New Panama Ambassador Presented credentials

Ambassador Elizabeth Ward Neiman presented credentials to the Director-General of the OPCW

H.E. Ms. Elizabeth Ward Neiman, newly accredited Permanent Representative of the Republic of Panama to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, presented credentials to H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, Director-General of the OPCW, on 2 October 2020 at the premises of the international organization in The Hague.

The Director-General welcomed Ambassador Ward Neiman to take office, speaking highly of Panama government’s efforts to fulfill the Chemical Weapons Convention and support for the OPCW. Ambassador Ward Neiman praised the positive role of the OPCW and the Director-General in the field of international security, as well as the cooperation between the Panama government and the OPCW. 

Mrs. Armonia Chang de Belchieur, Depute Head of Mission of the Panamanian Embassy in The Hague, H.E. Ambassador Elizabeth Ward Neiman, H.E. Fernando Arias and H.E. Odette Melono, OPCW Deputy Director-General during the ceremony of credentials.

Mrs. Armonia Chang de Belchieur, Depute Head of Mission of the Panamanian Embassy in The Hague, accompanied the Ambassador on this occasion. H.E. Mrs. Odette Melono, OPCW Deputy Director-General was also present during the ceremony of credentials.

Ambassador Ward Neiman, presented credentials before the King of the Netherlands on Wednesday, 9 September 2020.

H.E. Ms. Elizabeth Ward Neiman, accredited Permanent Representative of the Republic of Panama to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, presented credentials to H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, Director-General of the OPCW, October 2, 2020.

President Agius Presents Eighth Annual Report to UN General Assembly

Arusha, The Hague, 21 October 2020 – President Carmel Agius today presented the eighth Annual Report of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (Mechanism) to the United Nations General Assembly.

The President commenced  by congratulating His Excellency Mr. Volkan Bozkir from Turkey on his election as President of the historic seventy-fifth session of the General Assembly, and expressing his gratitude to the United Nations Secretary-General, Legal Counsel, and Office of Legal Affairs for their support of the Mechanism’s work.

President Agius then updated the General Assembly on judicial developments at the Mechanism’s two branches. Noting that the COVID-19 pandemic had interrupted the timelines previously envisaged for case completion, he was pleased to report on several important developments following the recent resumption of in-court proceedings. These included the appeal hearing in Prosecutor v. Mladić, the conclusion of evidentiary hearings in Prosecutor v. Stanišić & Simatović, and the commencement of trial this week in Prosecutor v. Turinabo et al.

In addition, President Agius highlighted the significance of Security Council resolution 2529 (2020), which not only reaffirmed the Mechanism’s mandate following the successful review of its work, but also urged Member States to further enhance their cooperation, particularly in achieving the arrest and surrender of all remaining fugitives indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. In this regard, President Agius recalled the May 2020 arrest of Félicien Kabuga in France, which was made possible through collaborative efforts between the Mechanism’s Office of the Prosecutor and the law enforcement and judicial authorities of a number of Member States. Separately, he reiterated the importance of resolving the long-standing predicament of the nine acquitted and released persons residing in a safe house in Arusha, and urged Member States to assist in finding a permanent solution.

The President also praised the effective assistance and support provided by the Mechanism’s 15 enforcement States, noting in particular their efforts to ensure the health and safety of the Mechanism’s convicted persons during the current pandemic. Also in relation to enforcement issues, President Agius underscored the seriousness of his responsibilities in deciding on early release applications, referring to the revised Practice Direction on applications for pardon, commutation of sentence, or early release that he issued in May 2020 in order to simplify the process and ensure greater transparency.

Further, President Agius expressed optimism regarding Member States’ reaffirmation of their collective commitment to multilateralism. He noted that the ad hoc Tribunals and the Mechanism were established only because a strong and resolute United Nations had the courage to take action when needed, and that the Mechanism has a responsibility in “promoting and advancing the principles and purposes embedded in this Organisation’s founding Charter, which has endured the test of time for seven and a half decades”. He stated that “one of the lasting contributions of the Mechanism and its predecessor Tribunals is the establishment of a network of accountability, which reaches all corners of the world and has the potential to make justice an everyday reality within domestic legal systems”.

