Embassy Festival Opens with Cuban & Mexican Performance

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Embassy Festival Opens with Cuban & Mexican Performance

The Embassy Festival will kick off its cultural agenda on the main stage with a vibrant performance by renowned Latin American musicians Leonardo Prieto from Mexico and Jorge Martinez GalĂĄn from Cuba. The first musical moment of the day will take place at 12:00 noon.

Leonardo Prieto, a composer, multi-instrumentalist, teacher, and sociologist based in Rotterdam, will bring his unique fusion of traditional Mexican music and contemporary sounds to the festival. With a diverse musical range spanning classical music, world music, and modern jazz, Prieto is known for his ability to explore different musical genres. He plays a variety of instruments, including the piano, jarana, requinto, tres cubano, and gaita colombiana, and his performances often include a rich blend of Mexican, Cuban, and Colombian traditional music.

In 2022, Prieto’s album Al otro lado de mar and his song Poder Prieto were both nominated for best album and song of the year at the Rotterdam Music Awards. He has taught world music at the Rotterdam Conservatory and led the World Music Orchestra as artistic director. Currently, he is a guest lecturer at the Conservatory of Zwolle, teaching piano, ensembles, and music sociology.

Jorge MartĂ­nez GalĂĄn,

Joining him is Jorge MartĂ­nez GalĂĄn, a highly talented Cuban musician known as “El GalĂĄn de Cuba.” A graduate of several prestigious institutions in Havana, including the National School of Art Instructors and the Higher Institute of Art, GalĂĄn is a composer, singer, and choral conductor with more than 35 years of professional experience. He has been involved in numerous performances as a solo pianist, singer, and choral conductor and has produced over six albums.

GalĂĄn is also the founder of Coro Cantoro, a Cuban choir, and serves as the musical advisor and producer for the ConexiĂłn Latina Foundation, which promotes high-quality Cuban and Latin American music across the Netherlands.

The Embassy Festival, featuring performances and stands from over 45 countries, promises a captivating day of cultural festivity.

Be sure to join the festivities on Saturday, September 7th at the Lange Voorhout in The Hague. Admission is free.

For more information, visit:

– www.leonardo-prieto.com

– www.jorgemartinez.nl

Belt and Road Summit to deepen international cooperation

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Belt and Road Summit to deepen international cooperation

This year’s Belt and Road Summit – a key platform for Hong Kong to promote the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – is bringing together more than 80 officials and business leaders to discuss collaboration opportunities in BRI markets.

The Summit, which is taking place on 11-12 September at the Hong Kong Convention and Exhibition Centre, is organised by the Hong Kong SAR Government and the Hong Kong Trade Development Council (HKTDC).

The Business Plenary on the first day – featuring Hong Kong, Mainland China and overseas business leaders – will look at Hong Kong’s role in facilitating cooperation as well as how companies are responding to the current global landscape.

The second day’s Business Plenary will explore opportunities in the Middle East and other Belt and Road markets, another key topic for this year’s event.

“The Belt and Road Summit will deepen international business cooperation and consolidate Hong Kong’s position as the preferred business platform for the Belt and Road Initiative,” said Algernon Yau, Secretary for Commerce and Economic Development for the Hong Kong SAR Government.

As China looks for ways to drive more collaboration between Belt and Road markets, Hong Kong can play an even more active role as a global hub for investment, trade and innovation, Mr Yau explained.

Dr Peter K N Lam, Chairman of the HKTDC, highlighted the business support that HKTDC provides to foster closer cooperation, including business delegations and outreach activities to Belt and Road countries and regions.

The main theme for this year’s Summit is Building a Connected, Innovative and Green Belt and Road.

This year’s event is also introducing a Green Chapter, reflecting its focus on sustainability, with thematic sessions on green construction, innovation, finance and more.

Sessions that are part of the Finance Chapter will analyse opportunities to leverage Hong Kong’s financial services, while the Youth Chapter will host young business leaders who will share their views on BRI opportunities.

This year’s Summit will also feature two new thematic sessions, on multi-dimensional connectivity and people-to-people exchanges.

Investment and business matching services remain an integral part of the Summit. Business matching meetings will run on-site on 11-12 September and online on 16-17 September.

Organisers expect to match more than 280 investment projects, with more than 800 one-to-one project matching meetings already lined up.

