Prabowo Subianto, the new President of Indonesia

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Prabowo Subianto, the new President of Indonesia

By Anton Lutter

On the 20th of last October the 8th president of the Republic of Indonesia was inaugurated at Parliament in Jakarta. Prabowo Subianto and his vice-presidential candidate Gibran Rakabuming, the son of the 7th president Joko Widodo, won the presidential election with almost 60% of the vote. Previously Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusomo – his full name – was minister of Defense in the cabinet of his predecessor since 2019.

Born in Jakarta 1951 as the son of prominent Indonesian economist and – amongst others – minister of Finance Sumitro Djojohadikusumo (1917-2001), who studied in Rotterdam and was actually the first Indonesian student to obtain a doctorate there. His grandfather Margono Djojohadikusumo (1894-1978) was of an aristocratic background but more important he was the founder of the Bank Negara Indonesia and its first president.

Briefly he worked as an official in the Dutch Ministry of Colonies in The Hague and participated in the Round Table Conference with the Netherlands preparing for Indonesiaā€™s independence, he was later replaced by his son Sumitro. Unlike his father and grandfather before him his career was not in academics. He entered the National Military Academy in Magelang (Central Java) in 1970 and graduated in 1974, in 1985 he attended the Advanced Infantry Course at Fort Benning in Georgia (USA).

Prabowo Subianto made a fast career in the army, becoming the commandant of Army Strategic Reserve Command (KOSTRAD) in 1998. Shortly after President Suharto stepped down as president of Indonesia that same year, Prabowo Subianto, who was married to the one of the presidentā€™s daughters, was honorably discharged thus ending a 24-year military career. He then joined the business operations of his family at the same time founding the Gerindra Party in 2008. For this party he was both presidential candidate in the 2014 and 2019 elections, which he both lost to Joko Widodo, who thus served 2 terms as president.

During the latter 2nd term Prabowo Subianto was appointed minister of Defense as Gerindra Party being part of Joko Widodoā€™s Onward Indonesia Coalition government. As the popular president was not able to run in the 2024 election (maximum of two terms) Prabowo Subianto became the foremost candidate and won presidential election convincingly with the son of Joko Widodo as his running mate.

In February 2024 president Joko Widodo awarded Prabowo Subianto the title of honorary four-star general. The president was married to Titiek Hediati Haryadi, the second daughter of long time president Suharto, she is a member of the Peopleā€™s Representative Council (parliament) since 2014. They have one son Didit Prabowo who is a prominent Indonesian fashion designer.

The Inside and Outside of New Progressive Economics

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The Inside and Outside of New Progressive Economics

By Chen Li

In March 2021, less than two months after taking office, President Joe Biden signed a USD 1.9 trillion relief package into law, with a series of other trillion-dollar bills waiting to be passed and implemented. This gave the world a glimpse of the so-called “Bidenomics”. Looking at Biden’s predecessors, from Ronald Reagan to Barrack Obama, they were all seen as proponents of neoliberalism, firmly believing in the market’s role in regulating the economy. However, under Biden’s leadership, a structural shift has occurred.

In the 1980s, then-President Ronald introduced “Reaganomics”, which was based on the economic philosophy of building a “small government”, reducing spending, cutting taxes, and avoiding wealth redistribution. Although the rich would become wealthier as a result, they would increase consumption and investment, causing wealth to trickle down from the top, ultimately benefiting all social classes. In this sense, Bidenomics can be seen as a full rejection of Reaganomics. In his 2022 budget proposal, Biden indicated that the budget reflected the fact that the “trickle-down theory” had never worked.

Bidenomics is actually rooted in the rise of new progressive economics, which became mainstream within the Democratic Party. New progressive economics emerged after the 2008 financial crisis as a critique of traditional neoliberal economics, emphasizing the active role of government in the economy. This “big government” approach differs somewhat from Keynesianism. Keynesianism stresses that demand is the key driver of economic growth, with the government needing to intervene through fiscal policy to stimulate demand and promote employment.

In contrast, new progressive economics emphasizes the government’s role in fostering long-term economic growth and stability. It argues that the government should not only intervene during crises but also promote structural reforms to address issues like inequality and economic instability. This school of thought advocates for social spending, anti-monopoly measures, industrial policy, and the promotion of social welfare, i.e., policies that lean heavily on the “big government” approach and downplay the role of the free market in economic development.

In a strict sense, it is difficult to classify new progressive economics as a fully formed school of economics because it is essentially a rebellion against traditional liberal economics. It represents a political application of economic ideas rather than a theoretical discipline. Although it has developed a coherent framework, it has considerable political elements. To fully understand this, it is necessary to review how new progressivism gained popularity within the Democratic Party.

The shift toward new progressivism within the Democratic Party occurred during Obama’s second term, when disappointment and dissatisfaction among the party’s progressive wing reached a peak. Progressives believed that Obama, constrained by traditional neoliberal economic ideas, was too sympathetic toward the financial industry and that his economic stimulus measures were insufficiently bold, thus calling for more thorough reforms. Inspired by the Occupy Wall Street movement and the We Are the 99% campaign, progressives began focusing their political donations on issues of inequality.

At the same time, the influence of new progressive ideas expanded under the advocacy of Harvard Law School professor and consumer rights expert Elizabeth Warren. Warren not only launched fierce critiques against Wall Street but also worked to combat the excessive concentration of power among tech giants and large corporations. After Trump’s election in 2016, elites within the Democratic Party began questioning the traditional ways of political operation. Organizations such as the Hewlett Foundation and the Ford Foundation began to promote the critique of neoliberalism as a new intellectual paradigm, while Omidyar Network began pushing the movement to “reimagine capitalism”.

Under the influence of new progressivism, left-wing figures within the Democratic Party began to push for antitrust movements against big corporations, populist policies, and new industrial policies. Regarding the Democratic Party’s shift to the left, Jake Sullivan wrote that the U.S. was at a “turning point”, disillusioned with the excesses of the free market and open to bold new policies. After taking office, President Biden also embraced new progressive ideas. For a long time, his administration had maintained close ties with labor unions and remained skeptical of the elite economists from top universities. With the emergence of the economic crisis caused by the pandemic, Biden appeared eager to position himself as a “Roosevelt-style President”, with Jake Sullivan, a lawyer by training, serving as his chief policy advisor during the campaign.