In closing, the President assured the General Assembly that the Mechanism’s Judges and staff remain determined to deliver on the solemn mandate entrusted to them by the United Nations. He emphasised that, in playing a crucial role in ensuring sustainable peace, international justice mechanisms will continue to require the support of the international community. In this respect, the Mechanism will rely on Member States’ sustained cooperation and assistance.

Prior to the meeting President Agius held a bilateral exchange with the President of the General Assembly, His Excellency Mr. Volkan Bozkir, during which they discussed the Mechanism’s current activities, as well as the ongoing relevance of multilateralism as a platform to address global challenges including those arising from the COVID-19 pandemic.

Elections in Occupied Cyprus: The solution to the Cyprus problem is removed with the victory of Tatar

By Eleni-Vasiliki Bampaliouta.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan managed to impose his man on the Turkish Cypriot leadership, and send Mustafa Akinci home. The “elections” in the occupied territories, despite not being recognized as a legal process, as they concern an illegal entity that appears as the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”, are recognized as a vote to elect the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, who is also the negotiator in the settlement process. of the Cyprus issue, in the context of the UN.

Therefore, one cannot recognize the fact that the new leader of the Turkish Cypriots is a man who has made it clear that he does not intend to talk on the basis of the agreed form which is the bi-zonal, bi-communal federation, fully identical with Tayyip Erdogan and Melvut Tsavousoglu.

Ersin Tatar, the former chief accountant of the Turkish Cypriot tyrant Asil Nadir, was elected leader of the Turkish Cypriot community with 51.69% against 48.31% of Mustafa Akinci. The difference was just 4,500 votes, which was enough to put an end to Ankara’s confrontation with the Turkish Cypriot leadership under Akinci.

In the week between the first and second rounds of elections, Ankara’s intervention intensified to mobilize voters who had not gone to the polls.

The pressure fell mainly on “civil servants” and their families, with the reminder that their salaries come from Turkey every month. In this orgy of blackmail, the inhabitants of Ankara used every means but also to create fear. Akinci presented himself as the man of the Greek Cypriots, who is ready to accept the dissolution of the “pseudo-state” so that the Turkish Cypriots become a minority. At the same time, Ersin Tatar had at his disposal the mechanism of the National Unity Party, which is the largest party in the occupied territories and maintains strong access and pressure levers at all levels of the pseudo-state public life.

The result of the vote showed that the Turkish Cypriot community is deeply divided, with Tatar supporters believing that a solution other than the bi-zonal bi-communal federation in the Cyprus issue should be sought and Akinci supporters insisting on holding talks only on the basis of , which is also recorded in the UN resolutions.

 The emergence of Tatar is expected to cause problems as the new Turkish Cypriot leader does not have Akinci’s political ouster and is essentially the voice of Tayyip Erdogan in the occupied territories. Given Ankara’s position on a change of base in the talks on resolving the Cyprus issue, it would be risky to assess that the UN Secretary General’s initiative could lead to talks from the point where they were suspended in the summer of 2017 in Crans Montana.

The Turkish side considers that process dead and proposes the search for a two-state solution, or a loose confederation. Such a development would exclude the Turkish Cypriots from the EU and would essentially be another step towards the annexation of the occupied territories to Turkey. If the talks do not resume where they left off, it means that all the convergences that have been reached in recent years and have come close to a solution will be thrown in the trash and negotiations will start from scratch, despite the fact that it is almost 50 years since invasion.

The presence of Tatar in the leadership of the Turkish Cypriots will help Erdogan to project more intensely the narrative of the defense of the rights of the Turkish Cypriot community. In fact, the Turkish Cypriots will be used as an alibi to achieve Turkey’s goals in the eastern Mediterranean. It is expected that the challenges with the drilling in the EEZ of Cyprus will continue, because allegedly the Turkish ships will act with the permission of the pseudo-state. At the same time, another new move for the settlement of Famagusta is considered possible, something that according to all estimates will be the tombstone in the process of resolving the Cyprus problem.

Nicosia hopes that the US elections with a possible victory of Joe Biden may change things by exerting influence on Turkey to end the challenges. The role of the EU, which Nicosia looks forward to, will also be important.

