each Arab state with direct negative impact on the idea of establishing and bolstering the collective security.
One may assess that, as never before, the Arab community of the Middle East, its state and socio-political entities are in a situation of being targeted by an outstanding amount of outside challenges and threats manifested simultaneously and in a competitive manner from numerous directions of the regional and extra-regional political geography. And that either directly or by proxies or by conjectural alliances with regional state and non-state players as it can be easily traced today when looking at the political map of the area.
Iran, Turkey, the Russian Federation, the United States, Great Britain and France are acting militarily and politically in Syria; Iraq hosts Iranian, American and Turkish presence while Libya is targeted by Russian, Turkish, French and Italian interests and Iran and Saudi Arabia are waging a brutal war by proxies in Yemen; France gets ready for a comeback to Lebanon on humanitarian and solidarity reasons and so on and so on.
On this background, mention should be made on Syria which has a particular geopolitical importance in the Middle East and where a regime – the Assad one, believed to vanish soon after the so-called Arab Spring broke out in 2011 celebrated, on November 13, 50 years since the family rules the country. Bashar al-Assad who took over completely unprepared Syria’s leadership 20 years ago witnessed during the last 10 years the civil war that ravaged the country. Keeping the Assad’s regime in power when the loyalist army was almost annihilated was possible as a result of Russia’s and Iran’s (with the Lebanese Hezbollah, its loyal ally) military and of other nature interventions. The final price the Assad regime will pay for that backing is almost visible yet the evolutions in Syria will depend also on other regional or geopolitical players, even if the Kremlin appears now as being the main winner.
A fierce and substantial arms race is unfolding since many years in the Arab region with its Mashreq and Maghreb, whereby states such as Saudi Arabia (first place with 3.84 bill $), Egypt (the fifth place with 1.48 bill $), Algeria (the sixth place with 1.32 bill $), the United Arab Emirates (the eighth place with 1.1 bill $), Qatar (the ninth place with 816 mil $) are all among the frontrunners of the military equipment purchasers. So, five of the first ten arms importers globally are from MENA (2018 figures). That is not an exclusive consequence of some of the Arab states’ involvement in the various regional conflicts which torch the Middle East but express the states’ acute feeling of insecurity when the tensions among the regional states intensify and the number of non-state actors strongly armed and used as proxies in the wars and conflicts increases.
This situation is more or less compensated by the dependence on the military presence (air, land and naval bases etc) of the great regional and global powers which balance to different degrees the Arab defense and security shortcomings and represent, at the same time, a factor of restricting the “protected” states’ national sovereignty and of impeding the autonomy of the military institutions of the respective regional states.
The numerous regional conflicting fractures and fault lines will represent in the future too not only tension sources but also an competitive attraction point for the great players and the emerging powers on the regional and global chessboard.
Temporizing the processes of solving chronic conflicts such as the Palestinian problem, in spite of the recent American successes concerning the normalization of the relations with Israel by the United Arab Emirates, Bahrein and the Sudan will contribute to that, too.
As far as the Palestinian cause is concerned, a cause that was used more in time by many Arab countries for attaining their own strategic goals, I note the recent criticism addressed to the Palestinian leaders by the Saudi prince Bandar bin Sultan bin Abdulaziz who said: “The Palestinian cause is a just cause but its advocates are failures, and the Israeli cause is unjust but its advocates have proven to be successful. There is something that successive Palestinian leadership historically share in common: they always bet on the losing side, and that comes at a price”. Is it really about the exaustion of those fighting for the Palestinian cause? Or it is heralding something bigger.
The change of the US administration could bring some moderation and a relative cooperation climate and rationalism in the competition among the great powers for regional control and influence with positive effect as regards the coming back to the fore of the “Nuclear Treaty“ (JCPOA) with Iran and the advancement toward peace in Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen.
The future of the security situation and the rush for energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean remain in limbo.
China’s political, diplomatic, economic and strategic offensive in the MENA area will continue with possible great strategic surprises.