Guided by New Progressive thinking, the Biden administration introduced a USD 1.9 trillion pandemic recovery stimulus package. Traditional economists, such as Larry Summers, voiced complaints, arguing that the size of the stimulus was too large and far exceeded what economic analysis deemed necessary, warning that it would inevitably lead to inflation. As it turned out, these economists were not wrong. In the first two years of Biden’s presidency, U.S. prices surged, reaching a peak of 9.1% inflation in June 2022, marking the highest inflation rate in 40 years. At the same time, the Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS Act provided billions of dollars in tax credits and subsidies for industrial policies. This even led to criticism from left-wing figures within the Democratic Party, such as Elizabeth Warren, who questioned whether the U.S. Department of Commerce was too hasty in distributing funds without adequate oversight. To date, U.S. factory construction spending has doubled, but no one knows what the long-term return on these investments will be.

Under the new progressive ideas, the policy staff of the Biden administration also displayed characteristics that were different from those of the Obama administration, reflecting a trend of diminishing influence of economics at both the intellectual and political levels. New York Times columnist Ezra Klein noted that the influence of economists and financiers during Biden’s tenure was far weaker compared to the Obama administration, while the influence of nonprofit organizations, labor leaders, and progressive elite lawyers continued to grow. Biden’s policy team consists largely of graduates from Yale Law School, including Jake Sullivan, Jennifer Harris, and Lina Khan, among others.

The agenda of new progressivism has been largely realized, marking a victory for left-wing Democrats focused on gaining support from middle and lower-income groups, addressing national security concerns, and opposing corporate monopolies. However, the resulting damage to the free market and the economy has sparked public dissatisfaction. Polling data shows that many American voters are dissatisfied with the Biden administration’s economic policies, believing it has failed to effectively control rising prices. According to Gallup, the approval rating for the Biden administration’s economic policies stands at just 37%.

As Kamala Harris replaces Joe Biden as the Democratic presidential candidate, predicting whether she will carry on Biden’s legacy and continue to advance new progressive ideas becomes especially important. Some signs suggest that Harris may continue Biden’s approach. In August of this year, Harris’s campaign team announced that her economic advisory team would include Brian Deese, Biden’s former Director of the National Economic Council, and Bharat Ramamurti, who had previously worked as an aide to Elizabeth Warren. In a recent economic policy speech, Harris presented a progressive agenda centered on narrowing income inequality and expanding opportunities for marginalized groups. She advocated for strengthening union power, increasing taxes on the wealthy, and bolstering the social safety net for middle- and low-income families, positions that align with new progressive ideals. However, for now, winning the presidential election is Harris’s top priority, which means she is working to balance the interests of both her New Progressive supporters and her critics. She has sent signals to all factions. As Harris and her team continue to adjust their policy positions, observers remain cautious about whether she will fully adhere to the core principles of new progressive economics.

New progressive economics is gaining traction in the United States, but it is not so much a traditional economic theory as it is a political economy for a new era, deeply intertwined with political agendas. It represents a direct challenge to classical liberal economic thought, with the goal of reshaping capitalism. In the policy practices of the Biden administration, new progressive economics has been characterized by a strong political drive, seeking to expand the role of government in the economy to address inequality and secure support from middle- and low-income voters. However, these policies have also led to soaring inflation and have had negative consequences for the free market. Kamala Harris’s campaign suggests she may continue to champion the new progressive agenda. However, given the deep political polarization among voters, she is currently attempting to balance the interests of progressives with those of their critics. Whether the new progressive movement can maintain its influence within the Democratic Party and whether it will have a lasting global impact remain important questions to watch.

About the author:

Chen Li, Economic Research Fellow at ANBOUND

Disarmament and Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction ASSER Training Programme: Another Successful Edition in The Hague

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Disarmament and Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction ASSER Training Programme: Another Successful Edition in The Hague

By Pietro Proglio

The recent edition of the Disarmament and Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction Training Programme marked another successful chapter in equipping professionals with vital expertise on WMD control and security. Organized by the Asser Instituut in partnership with the OPCW, this yearā€™s program once again brought together a remarkable group of diplomats, military personnel, and academics, each committed to enhancing their understanding of one of the most critical issues facing global security.

For five engaging days, we dove deep into the complex worlds of nuclear, biological, and chemical arms control, with discussions ranging from foundational treaties like the NPT and BWC to the latest developments involving Artificial Intelligence in arms control. The course featured lectures on topics ranging from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) to contemporary issues like emerging threats linked to the use of Artificial Intelligence.

A significant highlight of the program was the opportunity to visit key sites such as the TU Delft Nuclear Research Reactor, where participants observed nuclear safety protocols firsthand, and the OPCW ChemTech Centre, providing practical insights into chemical weapons detection and disposal. These field trips were eye-opening, providing us with a rare, firsthand look into nuclear safety and the latest chemical weapons detection and disposal technologies. Touring these facilities brought theoretical concepts to life in the most powerful way.

The highlight of the course was the interactive simulation exercise, where the participants assumed roles of state representatives, negotiating and drafting agreements on non-proliferation issues. This immersive experience gave us an authentic taste of the intricacies involved in international diplomacyā€”no easy feat but immensely rewarding.

Beyond technical learning, the course encouraged invaluable networking, connecting professionals across sectors and regions. As WMD issues remain at the forefront of global security, programs like this one are indispensable in shaping knowledgeable, motivated leaders in the field.

COP16 Puts Companies on Notice ā€“Biodiversity Sustainability is Good Business

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COP16 Puts Companies on Notice ā€“Biodiversity Sustainability is Good Business

Cali, Colombia ā€“ Companies face aĀ stark choice when addressing the biodiversity fragility highlighted during the sixteenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity (COP16) this week: continue damaging practices and face censure from investors, regulators, communities and their own customers, or embrace sustainable practices which will unlock the potential of naturalĀ capital and open up opportunities to expand market share, charge a premium for their products and access lower-cost green financing.

Cristiane Derani, IIJS Associate Expert meets with Luis Gilberto Murillo, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Colombia. CO16 Colombia.