About the author:

Eleni-Vasiliki Bampaliouta – Experienced journalist  and writer, specialist in politics and diplomacy, extended list of interviews to top politicians from Europe, Africa and Middle East. Permanently working in Politic.gr, London Greek Radio and Epikaira. Press manager of the International Association for Greek Philosophy.

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Anders Ahnlid at the helm of the Swedish Trade Board

Stockholm, Kingdom of Sweden: The Swedish Government has announced the appointment of former Swedish Representative to the European Union, and erstwhile Ambassador to Finland, Anders Ahnlid, as the novel director general of the National Trade Board (Kommerskollegium). 

The National Board of Trade is the Swedish government agency for international trade, the EU internal market and trade policy. 

Ambassador Anders Ahnlid is ideal for the position being an experienced negotiator in trade issues. As per statement the Foreign Trade Minister Anna Hallberg highlighted that ‘the authority has an important task, above all in improving possibilities for Sweden’s international trade in many ways’.

Ahnlid took office as director general on 17 August 2020 for an authority that goes back to 1651. He has served as Swedish Permanent Representative to the European Union in Brussels, Delegate before the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development in Paris, adviser for trade issues at the Foreign Ministry, and has served as a diplomat in at the Swedish Representation in Geneva, and at the country’s embassy to the United States in Washington D.C.

Picture by Katinka Igelberg/Kommerskollegium

Greece and Albania apply to The Hague for maritime zones

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nikos Dendias, and the Prime Minister of Albania, Edi Rama. Photography by Hellenic Republic – Ministry of Foreign Affairs

By Eleni-Vasiliki Bampaliouta.

Greece and Albania have agreed to refer the dispute over the demarcation of maritime zones to the International Court of Justice in The Hague. The agreement was announced during Nikos Dendias’s visit to Tirana by Greek Foreign Minister and Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama.

An important decision, as long as the process is not involved again in the political situation in Albania, can remove the impasse that has arisen since 2009 with the annulment by the Albanian Constitutional Court of the Agreement signed by the two countries and at the same time contribute to consolidate the need to resolve demarcation issues through dialogue and the International Court of Justice in The Hague. An important element is that any appeal to The Hague after the extension of the territorial waters of Greece to 12 n.m. means that a significant part of the EEZ in which Greece would exercise sovereign rights, becomes a Greek coastal zone where Greece exercises full sovereignty.

Following the agreements with Italy and the Partial Demarcation Agreement with Egypt, the Agreement with Albania on the referral to The Hague creates a significant “diplomatic mass” against the Turkish revision and its pursuit of imposing sanctions instead of the border demarcation dialogue. .

The referral of the issue of the delimitation of the maritime zones between Greece and Albania in The Hague, gives way to the Albanian political system to have a solution by an independent third judicial body such as the International Court of Justice and thus overcome the obstacles raised by the Constitutional Court of Albania that perfectly reflected the Turkish interpretations of the Law of the Sea. Until now, any attempt at negotiation fell on this decision and as in Albania there is no established Constitutional Court, as a result of the political crisis and the conflict between Prime Minister E. Rama and President I. Meta.

The elections in April are particularly difficult for the political climate in Albania. The oxymoron is happening in Albania, Mr. Rama who as the leader of the opposition in 2009 appealed to the Constitutional Court to annul the Agreement signed by the then political leadership Berisha-Basha accusing them of “selling out” the interests of the country, now that tries to promote the resolution of the dispute as prime minister, he accepts the same accusations from Mr. Berisha and I. Meta. However, with Albania’s European course at a critical juncture, there is a strong lever of pressure in Tirana.

About the author:

Eleni-Vasiliki Bampaliouta – Experienced journalist  and writer, specialist in politics and diplomacy, extended list of interviews to top politicians from Europe, Africa and Middle East. Permanently working in Politic.gr, London Greek Radio and Epikaira. Press manager of the International Association for Greek Philosophy.

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Erdogan’s open wounds and his strategic mistake

By Eleni-Vasiliki Bampaliouta.