One may assess for the time being that the regional powers – Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Iran – have antagonistic or conflicted relations including with other geopolitical powerful players and that further complicates the situation in the region. Russia, Turkey, Iran seem to be the stage winners and, on a long run, Israel as always.
Let us monitor the developments in Lebanon, the revelator of the situation in the Middle East; when the country will evolve positively and in an irreversible way, the stability in the Middle East will be achieved. However, major changes will take place in the MENA region during the next 30 years, be it only due to the global economic, scientific and social developments.
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Presented at the International Conference Post –Pandemic: A new Order or a new Chaos? The Middle East and North Africa Perspectives. – Webinar, Bucharest – ROMANIA 19 November 2020, organized by MEPEI and EURISC Foundation.
About the author:
Corneliu Pivariu. Photographer: Ionus Paraschiv.
Corneliu Pivariu Military Intelligence and International Relations Senior Expert
A highly decorated retired two-star general of the Romanian army, during two decades he has led one of the most influential magazines on geopolitics and international relations in Eastern Europe, the bilingual journal Geostrategic Pulse.
Wednesday, 16 December, 2020, Muscat, Sultanate of Oman: Doha shall host the Olympic Council of Asia’s (OCA) 21st Asian Games in 2030 after it won the highest number of votes in a secret ballot of the OCA’s 45 National Olympic Committees held in Muscat. The voting took place on the sidelines of the 39th OCA General Assembly.
The assembly was attended by the President of Qatar Olympic Committee (QOC) and Chairman of Doha 2030,HE Sheikh Joaan bin Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, the CEO of Qatar Foundation, HE Sheikha Hind bint Hamad Al Thani as well as Qatar’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, HE Sheikh Mohamed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani.
Qatar Foundation’s CEO, Sheikha Hind bint Hamad Al Thani – Picture by OCA.
The voting took place in the presence of HH Sayyid Theyazin bin Haitham bin Tariq Al Said, Oman’s Minister of Culture, Sports and Youth, OCA President, HE Sheikh Ahmed Al-Fahad Al Sabah (State of Kuwait), and several other dignitaries. Riyadh will now host the 22nd Asian Games in 2034, meaning the next four Asian Games are in place and the next available hosting year is 2038 , that is, 18 years away.
HH Sayyid Theyazin bin Haitham Al Said – Picture by Oman Olympic Committee.
Wednesday, 16 December 2020, Muscat, Sultanate of Oman: The 2034 twenty second edition of the Asian Games were awarded to Saudi Arabia’s capital Riyadh during a ballot held at the JW Marriott Hotel in Oman under the auspices of the state’s Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports, HH Sayyid Theyazin bin Haitham bin Tariq Al Said.Â
This would be the first time for Saudi Arabia to host the Asian Games. HRH Prince Abdulaziz bin Turki Al-Faisal Al Saud, President of Riyadh 2034, Minister of Sports and President of the Saudi Arabian Olympic Committee, said: “Riyadh and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia are overwhelmed with joy to have been awarded the 2034 Asian Games today. We applaud this dual award decision by the OCA and the NOCs of Asia.
HRH Prince Abdulaziz bin Turki Al-Faisal Al Saud, President of Riyadh 2034, Minister of Sports and President of the Saudi Arabian Olympic Committee.
t is the best outcome for the OCA and the two great bid cities who campaigned competitively and in the spirit of great sportsmanship. Most of all, today’s historic decision is great news for Asian sport and our athletes – who will be able to train and prepare for 2030 and 2034 knowing they are in great hands with two amazing host cities.
“We would like to thank the OCA and NOCs of Asia for handing us this important responsibility. We will treasure this opportunity and work hard every day to deliver an Asian Games that the whole of Asia can be proud of.