Project investment sessions will focus on four main areas: energy, natural resources and public utilities; innovation and technology; urban development; and transport and logistics infrastructure.

The Summit’s exhibition will gather over 100 exhibitors across three zones.

A Hong Kong Zone will showcase Hong Kong service providers. A Global Investment Zone will present large-scale investment projects and opportunities as well as major cultural and technological developments. An InnoTech Zone will feature cutting-edge innovations and solutions from exhibitors around the globe.

Published today by HKTDC Hong Kong Means Business

JUST PEACE Open Day 2024

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JUST PEACE Open Day 2024

The Asser Institute and HOPE Foundation celebrate 125 years of Peace and Justice with “Voices from Gaza”

On 22 September 2024, the Asser Institute will open its doors to the public for a powerful and thought-provoking exhibition co-hosted by the HOPE Foundation, titled “Voices from Gaza”. This captivating installation aims to bring attention to the experiences of children and young adults living in conflict, showing artworks created by the children of Gaza, as well as dance performances by breakdancers, and spoken word poetry.  

“Voices from Gaza” not only highlights the creativity and artistic expressions of Gaza’s youth, but also serves to foster a deeper understanding of their experiences, resilience, and hopes for the future. In the heart of The Hague, International City of Peace and Justice and this year celebrating the 125th anniversary of the ‘First Hague Peace Conference’ of 1899, you can witness the heart-wrenching realities of growing up in the midst of conflict and violence. 

Increasingly under pressure 
“We are honoured to host this impressive exhibition of the HOPE Foundation at the T.M.C. Asser Institute,” says Christophe Paulussen, Acting Academic Director of the Asser Institute. “It’s a fitting location, as our institute is named after the famous international lawyer Tobias Asser, who played a significant role in bringing the First Peace Conference to The Hague and thus assisted in establishing The Hague as the International City of Peace and Justice. Despite this year’s celebrations, international law is increasingly under pressure, as conflicts around the world, including in Gaza, show. However, it is our mission to contribute to the development of international law and not to give up hope. In doing so, we are inspired by the resilience of Gaza’s youth, as demonstrated by this powerful installation.”  

Ingrid Rollema, co-founder and director of the HOPE Foundation, says on the importance of practicing art in conflict: “Art can offer children a shelter for mental survival, offering a perspective beyond wars when reality is failing. It is precisely that glimmer of hope that we are trying to keep alive”. 

The installation, designed by KC Bodegom, comes alive while it serves as a backdrop for conversations with legal experts, artists, and with advocates working in the Gaza Strip within conflict-afflicted communities. In a space for learning and conversations, visitors will have the opportunity to engage with the artworks, the performances, and the practitioners.  

Please join us in celebrating 125 years of peace and justice in The Hague, while inspiring hope for a brighter future. “Voices from Gaza” promises to be a moving experience for all. 

Register now

Event details: 

  • Location: T.M.C. Asser Instituut 
  • Opening time: 22 September 2024; 12.00 – 18.00 
  • Admission: free 

Please contact communications@asser.nl for more information. 

About T.M.C. Asser Instituut 
The Asser Institute’s mission is to contribute to the development of international and European public and private law. We achieve this by:  

Independent legal research: We conduct fundamental, policy-oriented, and applied legal research in international and European public and private law.  

Knowledge dissemination: We initiate and facilitate academic and expert meetings, (professional) education, and public events aimed at disseminating knowledge of international and European public and private law. We further share our legal knowledge by adding to the public debate. Read more 

About the HOPE Foundation 
The HOPE Foundation was founded in 1996 with the aim to offer inventive lessons in the fields of art and culture in order to empower children in conflict areas to build a meaningful life for themselves. The driving forces behind this initiative were Fathi Arafat, Jean Calder, Willem Vugteveen, Riekus Feijen and Ingrid Rollema. 

HOPE envisions a future where children are able to cope with the effects of war in the best way possible and where the basic requirements for leading a life that is worthwhile are available to all. For the Khan Yunis Open Studio team, Academy for Young Talent, Social Media Lab, Breakdance Academy and many more local organizations and artists, HOPE acts as a source of inspiration and as initiator for projects. Read more 

Geopolitical Analysis: Security, Outer Space, and Human Rights Protection

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Geopolitical Analysis: Security, Outer Space, and Human Rights Protection

By Marco Pizzorno

The increasing militarization of outer space and its impact on human rights represents a critical geopolitical challenge of the 21st century. As nations look to expand their strategic capabilities beyond Earth, the implications for security and human rights become increasingly complex. This analysis examines the intersection of space security, geopolitical strategies, and the protection of human rights.