It is the first time in at least modern history that Turkey has achieved the impossible: gaining so many enemies and dislikes from third countries. Exceeding all expectations and realistic estimates, the neo-Ottoman Turkey of the Islamic government of AKP and Erdogan deservedly won with its sword, the dislike of a large portion of Western as well as Arab / Muslim states. Greece, Cyprus, France, Austria, Armenia, Israel, United Arab Emirates, Armenia, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, until recently India, Kurds but also much of the EU and forces within Washington seem to perceive and worry about role of the Erdogan government.

With each of the above powers, Turkey has points of friction and controversy, which may stem from different interests and causes, but all flow into one bed: The Ottoman Empire that Erdogan envisions reviving.

 Today’s Turkey has only managed to sink its economy and end up with “friendships” that may create more problems for it than offer solutions.

Greece-Cyprus

The current rivalry between Turkey – Greece and Cyprus is certainly rooted several centuries before, already from the time of the Eastern Roman Empire, to continue in the 400 years of Ottoman slavery and the great Uprising of ’21, the unfortunate Greek-Turkish war, the Asia Minor Catastrophe in ’23 and the Attila operation in Cyprus in 1974. The rivalry for the maritime zones of the Eastern Mediterranean is the last episode of this conflict.

France

The escalating Turkish-French rivalry is essentially about sovereignty in the Eastern Mediterranean. The power vacuum left by the gradual withdrawal of the Americans, combined with the weakness of the British, left room for third countries to expand their sphere of influence, with Russia consolidating a naval presence in Syria and Turkey finding an opportunity for maritime expansion. France has always had vital interests in the Mediterranean, especially with countries in the Middle East and North and Sub-Saharan Africa. The French aeronautical deployment in the region and the conclusion of military alliances with Cyprus and Greece are part of the halting of the effort to transform the Mediterranean into a Turkish lake.

Israel

Israeli-Turkish relations have always been a function of developments on both the Arab-Israeli front and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Despite traditionally good trade and political ties, bilateral relations between Israel and Turkey deteriorated during the AKP government and its contradictory stance on Israel in Lebanon’s second war and Israel’s policies in Gaza. The rupture came with the Mavi Marmara flotilla incident in 2011 and, despite partial reconciliation in mid-2016, little has been done since then to heal wounds. There are still terrible obstacles between the two countries, mainly the deep mistrust between the current political leadership in each country and fundamental differences in the Palestinian issue and the status of Jerusalem. Israel’s efforts to expand defense and energy cooperation with Cyprus, Greece and Egypt as a counterweight to Turkey and support for the Kurds have further damaged relations between the two countries.

Egypt

Following the uprisings in the Arab world in 2010 – the so-called “Arab Spring” – the Islamist government in Ankara openly supported the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi. However, with his ousting in a military coup by General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, Erdogan’s neo-Ottoman dreams were shattered, as he lost significant political foothold on the Egyptian geopolitical chessboard. The al-Sisi government’s subsequent rapprochement with Cyprus, Greece and Israel and the establishment of the East Med Gas Forum, which excluded Ankara from talks on the commercial exploitation of deposits in the Eastern Mediterranean, widened the interest gap. The signing of an EEZ partial demarcation agreement between Greece and Egypt further angered Ankara, which revealed this week that it had offered Cairo an EEZ agreement with greater benefits, which it rejected.

The Arab League denounced Turkish interventions in Arab countries (Syria, Libya and Iraq) and called on the Turkish side “not to interfere in the internal affairs of Arab countries and to stop its provocative actions that will sabotage the confidence and security and stability of the region “. Qatar, Libya, Somalia and Djibouti, however, abstained from voting on the declaration.

Saudi Arabia – UAE – Bahrain

The tension in relations between Turkey and the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia largely reflects the struggle for sovereignty in the Arab world and the Middle East.

By supporting the “Arab Spring” and the Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey hoped to undermine the monarchies in the Gulf countries. The Muslim Brotherhood poses a major threat to Gulf regimes and has found refuge and protection in Turkey.

Austria

The Austrians never forgot that after the fall of Byzantium (1453) the Ottomans besieged the walls of Vienna in 1529, threatening to invade the heart of Europe. The horrors of the Turks have remained indelible in the memory of Europeans until today. The victory of the besieged was of the utmost importance for Europe, because the expansion of the Turks was stopped for a century and a half, until they reappeared. After Erdogan’s conversion of Hagia Sophia, Libya and the invasion of northern Iraq, he noted that “Turkey is simply not a reliable partner of Europe.” Austria is one of the countries in favor of suspending accession negotiations with Turkey.