ā€œWe are at a crossroads where business as usual – harming biodiversity for short term economic gain – is no longer acceptable to governments, consumers, civil society and even the companies and executives driving economic activity across the globe,ā€ said Inter-American Institute on Justice and Sustainability (IIJS) CEO Claudia de Windt. ā€œCompanies that lead the charge into biodiversity recognition, protection, and sustainable use will flourish in the 21st centuryā€™s changing global economic landscape. Those that donā€™t will suffer and fall by the wayside as they stick to the failed 20th century model.ā€

It is clear that over the next century companies that continue negative risk exposure to ecosystems will come under increasing pressure from investors, regulators, clients, consumers, and communities. Meanwhile, firms that produce using natural resources in a sustainable way that preserves natural capital will maintain their market share and meet third-party supplier regulations on sustainability. They will also be able to charge premium prices while accessing additional benefits such as lower-cost green financing.

CEO and Founding Partner Claudia S. de Windt meets with Juan Bello, UN Environment Program Director for Latinamerica and the Caribbean. CO 16 Colombia

At #COP16 IIJS is partnering with global leaders to advance the Global 2050 Vision for Biodiversity in Latin-America. Critical to this vision of the future is managing nature-related risks and enhancing environmental and social governance.

The conference of the parties will feature hundreds of events where top policymakers and private sector leaders will share their insights on the best path forward in balancing profits and natural capital for a sustainable future.

IIJS is co-hosting a series of events at the global meeting (see events here) with participation of CEO and Founding Partner Claudia S. de Windt, Founding Partner Maria Amparo Alban, Associate attorney Maria Juliana Pedraza, Gustavo Alanis Ortega, IIJS Board member, Associate Attorney and Associate Experts Nicholas Bryner, Julio Guity, Salvador Nieto, and Cristiane Derani. IIJS participation is focused on identifying opportunities for coordinated action to enhance nature-based solutions and reward sustainability.

Key partners include the UN Environment Programme (UNEP), the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) through its World Commission on Environmental Law and its Mesoamerica and Caribbean and South America Offices and the European Commission.

CEO and Founding Partner Claudia S. de Windt meets with International Union for the Conservation of Nature Regional Directors for Mesoamerica and the Caribbean (Ursula Parrilla) and South America (Gabriel Quijandria.

It is fitting that Colombia was selected to host #COP16. The Americas is the most biodiverse region on earth. The region is also a global exporter of critical metals, such as copper and lithium, is a major source of biofuels and oil, and is a global leader in soft commodities exports like grains, meat, bananas, coffee and fish. Growing demand for these natural resources, means business as usual is placing more and more pressure on the regionā€™s fragile ecosystems. Negotiations at COP16 seek to bridge the finance gap to tackle the biodiversity and nature crisis along with creating enabling conditions for business and other key stakeholders to drive innovative solutions and to invest in nature.

About the Inter-American Institute for Justice and Sustainability: The IIJS is an institutional start-up that works with companies at the intersection of business and nature, helping them incorporate human rights and nature policies into their operations to create added value. By bridging the gap between the public and private sectors, its efforts on risks and results based social and environmental performance drive coherent value-based action points that help to shape sustainable development governance across the region.

For additional information contact: Mauricio Pastora, Associate [mpastora@ii-js.org, 202-570-4041)

The Long Exile of the Diplomat Su Wu

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The Long Exile of the Diplomat Su Wu

By Professor Richard T. Griffiths


Twenty-five years after Zhang Qianā€™s historic return to China, Emperor Wu sent another mission to the Xiongnu, the nomadic tribes whose periodic cross-border raids constantly threatened the empireā€™s northern borders. However, the Xiongnu were neither interested in conquering China nor in adopting its sedentary economic model.

If the Chinese could ease their military response, a peaceful accommodation might be possible. In 100 BCE, such an opportunity seemed to arise, and Su Wu (c. 140-60 BCE) was chosen to lead the diplomatic mission with one hundred soldiers and officials. Su Wu, already renowned for his wisdom, integrity, and deep loyalty to the Han Dynasty, was tasked with negotiating the peace and securing the release of Han prisoners held by the Xiongnu.

The journey to the Xiongnu court was long and arduous, crossing harsh terrain and leading to a land with customs, language, and lifestyles starkly different from those of the Han. Upon arrival, Su Wu and his delegation were received with formalities fit for Han envoys. Yet, Zhang Sheng, Suā€™s second-in-command, felt the Xiongnu leader, Chanyu Qiedihou, had shown insufficient respect. He conspired with a few disaffected courtiers to assassinate the Chanyuā€”a plan that was hardly diplomatic. When the plot was uncovered, Zhang Sheng turned and blamed Su Wu.

The Trials of Su Wu

Chanyu Qiedihou ordered the arrest of the entire delegation. Zhang Sheng and several companions defected to the Xiongnu, compounding their disgrace, but Su Wu remained steadfast in loyalty. Despite severe interrogation and torture, he refused to break, even when facing execution. In an effort to wear him down, the Chanyu ordered Su Wuā€™s imprisonment in a cellar without food or water but he survived by eating the wool from his coat and drinking melted snow. When that failed to break him, the Chanyu exiled him to the remote wilderness of Lake Baikal, a land of extreme cold and desolation, and assigned him a small flock of rams to herd. ā€œWhen the rams give milk,ā€ he was told, ā€œyou may go home.ā€ Life became a struggle for survival, particularly when his scant food supplies were delayed, forcing him to subsist on wild grasses, roots, and small animals. Legend says he used strands of his coatā€™s hair to fashion fishing nets, hoping to catch fish from the frozen waters. Yet, despite his isolation, Su Wu stayed resolute. Even when a Han captive came with false news that his family had either died or moved on, Su Wu would not break.

Figure 1: Su Wu Tending Sheep. By Huang Shen (1687-1770). Hanging scroll, ink and colours on paper, 94.2 Ɨ 101.2 cm, Shanghai Museum, China.

He never parted with his staff, a symbol of his envoy status, using it to herd his sheep and holding it during his daily ritual of bowing toward Changā€™an, the Han capital, in honuor of the Han emperor. News eventually reached him that Emperor Wu had died; Su Wu, it is said, was so devastated that he vomited blood. Still, he remained loyal, alone with his sheep.