The Militarization of Outer Space

The militarization of outer space has accelerated in recent years, driven by technological advancements and national security concerns. Major powers, including the United States, Russia, and China, have invested heavily in developing military capabilities in space. According to a report by the European Space Agency, “The growing reliance on space-based assets for national security has led to a race for dominance in this new frontier” (European Space Agency, 2021).

The establishment of entities like the U.S. Space Force in 2019 underscores the strategic importance of space in national defense. As noted by General John W. Raymond, the Chief of Space Operations, “The Space Force is essential to protect our interests in space and ensure that we can operate freely in this domain” (Raymond, 2020). However, this militarization raises concerns about the potential for conflict in space, which could have dire consequences for human rights on Earth.

Geopolitical Strategies and Human Rights

The geopolitical strategies that drive the militarization of space often overlook the implications for human rights. The United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA) emphasizes the need for international cooperation to ensure that space activities are conducted for peaceful purposes, stating, “The exploration and use of outer space shall be carried out for the benefit of all countries” (UNOOSA, 2020). Yet, as countries compete for dominance, the potential for space-based conflicts increases, which could disrupt global communication systems and affect civilian populations.

Moreover, the use of satellite technology for surveillance and military operations can infringe upon privacy rights and civil liberties. The UN Human Rights Council has recognized that “the same technologies that can enhance our lives can also be used to surveil and control populations” (UN Human Rights Council, 2018). This dual-use nature of space technology necessitates a careful consideration of how security measures can be balanced with the protection of human rights.

The Role of International Law

International law plays a critical role in regulating activities in outer space. The Outer Space Treaty of 1967 establishes that space shall be used for peaceful purposes and prohibits the placement of nuclear weapons in space. However, as the treaty approaches its sixth decade, its relevance is increasingly questioned. Legal scholars argue that “the existing legal framework is insufficient to address the complexities of modern space activities” (Baker et al., 2022).

The development of new treaties or agreements focused on space security and human rights may be necessary to adapt to the evolving landscape. Initiatives like the “Artemis Accords,” which promote international cooperation in space exploration, offer a potential pathway for aligning security interests with human rights considerations (NASA, 2020).

Conclusion

The interplay between security in outer space and the protection of human rights presents a multifaceted challenge for the international community. As nations continue to pursue military capabilities in space, it is imperative that strategies are developed to ensure that these advancements do not come at the expense of human rights. By fostering international cooperation and strengthening legal frameworks, the global community can work towards a future where space is used for the benefit of all humanity.

 References

  • European Space Agency (2021). “The Importance of Space for National Security.”
  • Raymond, J. W. (2020). “Space Operations: The Future of National Defense.”
  • UNOOSA (2020). “Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities.”
  • UN Human Rights Council (2018). “Report on the Right to Privacy in the Digital Age.”
  • Baker, D., et al. (2022). “Challenges in Space Law: Adapting to the New Space Age.”
  • NASA (2020). “Artemis Accords: A Pathway to Future Space Exploration.”

Czech Republic Boosts Support for Rome Statute Victims

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Czech Republic Boosts Support for Rome Statute Victims

The Trust Fund for Victims (TFV) at the International Criminal Court (ICC) announces with appreciation that the Government of Czech Republic, a State Party to the ICC since 21 July 2009, renewed and increased its voluntary contribution to the TFV for 2024 for a total amount of CZK 1,000,000 (approximately EUR 40,000). This unrestricted contribution, which is doubled from the one received in 2023, will be used to redress the harm suffered by victims of Rome Statute crimes, through reparations awards ordered by the ICC and other programs for their benefit.

In welcoming the contribution, Andres Parmas, member of the TFV Board of Directors stated, “On behalf of the Board of Directors, I extend our heartfelt thanks to the Czech Republic for their contribution. This generous support highlights the Czech Republic’s dedication to addressing the harm endured by victims of Rome Statute crimes. Such contributions are vital in enabling us to provide meaningful reparations and support, helping survivors restore their lives and dignity.”