Riyadh 2034 Director-General and SAOC Vice President, HH Prince Fahd bin Jalawi bin Abdul Aziz, said:
“Today is a great moment for the future of Asian sport and the Asian Olympic Movement with Riyadh 2034 opening the door to a new audience and a new era for the OCA. With our transformative plans for Riyadh 2034, we are proposing a sustainable, financially responsible and interconnected hosting concept that blends Riyadh’s rich history and cultural heritage with modern and state-of-the-art stadiums and sports venues.
“The Riyadh 2034 sports zones, including the Diriyah Historical Zone and Qiddiya, will ensure an exciting and convenient festival of sport for all that inspires and captivates a new generation of sports fans across the region.
Friday, 18 December 2020, Berlin, Federal Republic of Germany: Bundesrat President Dr. Reiner Haseloff, Premier of Saxony-Anhalt, was received by Federal Chancellor Dr. Angela Merkel on 18 December 2020. The occasion for the visit is Haseloff’s assumption of office. He was elected President of the Bundesrat on 9 October 2020 and took office for one year on 1 November 2020.
On the same day Dr. Haseloff attended the allocution held by UN Secretary-General AntĂłnio Guterres at the Bundestag.Â
At its 994th session on 9 October 2020, the Bundesrat unanimously elected Dr. Reiner Haseloff, Premier of Saxony-Anhalt, as its President for the period from 1 November 2020 to 31 October 2021. During this time, he will conduct the business and chair the plenary sessions of the constitutional body. In addition, he represents the Federal Council at home and abroad.
AntĂłnio Guterres addresses the first Paris Peace Forum, 11 Nov 2018.
By Guido Lanfranchi.
New year, (many) new challenges, new Paris Peace Forum edition. Over the last year, the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 has created an extraordinary number of additional challenges. The pandemic – the Forum’s organizers say – “knows no borders and calls for collective solutions. Yet, international coordination is at loss”. This is where the Forum steps in: born in 2018 with the aim of responding to the crisis of multilateralism, the 2020 edition has been heavily – albeit not entirely – refocused on the responses to the COVID-19 crisis.
Without any doubt, the numbers of the third edition of the Paris Peace Forum are impressive: around 12,000 participants, with 151 countries represented, and the participation of over 50 heads of state and government and 12 international organizations; 178 debate sessions and project pitches, relayed to a global audience through 117 hours of live broadcasting; 850 project applications received, with 100 of them being presented at the Forum and 10 granted support for the next year. But what do these number mean? Not much. What really matters – the Forum’s organizers are eager to stress – are the practical results; and the third edition of the Forum, besides its impressive numbers, can also show quite some interesting deliverables.
In line with its traditional approach, the Forum’s 2020 edition – which for the first time was largely moved online due to the current restrictions – has adopted a combination of top-down and bottom-up initiatives.
As usual in the Forum, there has been no shortage of high-profile initiatives. The Finance in Common Summit has gathered 450 public development banks, which pledged to align their investments with the SDGs and climate objectives. A coalition of states, international organizations, and private foundations has announced a contribution of half a billion dollars for ACT-A, an accelerator of COVID-19 vaccines and therapies. And leaders from all over the world started a conversation on the post-COVID global recovery, setting the stage for what has been already named as the “Paris Consensus”.
Yet, the Forum has sought to maintain the practical focus that sets it apart from other high-level initiatives. After reviewing more than 850 applications (a record since the creation of the Forum), a jury selected 10 projects and pledged to provide them with customized assistance in order to scale them up and expand their positive impact.
Some of the selected projects are directly related to the COVID-19 crisis. “Justice for all amid COVID”, for instance, aims at de-congesting Ghanaian prisons in the midst of the pandemic, while the “#CoronavirusFacts Alliance” promotes cooperation among fact-checking organizations from all over the world to combat disinformation around the coronavirus crisis. Other selected projects had a broader approach to COVID-19. The “Safe Trade Facility” project, for instance, seeks to promote safe trade across Africa, while “Weaving the recovery” empowers indigenous women throughout Latin America, leveraging tourism, culture, and the textile sector – all of this in support to the two continents’ post-COVID recovery. In addition, “Swoop Aero” operates a drone-based medical logistics to improve access to health in remote areas of Malawi.