The Return Home
During Su Wuā€™s long exile, his fate was unknown back in China, and rumours of his death spread. Emperor Zhao, who succeeded Emperor Wu, never lost hope and continued diplomatic efforts to secure Su Wuā€™s release, though the Xiongnu, understanding his symbolic significance, were reluctant to let him go.

Figure 2: Emperor Zhao of Han and Officials by Yan Liben (active 640-673). Detail from The Thirteen Emperors scroll, ink and colours on paper, 51.3 x 531 cm, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, USA.

In 81 BCE, nearly two decades after Su Wuā€™s exile began, a shift in the political landscape opened a path for his release. With a new, more conciliatory Xiongnu leader, a prisoner exchange seemed possible. The Xiongnu, however, insisted Su Wu had long since died. To break the impasse, Chinese envoys concocted a story: the emperor had shot a migratory goose bearing a message from Su Wu on its leg, requesting help. Whether true or not, the story forced the Chanyu to admit Su Wu was alive. After nineteen years, Su Wu returned to China, a shadow of his former self. The emperor rewarded him with a high-ranking position, allowing him to live his remaining years in peace.

Reflection

Su Wuā€™s legacy has been immortalized in Chinese culture as a symbol of loyalty and perseverance. His refusal to betray his emperor, despite unimaginable hardship, is celebrated in Chinese poems, paintings, and literature. His ordeal resonates as a paragon of Confucian virtues that deeply influenced Chinese society during and after the Han Dynasty, exemplifying loyalty (åæ , Zhōng), endurance (ęƅ, YƬ), righteousness (义, YƬ), and moral integrity (仁, RĆ©n). Su Wuā€™s legacy endures because it embodies the very ideals the Han Dynasty sought to uphold.

About the author:

Richard Griffiths is Director of the Silk Road Virtual Museum, covering the years 500-1500 CE, with twenty-one exhibition spaces providing access to almost one thousand exhibits. You can visit it here

Home ā€“ Silk Road Virtual Museum

Could Octoberā€™s four events change the world?

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Could Octoberā€™s four events change the world?

By Sazzad Haider

Four events this October will have a significant impact on the politics of the year to come. The final campaign for the US presidential election has commenced this month. If Democratic President Kamala Harris wins the upcoming election, there will be no change in US foreign policy.

The rivalry between the U.S. President and Russian President Vladimir Putin is unlikely to end. The fight in Ukraine will last longerā€”until Putin is exhausted and withdraws from Ukraine. Alternatively, NATO could descend directly into war. By doing this, Europe could gain experience with atomic bombs. If Putin is defeated in such a war, the United States may propose another Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe. The effect of this would strengthen the economy of the United States, and at least for the next fifty years, the sole dominance of the United States in the economy and politics of the world would be established.

But according to the latest opinion polls, it is difficult for Kamala to beat Trump. Trump’s victory does not bode well for Ukrainian President Zelensky. Zelensky understands that if NATO does not participate directly in this war, Ukraine will be far from winning and will not be able to recover the lost ground. Trump has already made it clear that he will end this warā€”he doesn’t mind giving Russia a part of Ukraine. Trump is a business mogul. The huge investments the U.S. must make globally (especially behind NATO) to maintain hostilities with Russia would not be necessary if it were allied with Putin, which yields no returns. Arctic or space sharing: Putin and Trump together can beat the rest. U.S. friendship with Russia can keep China away from Russia. This would keep Taiwan safe, and even allow for the use of Putin’s influence to bring North Korea’s rocket boy, Kim Jong Un, into the fold. In addition, Trump can hold a meeting with rocket boy.

Maybe Iran can also be isolated from Russia so that Iran does not receive any more Russian technology. By keeping Russia out of the Middle East, it will be easier for Israel to defeat its Arab enemies.

This October marks one year since the Gaza attack. Since October 7, 2023, nearly 42,000 Palestinians have been killed, over half of whom are women and children, with more than 96,000 injured. Gaza has suffered catastrophic destruction, with 90% of its population displaced and infrastructureā€”including roads, healthcare, and water facilitiesā€”decimated. Over 40 million tonnes of debris remain, and recovery efforts could take up to 15 years. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians live in overcrowded camps, battling hunger and disease. Not a single university remains in Gaza. Thousands of Palestinians are also arbitrarily detained and tortured in the West Bank.

Iran-Israel tensions have reached a fever pitchā€”a limited-scale war between the two countries hinted at this October. If this war does not stop, it will spread throughout the Middle East, which could turn into a world war. Now, let’s see if world leaders can save the world from war. So far, world leaders have incited both sides to conflict, but no peace envoy has stepped in. Thus, the world is headed for an uncertain futureā€”a war that never ends.

This October, the three-day BRICS summit in Kazan was attended by 36 countries, with more than 20 of them represented by heads of state. Russian President Vladimir Putin hosted the summit while Chinese President Xi Jinping, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian participated. It was the largest diplomatic forum in Russia since Putin ordered troops into Ukraine in 2022.

The summit analyzed the current geopolitical situation, opposed the U.S.-imposed sanctions on China, Russia, and Iran as ā€œunlawful,ā€ and highlighted the need for an alternative payment system. The BRICS countries now represent almost half the world’s population, 40% of global oil production, and around 25% of goods exports. After the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russian President Putin has proven that he is not alone in the world, despite the arrest order against him by the International Court of Justice. It can be said that all countries outside the Western sphere of influence are now on Putin’s side. The participation of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in BRICS has multiplied the political and economic importance of the group. The influence of the United States in these two countries in the Middle East has gradually declined, while the influence of Russia and China has increased in the region as well as across the globe. Thus, the BRICS summit added to U.S. discomfort.

About the author:

Sazzad Haider is Writer & journalist, lives in Dhaka, Bangladesh. He is Editor-in-Chief of Diplomatic Journal.

The Leverage Wheel: where Excellence, Trust and Innovation thrive

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The Leverage Wheel: where Excellence, Trust and Innovation thrive

By Dr Maite Ibarretxe

As an individual, I recognize that my impact on global issues is limited unless I can create sufficient leverage. When I speak of leverage, Iā€™m not referring to simply amplifying ideas or solutions. Attempting to convince others to adopt specific ‘solutions’ often alienates those with different perspectives, leading to abstraction and hindering creative thinking. Instead, my efforts have consistently focused on generating leverage through collaboration and enhancing the power of collective intelligence.