H.E. Mr. RenĂ© Miko, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Czech Republic to the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Permanent Representative of the Czech Republic to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons said, “I am pleased to announce the Czech contribution to the Trust Fund for Victims. We consider the protection and support of the victims as one of the essential tasks and obligations of the work of the international criminal justice system. It is an indisputable and inseparable part of international law. Our current contribution to the Trust Fund for Victims demonstrates the long-term support and importance that the Czech Republic has attached to the International Criminal Court.”

The Czech Republic has been consistently supporting the programs for the benefit of victims implemented by the Trust Fund for Victims through sustained and gradually increasing voluntary contributions since 2011.

For more information about the Trust Fund for Victims, please contacttrustfundforvictims@icc-cpi.int or visit:www.trustfundforvictims.org 

New Ambassador of Bangladesh presents credentials

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New Ambassador of Bangladesh presents credentials

On 28 August 2024, the new Ambassador of Bangladesh to the Netherlands, H.E. Mr. Tareque Muhammad, presented his letter of Credence to His Majesty King Willem-Alexander of The Netherlands at a ceremony held at Noordeinde Palace in The Hague.

The Ambassador was accompanied by the Royal Chamberlain from the Chancery to the Palace in a traditional horse-drawn ceremonial carriage. Upon arrival at the palace, a contingent of the Royal Guard played the national anthem of Bangladesh, followed by an inspection of the guard. He was then received at the Palace by the Grand Master of the Royal Household.

Royal Palace, in The Hague during the inspection of the guard by H.E. Mr. Tareque Muhammad, Ambassador of Bngladesh.

His Majesty the King expressed his satisfaction at the extensive bilateral relations demonstrated in continuous and growing engagements between the two countries. He expressed hope that the interim government of Bangladesh will bring back normalcy rapidly and complete the transition through an election.

The King also highlighted that the Netherlands and Bangladesh had established synergistic relations by exchanging expertise and knowledge in the management of flood and post-flood rehabilitations.

The Bangladesh Ambassador emphasized the interim government’s priorities, which encompass establishing security and a stable environment, implementing crucial reforms, and ensuring the smooth organization of elections.

The ambassador of Bangladesh at the Royal Palace in The Hague.

Ambassador Tareque Muhammad expressed appreciation to the Kingdom of the Netherlands for their highly productive cooperation in socio-economic development. Additionally, he confidently highlighted the existing robust investment opportunities and the sound policies designed to foster and support a resilient private sector.

The King wished to strengthen bilateral relations across various fields, stressing his country’s readiness to provide all possible support.

Two culprits of the plight of the Palestinians, One was sucked into the quagmire, the other by design.

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Two culprits of the plight of the Palestinians, One was sucked into the quagmire, the other by design.

By John DunkelgrĂŒn

Following the declaration of the State of Israel, roughly the same number of Jews were forced out of Arab countries as those of the Palestinian Arabs who fled or were expelled during the war that Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Libanon, and Saoudi Arabia started.

Whereas the Jewish refugees sought and found a future, mainly in Israel and The United States, the Palestinians had to move into camps in the surrounding countries. Leaving these camps was difficult, and obtaining a formal education or learning a trade outside was almost impossible. It resulted in dismal living conditions with no other hope than someday returning to their former homes.

To alleviate the refugees’ plight, the UN started a new aid organization, UNWRA, which provided food, medical care, and education. Its activities allowed the camps to exist within a bubble. The result was a growing and understandably resentful population of Palestinians. The ‘camps’ gradually became overcrowded villages.

Unlike refugees from anywhere else, the UN continued to regard the children, grandchildren, and further generations of these Palestinians as refugees and their villages as refugee camps. At the cost of untold millions of dollars from the international community,  these camps were allowed to continue. It is interesting to note that the contributions from Muslim states to UNWRA are minimal.

The intentions were good. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians had become victims of the actions of others. However, UNWRA had to operate in a repressive environment under mainly dictatorial regimes that had no interest in improving the lives of the Palestinians. On the contrary, they rather liked the PR effect of the camps. UNWRA had to do a balancing act. To be able to operate, it had to stay on good terms with the powers that be, and gradually, it identified with them and so became part of the problem. Situated among Palestinians for decades, getting to know them, being witness to their depravations, its operatives naturally started to see things from their side. Call it a variation of the Stockholm syndrome. Also, to operate, they had to hire local staff, some of whom were members of terrorist groups like Hamas, and all were under threat from these groups.