India

Turkey’s long-held Islamic hand reaches as far as India, as, according to Indian reports, Ankara is said to be behind efforts to build Islamist nuclei in the country. Turkey’s attempt to extend its influence to Muslims in Southeast Asia is part of its rivalry with Saudi Arabia for hegemony of the Islamic world. The Erdogan government also funds religious schools in India.

Another concern of the Indian authorities is located in the south and specifically in the coastal state of Kerala, where an extremist Islamist organization has been funded for some time by Turkey and Qatar. It is also reported that Turkey and Pakistan, through Qatar, are funding the preacher Zakir Naik, who is accused of radicalizing Muslims.

Armenia

Turkey is unhappy with Armenia’s support for Cyprus and Greece over their rights in the Eastern Mediterranean and allegations against Ankara’s irregular actions. Turks and Armenians have had open accounts for more than a century.

 The Armenian Genocide and Turkey’s refusal to recognize this crime against humanity is the most serious thorn in the relations between the two. Recently, Azerbaijan and Armenia accused each other of violating the fragile ceasefire along their borders with bloody incidents lasting days. Turkey was one of the first countries to support Azeris’ attacks on Armenian positions. The two countries are conducting joint military exercises, a fact that worries Armenians, who have never forgotten Turkish barbarism.

 China

In addition to the aforementioned countries, other groups of countries, such as the Kurds, are waging dislike and hatred towards Erdogan’s Turkey, which is waging a long struggle for self-determination. Also, Bashar al-Assad’s Syrians and large groups in Lebanon and Libya, even in traditionally pro-Turkish countries such as Germany, are now beginning to realize that the Turkish model they hoped to apply to other Muslim countries now belongs. in the realm of fantasy. Foreign Affairs analysis that Erdogan is turning Turkey into a Client State of China opens another big chapter, touching on the sensitive strings in US circles, who are beginning to realize the need to change the AKP’s relationship with Turkey.

About the author:

Eleni-Vasiliki Bampaliouta – Experienced journalist  and writer, specialist in politics and diplomacy, extended list of interviews to top politicians from Europe, Africa and Middle East. Permanently working in Politic.gr, London Greek Radio and Epikaira. Press manager of the International Association for Greek Philosophy.

  • twitter: @babalioutaeleni
  • linkendin: eleni vasiliki bampaliouta
  • skype: elena_babaliouta

Fatou Bensuda press briefing in Khartoum

Statement of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Fatou Bensouda, at a media briefing in Khartoum, Sudan: “There is an urgent need for justice in Sudan. Sustainable peace and reconciliation are built on the stabilizing pillar of justice.”

The Prosecutor expressed: The victims in Darfur have waited far too long to have justice. Through this historic visit, we hope to mark a new era of cooperation between my Office and Sudan towards greater accountability for atrocity crimes. The ICC was established as an independent and impartial international court to deal with atrocity crimes, namely: war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and the crime of aggression.

My role as Prosecutor is to bring to justice those responsible for atrocity crimes, and by doing so, to seek accountability and hope to prevent future crimes.

The ICC is at the heart of what we call the Rome Statute system of international criminal justice. The ICC is a court of last resort. This means that national justice systems have the primary responsibility to investigate and prosecute individuals who commit such crimes. If this does not happen, then the ICC is there as a fail-safe judicial mechanism.

In this way, my Office conducts investigations and prosecutions into atrocity crimes around the world. Politics do not influence any of my independent and impartial decisions. All my actions are based on the law – the Rome Statute of the ICC – and the objective evidence collected by my investigators. I will go wherever the law provides me with the power to go and follow the evidence wherever it leads me in the pursuit of justice for the victims. Thus, the goal of the ICC is to contribute to ending impunity – in other words, to make sure that no one, irrespective of status or rank, can avoid accountability for atrocity crimes, no matter how long it may take.

This is how international justice can contribute to protecting future generations from the scourge of lawless wars and conflict, and prevent human suffering.