Climate change is presenting us with challenges that affect us all, on an individual, corporate, national and global level. While there is still denial or underestimation of the climate risk, the reality is quickly catching up and increasingly visible all around us.  So, even in the most optimistic scenario, it must be taken seriously, and it demands a deep rethinking of our way of life, our achievements, and ultimately the economy that drives it all.

While there are many different interpretations to it, the core challenges remain the same, and can be summarize in one sentence: How do we preserve our achievements and our relevance while we transition towards a sustainable future?

The fear of losing these achievements and facing the unknown makes many cling to what they have and miss the opportunity to explore what could be.

In the political arena we see how these fears are often exploited for short-term electoral gains, fueling further instability into the system while failing to address the common needs we have, that call for greater co-operation, community strength and equality.

Given the enormity of the challenges, facing them head-on as an individual, a single company, or even a single country will not be sufficient without creating the necessary leverage to bring others along.

Financial limits and the supply security and affordabolitly of main goods require combined efforts to mitiagte the risks associated with climate.
These challenges are inherently global as climate change does not recognize national borders To address them and trasnform towards a sustainable future, we need:

  • An all-encompassing vision for our future relationship with the planet, grounded in sustainability and long-term well-being.
  • A compelling narrative that eases fears of losing social gains and embraces change as a pathway to shared prosperity.
  • A clear strategy to realize this vision through practical, actionable steps.
  • Tactical solutions that execute the strategy effectively, ensuring progress is both measurable and sustainable.

I believe that by embracing collaboration and collective intelligence rather than perpetuating outdated competitive approaches, we can find common ground and three elements can help to create the leverage needed to turn these shared challenges into opportunities.


These three elements are Excellence, Trust and Innovation

We can look at them as infinite cycle of interconnected events, starting from the notion that without excellence itā€™s hard to build trust. Same as without trust, ideas wonā€™t flow freely, and innovation cannot flourish.

Excellence ā€“ when we talk about excellence, we often think of strategies, frameworks, data, as well as knowledge and expertise in key areas.

On the other hand, Excellence should also encompass ethical standards, accountability and a strong moral compass together wuth the relentless pursuit of a shared vision, even when the path forward is complex and uncertain. In the context of sustainability, excellence helps to define the criteria for how we approach global problems by bringing together diverse perspectives and expertise in a way that fosters innovation and drives meaningful progress.
All these attributes not only build credibility and trust in the system, they also help create new opportunities.

Trust – Here relationships are at the center, where trust is the foundation of collaborative environments governed by influence rather than hierarchical power.
This safe environment fosters inspiration and pave the conditions for innovation to emerge. There is a significant difference between compromising and uniting people to formulate a common position towards a shared vision. The latter is more sustainable because it becomes embedded in the DNA of those participating in the process. When trust is established, it paves the way for genuine collaboration, where parties are co-creating solutions that are more robust, inclusive, and enduring.
On a practical level, enhances efficiency by shifting from a bureaucratic to a relationship-driven model. This dynamic is evident in the relationships between corporations and other systems actors such as financial institutions or governments.

Innovation-is the lever that can propel us toward our sustainability goals. Innovation must be understood broadly – not just as technological advancements. It is also about new ways of thinking, organizing, and collaborating.
While many companies and individuals still think of sustainability in terms of energy transition, the root cause of unsustainable practices makes us look at our current economic system, which is still overly focused on monetized growth. To truly innovate we must rethink those economic models, embracing integrated value as the norm and adopt orchestration to achieve it. By orchestrating people and ideas, we unlock the power of collective intelligence, creating leverage -both in WHAT we want to achieve and in HOW we can achieve it.

The Leverage Wheel – These three elements are interconnected and thrive in combination with one another. To illustrate how their synergy leads to leverage, I came to design the Leverage Wheel, where these three elements are brought together.
As the model showcases, excellence combined with trust builds efficiency, while trust paired with an innovative approach fuels inspiration. Innovation and excellence together, as well, ensure effectiveness, and the combination of all three provides the leverage needed to achieve your higher goals.
Leverage can be created in many ways and at many levels. Within your own organization or with other companies, within your country or with other countries, in all cases the aim is  to expand our influence or offering or to make resource capacity  more efficient. In all cases it is about orchestration of people and ideas with the goal of achieving something greater than the sum of the parts

Change is upon us, whether we choose to embrace it or not. The environment will not wait; the same as society, the market and other constituencies will not do.

Leverage is essential because the challenges ahead are so significant that none of us should want to face them alone. Competing against each other in an uncertain future will only lead to the destruction of valuable capital along the way.
So, the same as we are already well underway with our excellence strides, my advice is to use the time well and start investing today in the other two elements -Trust & Innovation,
cultivating  trust-based environments, and fostering innovative approaches to unlock your potential and create the leverage needed to reinvent ourselves and advance sustainable development

Using Leverage to unlock the power of Diplomacy for Sustainable Development

Looking ahead, I am hopeful about the future of sustainability. The principles of excellence, trust, and innovation guide my work as I strive to inspire and build collaborative structures, a safe space for experimentation, to maximize impact and ultimately create leverage.

As such, I believe that using leverage to unlock the power of Diplomacy for Sustainable Development can be an important lever in addressing the complex challenges of climate change and growing inequalities. Climate diplomacy unites nations and fosters critical partnerships between governments and businesses, where trust and collaborative efforts are crucial for driving innovative solutions. In a world where geopolitical interests often clash, diplomacy serves as a vital bridge, aligning diverse stakeholders toward common goals. The geopolitical aspects of climate action underscore the importance of these alliances, as diplomatic efforts can steer global policies toward a sustainable future, where innovation plays a key role in building resilient, low-carbon economies and achieving lasting change.

Creating environments where diverse disciplines within the public and private sectors can collaborate using lateral thinking to work towards a greater vision in harmony with our planet is crucial.