It would not have been necessary. Palestinian Arabs, who managed to get out, built flourishing communities elsewhere, mainly in Chile, the US, and Canada. Had the UN put pressure on or offered financial incentives to the neighboring countries to allow their normal development, there is no reason why they wouldn’t have grown into equally flourishing communities and integrated into their countries of residence. The lack of pressure from the UN, the identification of UNWRA personnel with the Palestinians, and their tacit cooperation with groups like Hamas caused the continuation of the miserable conditions of the Palestinians.

But it is worse, much worse. UNWRA, which has been deeply embedded in Palestinian areas, has closed its eyes to all terrorist activities. It has known for years what Hamas was doing. The amount of sand taken out to dig the tunnels alone was proof that there was a greater effort to prepare for war than toward building a city-state with a working economy. UNWRA knew that thousands of workers were working somewhere, somehow, underground. Its employees knew that Hamas built control centers in hospitals, schools, mosques, and private apartments. Why didn’t UNWRA cry out, put pressure on Hamas, or have the UN threaten to stop aid? UNWRA is a knowing and willing accomplice of Hamas and Hezbollah.

While UNWRA, for all its faults, has good intentions, the opposite is true of Iran.  The Iranian dictatorship, by contrast, didn’t and shouldn’t have any real quarrel with Israel. Its hostility from Day One of the dictatorship of the mullahs is entirely artificial. This theocracy needs outside enemies to ‘justify’ its cruel regime. It found fertile ground in the disgruntled and desperate Palestinian populations in the camps and Gaza. It funds, trains, and supplies them. Without aid from Iran, there would have been no rockets fired at Israel, no retaliations, and no attacks on terrorists hiding in protected areas like hospitals, schools, mosques, and homes. It has carefully fostered a circle of terrorist groups around Israel. In doing so, it has effectively destroyed Libanon as a viable state. It is entirely possible that it will encourage Hezbollah to make a full-scale attack on Israel, causing a response that makes the calamity in Gaza like a children’s birthday party. We should be quite clear about it: the blame for any devastation of Libanon, like that of Gaza, lies squarely on the leadership of Iran.

While the Iranian theocrats remain in power, there will be little chance of peace in the Middle East. But unless the UN gets firm with the terrorist groups, even the hope for peace will remain a mirage.

A New World of Changing Trading Landscape

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A New World of Changing Trading Landscape

By Chen Li

Just last month, the European Union recently decided to impose temporary tariffs on imports of battery electric vehicles (BEVs) from China. Concurrently, the U.S. and Mexico jointly announced measures to bolster the North American steel and aluminum supply chain, with Mexico imposing tariffs of 25% and 10% on steel and aluminum imports from China, respectively.

In recent years, there has been a notable increase in trade barriers targeting Chinese goods. Reports from American media indicate that beyond the U.S. and EU, emerging economies such as Brazil, India, Mexico, and Indonesia have initiated anti-dumping investigations into competitively priced Chinese products.

These protectionist actions against China represent a long-term trend in global trade, driven by shifts in the international economic landscape. This transformation is both widespread and structural, impacting not only China’s relationships with the U.S. and EU but also influencing global trade dynamics overall. China must adapt to these evolving trade rules and prepare for sustained strategic competition.

The global trade environment has undergone significant changes. The momentum towards global economic integration that followed World War II has diminished, giving way to trends of de-globalization and regional economic integration. Since the financial crisis, developed countries have increasingly pursued the reshoring of manufacturing due to weakened consumer demand and advancements in technology, as well as efforts to mitigate supply chain risks. Simultaneously, countries like China have reduced their reliance on intermediate goods trade while upgrading their industries, contributing to a slowdown in global trade growth and a restructuring of global value chains. The trend of nearshoring marks a departure from previous models of international division of labor and underscores the rise of regional economic integration, inevitably fostering trade protectionism in the process.

This rise in trade protectionism has undermined the rules-based multilateral trading system established under economic globalization, including the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the WTO. Regional trade agreements are increasingly supplanting the WTO’s global rules, accelerating the fragmentation of trade and industrial spaces. Challenges to the Most-Favored-Nation (MFN) principle within the WTO further complicate international trade dynamics, particularly concerning issues of market access, trade imbalances, and intellectual property protection. Moreover, economic and trade issues have become increasingly politicized, pushing the WTO to the sidelines of global economic governance and jeopardizing its trade rules.