My Office has been investigating the Situation in Darfur, Sudan since 2005, when the United Nations Security Council through Resolution 1593 (2005), triggered our jurisdiction by referring the situation to the Prosecutor of the ICC.

Much has happened since then. As we continue our investigations today, it is important for our work at the ICC, and especially the affected communities of Darfur, that the Sudanese authorities extend their full, sustained and tangible cooperation to my Office.

In Khartoum this week, I have engaged in productive meetings with the highest officials of the Government of Sudan and other important stakeholders. My programme included notably, meetings with H.E. Prime Minister Abdallah Hamdok; H.E. Mr Omer Gamaruddeen Ismail, Minister of Foreign Affairs; H.E. Mr Nasredeen Abdelbari, Minister of Justice; and Prosecutor General of Sudan, Mr Tag el-Sir el-Hibir, and representatives of the Sovereignty Council of Sudan, Lt. General Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman al-Burhan and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo as well as and Mr Mohamed Hassan Altaishi.
I also held fruitful discussions with representatives of civil society organisations, international bodies, and diplomatic corps in Khartoum. Through you, the media, I am pleased to also address the public and affected communities.

These meetings have enabled me and my team to explain ICC proceedings, and the status of our cases in connection with the Situation in Darfur, Sudan and to chart a course for effective cooperation to bring the suspects against whom ICC warrants have already been issued to justice.

My meetings with the authorities have laid the foundation for cooperation between the ICC and the Sudanese national authorities.

This first historic visit to Khartoum after more than a decade provided an opportunity for Sudan’s Transitional Government to demonstrate its commitment to justice, accountability and the rule of law.

I am encouraged by the frank, open and constructive exchanges we have had. I particularly welcome the assurances of support and cooperation expressed to me by the authorities during this visit, including from H.E. Prime Minister Hamdok, committing Sudan to achieve justice for atrocity crimes, and to fully collaborate with my Office for this purpose.

We must now follow through and build on the promising discussions of this past week with concrete action. A Memorandum of Understanding on the modalities of cooperation, technical visits, and immediate access to Sudan by our investigators, amongst other action points were discussed, and we look forward to making timely progress on all of these items.

We count on Sudan’s tangible and timely cooperation as well as continued constructive engagement with my Office.

We stand ready to assist Sudan towards the goal of achieving accountability for atrocity crimes committed in Darfur.

I want to seize this opportunity to assure the people of Darfur that my Office continues to work hard on the Darfur situation. I solemnly call upon all affected Darfuri communities and those who have dedicated themselves to the cause of these communities, to come forward and contact my Office with the accounts of their sufferings, with the stories of what they have witnessed and what they have endured. With their evidence, we can contribute to bringing the long awaited justice to the victims in Darfur. My Office, together with colleagues in the Registry of the Court will soon embark on outreach activities to further explain the work of the ICC and its processes.

I wish to also add that I welcome the Juba Peace Agreement, officially signed on the 3rd of October 2020 between the Sovereignty Council and the Sudan Revolutionary Front and other movements, with a view to bring justice to the victims of atrocities that have occurred in Darfur and to build sustainable peace in Sudan. I also welcome the importance the Peace Agreement affords to the ICC, and the emphasis placed on cooperation between Sudan and the Court in relation to the five ICC suspects.  I am encouraged by the assurances given by the authorities that full effect will be given to these references, and that justice will play a central role in Sudan’s transition and the particular importance of the ICC in this ongoing process.

The focus of my investigation is on crimes allegedly committed by these five ICC suspects between 2003 and 2004, 2007, and as far as Mr Al Bashir is concerned up to 2008.

In June of this year, the alleged militia leader, Mr Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-Al-Rahman aka Ali Kushayb was transferred to the Court following his voluntary surrender. The ICC has outstanding arrest warrants against Messrs Omar Al Bashir, Ahmad Harun, Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, and Abdallah Banda Abakaer Nourain. These suspects are still wanted for the atrocity crimes listed in their ICC warrants of arrest. They must all face justice without further delay. We look forward to continuing our dialogue with the Sudanese authorities to ensure we make progress on these cases with full respect for our respective roles and mandates and the principle of complementarity.

The opportunity to prosecute other alleged suspects in the Darfur situation at the national level is possible through the Darfur Special Court, as provided for in the Juba Peace Agreement. This would be a positive step in terms of burden-sharing between the ICC and the Sudanese courts.