An ongoing Diplomat Sustainability Dialogue in the Hague, as platform for discussion, experimentation and collaboration, has the potential to be a powerful catalyst to create some of this leverage, where the principles of excellence, trust, and innovation can converge to create real, lasting change. By uniting diplomats, business leaders, and civil society around a shared vision for sustainability, we can build the leverage needed to help address global challenges effectively and equitably. In doing so, we will respond to the urgent demands of our time while laying the foundation for a more sustainable and just future.

COP 16 on Biodiversity: the world convenes in Cali, Colombia to join efforts towards achieving ā€œPeace with Natureā€

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COP 16 on Biodiversity: the world convenes in Cali, Colombia to join efforts towards achieving ā€œPeace with Natureā€

By H.E. Ms. Carolina Olarte BƔcares, Ambassador of Colombia to the Kingdom of the Netherlands

Colombia is one of the most biodiverse countries in the world, with 10% of the worldā€™s biodiversity located within its around two million square kilometers of land, seas and rivers. Its Pacific region alone, one of the top global biodiversity hotspots, comprises more than 200 protected areas and 11 National Natural Parks which represent the habitat for approximately 1.300 species of fauna and 14.000 species of plants.

It therefore comes as no surprise that our government devotes consistent efforts to position our country at the forefront of the protection of biodiversity and the global climate action agenda, consolidating its active role and strong commitment to environmental conservation and sustainable development.

As I write these words, more than 23.000 delegates, including Heads of State, foreign ministers, ministers of environment and other government officials, representatives of intergovernmental organizations, international institutions, business enterprises, conservation experts, academia, NGOs, local communities, ethnic and indigenous groups, youth, women, farmers, among other civil society organizations, from all around the world, are convening in Cali ā€“ at the epicenter of Colombian Pacific region ā€“ on the occasion of the 16th meeting of the Conference of the Parties (COP 16) to the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), which initiated on 21 October and extends throughout two weeks, until 1 November.

ā€˜Peace with Natureā€™, the message that will be sent from Colombia to the world during COP 16, is not only a slogan but a call to reflection based on a recognition of the current unequal relationship between humankind and the ecosystems, with a view to improving it, and to rethink an economic model aiming not to prioritize extraction, contamination of nature and overexploitation of its capacities. 

During COP 16, the Colombian Government will officially present the ā€œDeclaration of the World Coalition for Peace with Natureā€, as an initiative that seeks to create awareness and global mobilization around environmental protection. This Coalition will serve as a platform for action after COP 16, aiming to involve governments and civil society in a joint effort for the preservation of nature. In this declaration, governments will commit, among other things, to promote the consolidation, strengthening and creation of further ties between countries and regions, as well as stronger international cooperation and greater assistance to developing countries.

Through our Embassy in the Netherlands, Colombia has also disseminated, in multiple scenarios and through different means, the importance of COP 16, the issues that the world must address with it, and the positions that our country has assumed in that regard.

Capitan de Navio Cesar Iregui, H.E. Ms Carolina Olarte Bacares, Ambassador of Colombia and spouse Giovani Calvano. Colombian Navy Training Vessel ā€œA.R.C. Gloriaā€,
ā€œA.R.C. Gloriaā€ Colombian Navy Training Vessel

Earlier this year, for instance, during the four days-long visit by the Colombian Navy Training Vessel ā€œA.R.C. Gloriaā€, our ā€œAmbassador in the seas of the worldā€, to the port of Scheveningen in The Hague, we put in place an ample agenda of activities, including the celebration of our national day and a lecture by Colombian scientist Juan Diego Soler on the Antarctic and climate change, in which COP 16, the role of our country in the protection of the environment and our efforts towards the fight against climate change and the loss of biodiversity were shared among the diplomatic corps, government officials, judges and staff of international tribunals, academic authorities, local community, and strategic partners present in the Netherlands.

We have also delivered this message in cultural events, such as the concert featuring Colombian artist Gabriela Ponce, and through statements before international organizations and tribunals, as well as during exchanges with the legal and academic community, in all of which we have intervened to highlight the role that Colombia has assumed in the development of international law on issues related to the environment and climate change.  

In that regard, I have been honored to intervene as speaker at Leiden University to share the experiences and views of Colombia on environmental protection and peacebuilding, and at The Hague Academy of International Law to deliver a lecture on the interventions of Colombia in ongoing advisory proceedings on the climate crisis before international tribunals.

Later this year, in November, the Embassy will co-organize along with Diplomat Magazine and the International Institute of Social Studies (ISS) an event with the presence of our Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, H.E. Mr. Jorge Rojas RodrĆ­guez, and distinguished panelists to discuss outcomes, challenges and opportunities after COP 16. In December, Colombia will intervene before the International Court of Justice during the oral hearings to take place in relation to the advisory proceedings concerning the Obligations of States in respect of Climate Change, after having submitted its Statement and Comments during the written proceedings.

The Embassy has also worked along Colombian enterprises and associations to showcase several products which represent not only the biodiversity of our country, but also sustainable, innovative and inclusive business models. We joined the Colombian Association of Flowers Exporters (Asocolflores) during the 13th International Floriculture Trade Fair, and the National Fund for Cocoa (Fedecacao) during the 12th edition of the Chocoa Amsterdam Cocoa Week, where the work of Colombian female cocoa entrepreneurs was highlighted, promoting our country as a leader in gender-inclusive environmental diplomacy.

As the COP 16 unfolds, all eyes are upon Colombia as a ā€œPower of Lifeā€, rich in human and natural diversity, in a unique opportunity to show the world not only why it is ā€œThe Country of Beautyā€ but also how for all humankind, as President Gustavo Petro has said, ā€œthis is the time for the protection of life, for Peace with Natureā€.

Ambassador Tankevičius reflects on the achievements and future opportunities

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Ambassador Tankevičius reflects on the achievements and future opportunities

As he begins his third year as the Ambassador of Lithuania to the Netherlands, His Excellency Ambassador Neilas Tankevičius reflects on his first two years in The Hague and discusses future opportunities.

How were your first years?

They were quite busy. Many people think of The Hague as a quieter capital, not in the first tier of always-hectic diplomatic capitals. However, I disagree with this view now. Over the past two years, there has been significant activity not only on bilateral fronts but also on multilateral ones. Itā€™s important to remember that The Hague is also the capital of international justice.