In addition, the COVID-19 pandemic has heightened awareness among countries of the need to diversify supply chain risks, further amplifying trends toward unilateralism and populism. Geopolitical considerations increasingly influence economic and trade policies, reinforcing alliances while potentially weakening economic ties beyond these groupings. Despite sustained efforts, negotiations under the Doha Round have faltered, and the WTO’s appellate body has remained paralyzed since December 2019.

The evolution of international trade rules has been a dynamic process since the Age of Exploration. Before significant maritime discoveries, global commerce operated on regional scales. Maritime trade interconnected the world, establishing a truly global trading system that reshaped international relations, disrupting ancient tribute systems and continental-centric perspectives. Following World War II, the establishment of GATT and later the WTO laid the foundation for a multilateral trading system based on mutual benefit. China’s accession to this framework facilitated deep integration into global value chains, enabling its economic rise through economic globalization and achieving remarkable economic growth.

Today, the global trade landscape is once again undergoing profound structural changes, necessitating new frameworks and disciplines within the evolving trade system, and under such circumstances, the world itself must in turn adapt strategically to navigate these shifts effectively.

About the author:

Chen Li, is an Economic Research Fellow at ANBOUND

Myanmar: Examining the Geopolitical Consequences of Persistent Turmoil

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Myanmar: Examining the Geopolitical Consequences of Persistent Turmoil

By Marco Pizzorno

Myanmar, a nation with a rich yet intricate history, is currently embroiled in a geopolitical crisis that poses significant challenges for its civilian population and regional stability. From the era of British colonialism to decades of military rule, the country has encountered numerous obstacles that shape its present condition.

The origins of Myanmar’s multifaceted challenges can be traced back to its colonial past. After achieving independence in 1948, the nation struggled with ethnic conflicts and political instability. The military coup in 1962, led by General Ne Win, initiated a prolonged period of authoritarian governance. Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and pro-democracy advocate, poignantly remarked, “The only real prison is fear, and the only real freedom is freedom from fear.” Despite her efforts to foster democracy, the military’s hold on power has remained unyielding.

A critical turning point occurred on February 1, 2021, when the military overthrew the democratically elected government. This coup ignited widespread public protests and a harsh crackdown on dissent, resulting in a humanitarian crisis of alarming proportions. According to United Nations estimates, over 1.2 million individuals have been displaced internally, while thousands have fled to neighboring countries, exacerbating a regional refugee crisis that strains local infrastructures and resources.

The humanitarian impact on civilians has been catastrophic. Numerous reports from human rights organizations detail extensive abuses, including arbitrary arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings, which have created a dire situation for the populace. The international community has responded with a combination of condemnation and targeted sanctions; however, these measures have yet to produce significant changes on the ground. UN Secretary-General AntĂłnio Guterres underscored the seriousness of the situation, stating, “The situation in Myanmar is a tragedy for the people of Myanmar, and it is a challenge for all of us” (United Nations, 2021).

The geopolitical ramifications of the crisis extend well beyond Myanmar’s borders. The roles of regional powers, particularly China and India, contribute additional layers of complexity. China has historically maintained a close alliance with the Myanmar military, viewing the nation as a crucial partner in its Belt and Road Initiative. Conversely, India is increasingly concerned about the potential for instability to spill over into its northeastern states, where various ethnic insurgencies persist.

Within the broader context of Southeast Asia, ASEAN faces challenges in formulating a unified response to the crisis. The bloc’s principles of non-interference and consensus decision-making can complicate efforts to address urgent humanitarian needs and promote political stability. This dynamic highlights the delicate balance ASEAN must navigate as it seeks to respond effectively to the evolving landscape in Myanmar.

As the situation continues to unfold, the prospects for a peaceful resolution remain uncertain. The ongoing conflict between the military and various ethnic armed groups, alongside the pro-democracy movement, presents a complex challenge that requires a nuanced approach. Nonetheless, the resilience of the Myanmar populace is noteworthy. Grassroots movements and civil disobedience campaigns persist, reflecting an enduring aspiration for democratic change.

In summary, the ongoing crisis in Myanmar serves as a poignant reminder of the fragility of democratic institutions and the persistent struggle for human rights. As the international community assesses the geopolitical implications of the situation, there remains hope that a path toward reconciliation and stability can emerge, driven by the unwavering determination of the Myanmar people.