Now that the channels of communication are open and a spirit of cooperation guides our discussions with the Sudanese authorities, we are open to exploring the possibilities in full compliance with our obligations under the Rome Statute, and guided by our unflinching commitment to achieving justice for the victims in Darfur.

In conclusion, I would like to thank the Sudanese people, the Government of Sudan and other stakeholders for the warm welcome extended to me and my delegation during this visit. I am also grateful for the logistical support and the security arrangements put in place in connection with this visit.

Fighting against impunity for the atrocity crimes committed against the people of Darfur is a joint responsibility. There is an urgent need for justice in Sudan. Sustainable peace and reconciliation are built on the stabilizing pillar of justice.

Termination of UN Security Council Provisions on Arms Restrictions and Travel Ban

In the picture His Excellency, Dr. Alireza Kazemi Abadi, Ambassador of Iran. Photography by Catherine Dailey.

The Embassy of the Republic of Iran in the Netherlands as issued a statement pertaining to, the  Termination of UN Security Council Provisions on Arms Restrictions and Travel Ban 18 October 2020.  In part the statements read:

“Today is a momentous day for the international community, which in defiance of the U.S. regime’s efforts, has protected UN Security Council Resolution 2231 and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

As of today, all restrictions on the transfer of arms, related activities and financial services to and from the Islamic Republic of Iran, and all prohibitions regarding the entry into or transit through territories of the United Nations Member States previously imposed on a number of Iranian citizens and military officials, are all automatically terminated.

In one of the JCPOA’s innovations, the definitive and unconditional termination of arms restrictions and travel bans requires no new resolution, nor does it require any statement or any other measure by the Security Council. The lifting of arms restrictions and the travel ban were designed to be automatic with no other action required.

The very same procedure is applied for the termination of missile-related restrictions in the year 2023, and the subsequent conclusion of “consideration of the Iranian nuclear issue” in the Security Council in the year 2025.”

WFP’s David Beasley on trip in Copenhagen

David Beasley – Picture through Wikipedia, Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication.

Monday, 19 October 2020, Copenhagen, Kingdom of Denmark: HRH The Crown Princess (Mary), Countess of Monpezat, encountered David Beasley, Executive Director for the World Food Programme (WFP) as well as Rasmus Prehn, Danish Minister for Development Cooperation, and had the opportunity to warmly felicitate the WFP on being awarded this years’ Nobel Peace Prize.  

WFP was recognised  for its efforts to combat hunger, to create better conditions for peace in conflict-affected areas, and for its work to prevent hunger from being used as a weapon in conflicts. During the reunion the Danish partners were briefed about the millions of people forecast to face extreme food insecurity in the coming years, primarily owing to conflict and migration.

The Danish Crown Princess and Minister for Development Cooperation Prehn learnt more about WFP’s strategic plans and work, which is strongly supported by Denmark, during their meeting.

For further information
UN World Food Programme: https://www.wfp.org

Nicholas O’Brien encounters Hamburg’s Almut Möller

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State Counsellor Almut Möller and Ambassador Nicholas O’Brien – Picture by Hamburger Senatpressestelle.

Friday, 16 October 2020, Representation of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg to the German Federation, Berlin, Germany: Hamburg’s State Counsellor Almut Möller, Plenipotentiary to the German Federation, the European Union and for Foreign Affairs received the Irish Ambassador to Germany, Dr. Nicholas O’Brien

The two dignitaries met in order to become acquainted to each other, and discuss matters of bilateral relevance for their states, namely the current situation regarding Brexit, in particular all the issues surrounding the borders vis-à-vis the EU, and the Republic of Ireland. Additionally the level of cooperation between Ireland and Germany and specifically, trade and cultural ties with Hamburg were discussed. 

Ambassador Dr. O’Brien is due to meet the First Mayor of Hamburg, Dr. Peter Tschentscher in the near future. 

For further information 
Irish Embassy to Germany: https://www.dfa.ie/irish-embassy/Germany/
Ambassador Dr. O’Brien on Diplomat Magazine: http://www.diplomatmagazine.eu/?s=O%27Brien