Can you say a few words about bilateral relations with the Netherlands?

One could call it a honeymoon period. I couldnā€™t be prouder of our bilateral relations and where we are headed. In almost every aspectā€”political, economic, people-to-people contacts, or tourismā€”there has been significant growth or important developments. It seems that after 20 years of EU and NATO membership we still discover new potential for bilateral cooperation.

You mentioned Lithuaniaā€™s successful campaign for membership in the Executive Council of the OPCW. Can you elaborate?

Last year, Lithuania decided to challenge Russia for a seat on the Executive Council. This was a successful campaign that we ran together with Poland and Ukraine. I want to thank every state party at the OPCW for their support, even those who raised doubts and asked questions, as this only reinforced our conviction that this step was right.

Why was challenging Russia important for Lithuania?

Challenging Russia was not the main goal. Lithuania has been a member of the Executive Council before, and we are confident we can be a constructive and useful member. However, by invading Ukraine in 2014 and 2022, Russia broke the UN Charter and various multilateral and bilateral agreements it had signed. Russiaā€™s actions have resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of civilians and the destruction of thousands of residential buildings, schools, and kindergartens.

Additionally, there are numerous reports of Russia using chemical weapons, which is a direct violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. Evidence is being collected daily to prove this. In this context, Lithuania believes that Russia has no legal or moral right to represent the Eastern European Group on the Executive Council. For our opinion to change, Russia must change its unacceptable behavior. The outcome of the elections showed that the majority of State Parties share this view.

Elections to the Executive Council are held every year. Do you think someone else will step into Lithuaniaā€˜s shoes this year too?

I believe so, because the issue at stake is the integrity and respect for the Chemical Weapons Convention and the United Nations Charter as a whole. Lithuania will support the challenger countries wholeheartedly.

You also mentioned that The Hague is the capital of international justice. What are you focusing on?

We are focusing on the ICC, ICJ, Europol, and Eurojust. Given the gravity of Russiaā€™s breach of international law, we joined Ukraineā€™s case against Russia on the allegation of genocide at the ICJ. We also strongly support the arrest warrants issued by ICC Prosecutor Khan against Russiaā€™s leadership for specific crimes, including war crimes, crimes against humanity, and aggression. Lithuania stands firmly in support of international law, and if a violation occurs, there must be accountability.

The Ambassador of Lithuania, H.E. Mr. Neilas TankevicĢŒius.

Returning to bilateral relations, you mentioned the term ā€œhoneymoon,ā€ which is quite a strong word to describe relations between countries. Could you elaborate a bit more?

Indeed, over the past few years, our relations have flourished in every direction. The primary reason for this is that on almost all international issues, large and small, our countriesā€™ positions align, leaving the rest for diplomats to manage.

On the political front, His Majesty the King has visited Lithuania twice in six years. We have also welcomed visits from Prime Ministers and other Ministers regularly. In terms of security and defense, we are grateful to the Netherlands for deploying around 300 soldiers in Lithuania. Economically, the worldā€™s largest bicycle producer, Pon.Bike, has just opened a bicycle-assembly factory in Lithuania. Over time, it will produce as many bicycles per year as the Netherlands needs to import. We are very pleased with this investment, which also signifies Lithuaniaā€™s ongoing commitment to attracting top-quality investments.

On a people-to-people level, the number of Dutch tourists visiting Lithuania this year has already broken all records, which is a promising sign for both today and the future.

Building Bridges: Ambassador Jaime Moscoso Valenzuela Reflects on Chile-Netherlands Relations

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Building Bridges: Ambassador Jaime Moscoso Valenzuela Reflects on Chile-Netherlands Relations

As Ambassador of Chile to the Netherlands, His Excellency Jaime Moscoso Valenzuela has overseen a period of significant development in the Chile-Netherlands relationship. Over his six-year tenure, he has navigated the complexities of diplomatic engagement, promoting initiatives in green energy, honoring historical solidarity, and supporting collaboration on democracy and human rights.

Now, as he prepares to conclude his term, Ambassador Moscoso Valenzuela reflects on the experiences and achievements that have defined his time in the Netherlands, offering insights into the unique Dutch culture and sharing his hopes for the future of Chile-Netherlands relations.

What do you consider to be the key accomplishments in reinforcing Chile-Netherlands relations during your tenure? Could you share some of the most memorable or successful projects?

It is challenging to choose the most memorable or successful moments and projects, as there have been many.

However, I would highlight three events that exemplify the strong bilateral relations: our collaboration on green hydrogen, the awarding of the international solidarity medal, and the visit of ChileĀ“s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alberto van Klaveren Stork.

As mentions, Chile, with its abundant natural resources capabilities to produce green hydrogen in the mid-term, and the Netherlands with the Port of Rotterdam- one of Europe’s most vital energy hubs- have been working closely as strategic partners. Together, we aim to establish a future green energy corridor. Both countries are deeply committed to green hydrogen as a key driver to accelerate the energy transition and achieve carbon neutrality by 2050.

In another significant initiative, the promotion and defense of democracy and human rights gained special significance in 2023, as we commemorated 50 years since the coup d’Ć©tat in Chile. In recognition of democracy as both a memory and a future commitment, we had the opportunity to present the International Solidarity Medal to 11 Dutch citizens who distinguished themselves through their support for Chilean refugees following the military coup and their dedication to human rights and the restoration of democracy during the dictatorship.

These honorees were selected for their contributions during those years and for representing the wide-ranging assistance provided to thousands of Chileans during that difficult period.

The ceremony was attended by the then Secretary General of the local Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Paul Huijts, who underscored the importance and emotional resonance of this occasion.

Finally, I would like to emphasize the visit of ChileĀ“s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alberto van Klaveren, in December 2023. Visits from the highest authority in our Ministry are always significant. His trip allowed us to engage in productive working meetings with officials of the main international organizations based in The Hague, as well as with his counterpart, former Foreign Affairs Minister, Hanke Bruins-Slot.

This meeting provided an opportunity to review our comprehensive agenda as like-minded nations. It was particularly meaningful for Minister van Klaveren, considering he was born in Amsterdam.

What aspects of Dutch culture have left a lasting impression on you? How has your understanding of Dutch society evolved during your time in the country?