References

1. United Nations. (2021). “Statement by the UN Secretary-General on Myanmar.” https://www.un.org/en/statement-by-the-un-secretary-general-on-myanmar

2. Human Rights Watch. (2021). “Myanmar: Events of 2020.” https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2021/country-chapters/myanmar

3. International Crisis Group. (2021). “Myanmar’s Post-Coup Crisis: The Role of Regional Powers.” https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/306-myanmars-post-coup-crisis-role-regional-powers

4. ASEAN. (2021). “ASEAN Chairman’s Statement on the Situation in Myanmar.” https://asean.org/asean-chairmans-statement-situation-myanmar

5. International Organization for Migration. (2021). “Displacement Tracking Matrix: Myanmar.” https://www.iom.int/displacement-tracking-matrix

ASSER Institute: Innovation and Impact

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ASSER Institute: Innovation and Impact

New managing director Kasper Vrolijk: “Many people I speak with are surprised to learn we accomplish so much with such relatively small team”

The Asser Institute’s new managing director, Kasper Vrolijk, speaks about his first six months at the institute. With a background in economics and a passion for global affairs, Vrolijk discusses the Asser Institute’s academic excellence, its role in society, and his plans for innovation. “My colleagues are fantastic, and truly dedicated to the Institute and our shared mission. What has surprised me the most, however, is the number and diversity of the stakeholders we are involved with.” An interview.

Can you tell us about your professional journey and what led you to the Asser Institute as managing director?

“My academic background is in Business Administration and Public Policy. An early role at the United Nations fostered a passion for international affairs and global trends. Seeking a deeper understanding of the underlying economic factors, I then pursued a PhD in Economics.

“Throughout my career, I’ve cultivated a keen interest in the intersection of science, policy, and public debate. This led me to the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS), a research institute and think tank, where I focused on the transformation of economics and social systems. When I saw the Asser Institute vacancy, the opportunity to work at a globally renowned research institute was immediately appealing. But what truly sets the Asser Institute apart, however, is its exceptional commitment to knowledge dissemination and public engagement. The institute’s diverse valorisation initiatives, from educating professionals to engaging in teaching, and holding documentary screenings and public lectures, demonstrates to me a profound dedication to knowledge sharing and societal impact.”

How does your non-legal background and your PhD in Economics influence your approach to your current role?

“My background in human development and my specialisation in development economics actually connects quite closely with the Asser Institute’s research themes on important global topics such as human rights and artificial intelligence. My background in Economics has further taught me to view things empirically, and to envision different scenarios, which is particularly useful for managing an organisation and thinking about its long-term financial strategy. I intend to leverage my evidence-based approach by ensuring that our activities reflect the Asser Institute’s mission while keeping an eye at the numbers to see what we are achieving and how that fits with our multi-year strategy.”

Can you tell us a bit more about your primary responsibilities? “As the Institute’s managing director, and member of the executive board, my main responsibilities are the Institute’s finance, administration and personnel. In my day-to-day routine, I run the Institute together with my colleague Christophe Paulussen, my fellow board member and the acting academic director. Together, we focus on managing our core asset, which is of course our excellent researchers and support staff, and we also think strategically about the Asser Institute’s future for the coming years, thereby following our mission and vision.”

Developing and implementing a funding acquisition strategy is a significant part of your role. What are some challenges that you face in this and how do you overcome them?

“The Asser Institute’s research portfolio and knowledge base is extremely diverse, so we receive funding from many different sources. We have exceptional research projects that are, for instance, being funded by the Dutch Research Council NWO and the European Union, as well as smaller projects that are funded by The Hague Municipality and Nuffic, the Dutch organisation for the internationalisation of education. This is very exciting and unique, but also brings some challenges when it comes to acquiring and managing projects. Working with many different funders and having a high diversity of projects means that we continually have to find a good balance between the partners we have and projects we engage in, to the end that it feeds into our mission and vision, and that it ensures a financially viable organisation.”  

You have worked at the Asser Institute for about half a year now. What is your experience?

“It has been amazing to work at the Asser Institute, and I would say that the Asser community really feels like one big happy family [smiles]. My colleagues are fantastic, and truly dedicated to the Institute and our shared mission. What has surprised me the most, however, is the number and diversity of the stakeholders we are involved with. I have been introduced to people working in academia, the ministries, the courts and tribunals, the embassies, but also to people working within NGOs, the Municipality of The Hague, and fellow-research organisations such as ICCT The Hague.