Yet, COVID-19 is not the only issue affecting our world and requiring multi-stakeholder cooperation – and the scope of the remaining selected projects reflected this. Some of the projects focus on the environment, one by leveraging the power of artificial intelligence (“AI for Climate”), and the other by providing online tools, training, and grants to independent local NGOs and activists in Russia (“People for Nature”). Two other projects focus instead on inclusion. The “Baromètre du pluralism culturel et religieux” aims at measuring identity tensions within societies, while “Inclusion des talibes au Mali et au Senegal” seeks to respond to a societal inclusion issue by addressing a deficit in educational governance. Finally, the last of the selected projects – “EURECS Ethiopia” – seeks to support the controversial electoral process of the second most populous African nation, with a view on mitigating potential conflicts arising from it.
As in the previous editions, the Forum has represented an occasion for actors of all kinds, from states and international organizations to local groups, to discuss challenges and policy solutions at the local, national, and global levels. As we prepare for 2021, getting together to address the challenges that 2020 brought to us is already a good start.
About the author:
Guido Lanfranchi
Guido Lanfranchi is an international affairs professional based in Den Haag, Netherlands.
He studied at the Leiden University and Sciences Po Paris, and got with the Council of the European Union in Brussels. His research focuses on the EU, the Middle East and Africa.
The Assembly of States Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (“the Assembly”) held its nineteenth session from 14Â to 16 December 2020 at the World Forum Convention Center in The Hague. The session was attended by States Parties, Observer States, invited States, international and regional organizations and representatives of civil society.
Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, measures were implemented to diminish the risk to participants of exposure to the virus. Additional measures were taken to allow for virtual participation during the session.
The Assembly adopted six resolutions by consensus on the proposed programme budget for 2021, cooperation, the remuneration of judges, the procedure for adoption of decisions by the Assembly during the nineteenth session, a possible second resumption of the nineteenth session of the Assembly and the term of the current Bureau, and strengthening the International Criminal Court and the Assembly of States Parties. The Assembly also adopted the 2021 programme budget of the Court totalling €148,259,000 and a staffing level of 972.
The work of the Assembly continued at its resumed nineteenth session, in New York from 18 to 23 December 2020, where it adopted the resolution on the review of the International Criminal Court and the Rome Statute system.
The Assembly elected Judge Silvia Fernández de Gurmendi (Argentina) as President for the twentieth to twenty-second sessions. The Assembly elected further, for the same period, the following other members of the Bureau: Bangladesh, Brazil, Canada, CĂ´te d’Ivoire, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Ecuador, Ghana, Kenya, Mexico, Norway, Liechtenstein, Romania, Senegal, Serbia, Slovakia, Spain, the State of Palestine, Uganda and United Kingdom. The Assembly deferred the election of the two Vice-Presidents.
The Assembly also elected six members of the Committee on Budget and Finance: Mr. Werner Druml (Austria), Ms. Yukiko Harimoto (Japan), Mr. Fawzi Gharaibeh (Jordan), Ms. Mónica Sánchez Izquierdo (Ecuador), Ms. Margaret Wambui Ngugi Shava (Kenya), and Ms. Elena Sopková (Slovakia).
The Assembly elected further six judges for a term of nine years: Ms. Althea Violet Alexis-Windsor (Trinidad and Tobago), Ms. MarĂa del Socorro Flores Liera (Mexico), Ms. Joanna Korner (United Kingdom), Mr. Gocha Lordkipanidze (Georgia), Ms. Miatta Maria Samba (Sierra Leone), and Mr. Sergio Gerardo Ugalde Godinez (Costa Rica).
The work of the Assembly will continue at its second resumed nineteenth session, to be held in New York in early 2021, to consider agenda item 14, “Election of the Prosecutor”.