Having been based in The Hague for six years, IĀ“ve had the opportunity to gain a grounded and realistic perspective on Dutch society and culture. Two aspects in particular have left a long-lasting impression. 

The first is the Dutch character. The Dutch are open and friendly, which allows for easy and respectful interactions. They are also straightforward and give a clear message, which reduces the possibility of misunderstandings. I admire their pragmatism; when they see that something does not have much chance of progress, they do not insist and quickly look for an alternative. In contrast, in our region, we tend to be more flexible and persistent in pursuing a goal.

Secondly, Dutch society is remarkably results-oriented, which can be seen in the countryĀ“s structure and organization, from urban planning to daily life, all designed to meet the ongoing challenges posed by nature. It is impressive to see the infrastructure dedicated to this purpose:  cycle paths, railways, bridges, highways, dykes, and more.

Daily life here follows set patterns, from regular mealtimes and family gatherings planned months in advance to productive work routines and social activities after hours., The Dutch also have a unique connection with nature, embracing and integrating it into their lives. In Chile, while we have remarkable natural landscapes, life is generally more city centered. We are gradually shifting in this direction and still have much to learn, but we are on a positive path.

Future and Staying Connected.

As you transition out of your role, are there any specific bilateral projects or initiatives you hope will continue to thrive after your departure?

I am confident that the relationship with the Netherlands will continue to deepen and that the projects IĀ“ve mentioned, such as the green hydrogen initiative, will keep advancing, bringing benefits not only by diversifying the energy matrix but also by positively impacting people and the environment.

Currently, both foreign ministries are working to commemorate 200 years of bilateral relations in 2025. Although I won’t be present, I am certain this event will mark a significant milestone in our historical relationship. The history shared between Chile and the Netherlands, and their ties could be more well-known.

In fact, our history dates back even earlier than 1825, dating to 14 June 1615, when the ships captained by Willem Schouten and Jacobus Le Maire departed from the Port of Texel and arrived months later at what would become known as Cape Horn. This voyage marked a significant achievement in European navigation, opening of an alternative trading route and advancing knowledge of Patagonia.

Over time, our relationship has seen periods of booming bilateral relations and others in which they have been colder and more distant, especially after September 1973. The return of democracy in Chile was celebrated in the Netherlands, and bilateral relations returned to normal. Today, we can say our connection has deepened, incorporating new agenda items and enriched by the presence pf many Chileans who have made their lives here; from Chilean students attending prestigious Dutch universities; and Chilean academics teaching in various institutions. We would like to highlight all this and more on the bicentenary of our bilateral relations

I am confident that my successor will be committed to further strengthening these ties and enhancing Chile’s image in the Netherlands. For this mission, he will have the support of an excellent team of diplomats and professionals at the Embassy, the Consulate General, and ProChile, who have been dedicated and loyal collaborators during my tenure.

Do you have plans to remain involved in Dutch or international affairs, perhaps in other capacities? How do you see your connection with The Hague and the Netherlands evolving in the future?

The conclusion of my posting in the Netherlands is particularly significant for me. First, it marks the end of my mission in the country where I was promoted to Ambassador, undoubtedly the greatest honor and responsibility of my career. Second, at the end of this year, I will conclude 35 years of diplomatic service to my country.

I am gradually coming to terms with the fact that my daily life will change from what it has been for the past 35 years, and that a new chapter begins, full of challenges, in Brussels with my wife, Radka, and my daughters. Life is an adventure, and I am ready to live it.

As for my continued involvement in international affairs, there is one area I am enthusiastic about. I have submitted my candidacy, with the support of Latin America and the Caribbean countries, to serve on the Advisory Committee for the election of Judges of the International Criminal Court, which will be elected at the next Assembly of States Parties Āæthis December. If elected, I hope to contribute my experience to this important work, which will also highlight ChileĀ“s commitment to the International Criminal Court.

Diplomatic Perspectives

As a diplomat, how do you perceive the role of Chile in addressing global challenges such as climate change and economic cooperation?

Chile’s foreign policy operates within an international system and context that inevitably shapes our vision and work efforts. In recent years, global events have influenced how various actors interact within the International System. Given this scenario, ChileĀ“s foreign policy reflects both continuity and change.

Our international strategy is guided by the principle of diversifying our foreign policy to achieve greater international autonomy and thus avoid falling into a relationship of dependence on a particular actor. This position is not new; it has been a fundamental State policy since our return to democracy.

We continue to strengthen our network of trade agreements, which now total 34., connecting to 66 economies, that represent over 88% of the world’s GDP. We value this network and seek to expand it into new areas.

Chile is deeply committed to promoting and protecting human rights, international law, and international humanitarian law while fostering respect for democracy. Our election to the Human Rights Council for the period 2023-2025, with the first regional majority, signifies international confidence in ChileĀ“s activism. We have consistently condemned egregious violations of human rights and international law, regardless of their origin.

Additionally, we have made strides to enhance our foreign policy by incorporating new issues, such as gender inclusion in International Relations, transitioning towards a green and sustainable economy that prioritizes environmental protection and ocean conservation, and taking actions required to mitigate the climate crisis.

Chile is transitioning towards a green and equitable economy, aiming to establish itself as a regional leader in clean energy production, particularly through our abundant natural resources and favorable climatic conditions for producing green hydrogen. We are also promoting lithium on the international stage, another key resource for the global energy transition, where Chile holds some of the largest reserves.

Another crucial aspect of environmental protection is our status as a coastal state, which underscores the importance of oceanic considerations in our foreign policy. In line with our commitment to biodiversity conservation, both on land  and in our marine resources, we have worked to designate large parts of our ocean as protected zones, and we are applying to position Valparaiso as the Secretariat for the Biodiversity Beyond Natural Jurisdiction  (BBNJ).

Chile occupies a unique position within a transitioning international system. We possess valuable minerals now deemed critical, significant advantages in developing green energies, and a resilient institutional framework capable of withstanding abrupt political cycles. Our territory offers natural laboratories for scientific research, requiring the development of scientific diplomacy. With have a strong academic system and infrastructure valuable human resources, and experienced career diplomats, we are well-equipped to contribute to both continuity and change in the global arena.

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