“Even more astonishing is to meet so many external stakeholders that sometimes know little about the Institute itself, but that have seen or heard about our many activities and free events. Based on our excellent research, training programmes and public events and activities, and given the wide scope of our legal knowledge, people tend to assume that we are a big organisation, with some-three hundred or more employees. They are always very surprised to hear that we are much smaller, with a staff of around fifty people and as visible and energetic as a large organisation. I think that this is really something to be proud of. And it is something that I will continue to cherish, as I am extremely pleased that we can do so many different things with our relatively small but enthusiastic and dedicated team.”

Could you tell us a little bit about your approach to executive education and research valorisation at the Institute?

“When you compare Asser to most universities, which primarily cater to students, I think that the Asser Institute is quite unique in its focus and expertise on delivering excellent executive education. Earlier this year, for instance, we organised specialised training programmes on adjudicating international crimes for judges from Ukraine. But we have also educated high-level legal professionals from West Africa in a French-speaking course on international and transnational criminal law, and we had a Spanish course in international criminal law for legal professionals from Colombia.

“We also conduct excellent academic and policy-oriented research and are leaders in various areas of legal expertise in public and private international and European law. In addition, the Asser Institute also makes sure that our knowledge reaches policymakers, legal specialists, and other groups in society. This is crucial, given the numerous societal challenges that we see today, such as climate change, conflicts, or the rapid developments in artificial intelligence. We therefore also place a large focus on multi-year (research) projects to accumulate expert knowledge and assist institutions and other partners in evidence-based decision-making processes. Our mission is to contribute to the development of international and European public and private law, and to disseminate that knowledge as widely as possible, because we believe in justice, and in ‘law, not war’, if I may quote the late Benjamin Ferencz.”

Despite not being a lawyer, how do you perceive the major challenges and maybe opportunities in international and European law?

“We live in challenging times, with conflicts and human rights violations taking place in Europe and globally. Many of these issues are of course closely related to international and European law. Where there are many heated political and public debates taking place, and misinformation is rife, it is important for us as a knowledge institution to remain independent, highlight international and European legal norms, and share knowledge on how international or European law should be interpreted. And I think it is important that we work with a diverse set of partners – be it governments, NGOs, or other stakeholders – because we need these partners to make sure we can address these societal challenges.”  

What role do you believe the Asser Institute plays in society and the international legal community at the moment?

“The Asser Institute was founded in 1965 as an independent inter-university network, in which all Dutch law schools participate. For the last few years, we have been closely affiliated with the University of Amsterdam, and the Amsterdam Law School in particular. But we still cherish our inter-university network, in which we actively promote the collaboration with and between Dutch law schools. For example, we coordinate inter-university research networks such as the Netherlands Network for Human Rights Research (NNHRR) and CLEER, the Centre for the Law of EU External Relations.

“On top of that, we possess a truly international network, exemplified by our connections to the international courts and tribunals and the international organisations here in The Hague, but also by our partnership with foreign institutions, such as the War Crimes Research Office of American University’s Washington College of Law. Our network is truly a unique asset, that I believe really is of value to the diverse Asser community.

“With regards to our role in society, we work on many different themes and issues that are relevant to the public, also by collaborating with government ministries, diplomatic missions and, for instance, the Municipality of The Hague.  Whether it is through art exhibitions, our free lectures, or our education programmes, we are often addressing societal issues and interacting with the public, also through partnerships with for instance the Movies that Matter film festival, and with Hague-based art schools and museums.

How do you foster innovation within the Institute and what new initiatives or new projects are you excited about?

“Together with the academic director, I want  to explore how to build the organisation given the societal goals we have as the Asser Institute. Which partners do we need and how do we engage them. And how do we complement efforts by others in addressing societal challenges”

“I think it is very important to be innovative as a research institute, especially because our society is constantly evolving. Therefore, it is imperative to always evaluate and question where we stand. I always try to push people to think about the activities we are doing, and to be open to new opportunities and ideas. For an organisation, I think it is crucial to give people the freedom and ability to be creative and try new things. Some of these ideas might work, some might not.”  

Read more

A new management team for the Asser Institute in 2024

Kasper Vrolijk, the Asser Institute’s new managing director and member of the executive board since 1 February 2024. Together with Christophe Paulussen, the recently appointed acting academic director and chair of the executive board, Vrolijk is responsible for managing the institute. Read more.

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