India to become 5th largest economy globally this year

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Also 2nd in APAC region by 2025.

In the picture H.E. Mr. Venu Rajamony, Ambassador of India.
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India is forecast to overtake the UK to become the world’s fifth largest economy this year and projected to
surpass Japan to feature at the second position in the Asia-Pacific region by 2025, IHS Markit said. In a report
on Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his BJP party’s victory in the national elections, it said the economic
outlook “looks positive” for the second term of Modi government, with GDP growth forecast to average around
7 per cent per year over the 2019-2023 period.
“India is forecast to become the world’s fifth largest economy in 2019, reaching a total GDP size exceeding
USD 3 trillion, and overtaking its former colonial ruler, the United Kingdom. By 2025, Indian GDP is also
forecast to surpass Japan, which will make India the second-largest economy in the Asia-Pacific region,” it
said.
As India continues to ascend in the rankings of the world’s largest economies, its contribution to global GDP
growth momentum will also increase. India will also play an increasingly important role as one of the Asia-
Pacific region’s major economic growth engines, helping to drive Asian regional trade and investment
flows.
In Modi’s second term of office, India will continue to confront significant economic challenges. “A key policy priority for the Indian government will be to continue to drive reforms in the public sector banks and reduce the burden of non-performing (or bad) loans on their balance sheets,” IHS said. While manufacturing sector’s share in the GDP is still at 18 per cent against the target of 25 per cent, around 7.5 million persons are projected to join the Indian workforce per year on average over the next two decades. This, IHS said, will create strong pressure on the Modi government to generate sustained rapid employment growth in both the manufacturing and services sectors in order to prevent rising unemployment and underemployment in the Indian labour force. “Moreover, the increase in India’s total population between 2015 and 2050 (by around 265 million) is projected at around 350 million persons, creating significant fiscal challenges for the government in order to deliver adequate physical infrastructure such as electricity, sanitation, affordable housing, and public transport,” it said. Continuing to drive the transformation of India’s industrial sector through ‘Make in India’ strategy will also be a strategic priority, in order to improve manufacturing sector output growth and generate stronger employment growth, it said. “When PM Modi launched the Make in India strategy in 2014, he set a target of increasing the contribution of manufacturing to GDP to 25 per cent. However, by 2018, the manufacturing sector share of GDP is still at 18 per cent, which still leaves a substantial gap to bridge in order to achieve this vision.”
Despite significant achievements in infrastructure development during Modi’s first term, rapid infrastructure development in key sectors such as transport and power infrastructure remain important priorities, as well as reducing the regulatory burden of government red tape. India was ranked 77 out of 190 countries that are included on the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business Index for 2019. “However, although India still lags behind other large emerging markets such as Turkey (43rd), China (46th) and Mexico (54th) on this ranking, India has made remarkable progress in improving its ranking compared with its ranking at 142nd out of 189 countries in the Ease of Doing Business ranking for 2015, which reflected a survey undertaken during the last year of the UPA Congress-led coalition government. “This reflects the considerable efforts made during PM Modi’s first term of office to try to reduce the regulatory burden of the Indian national and state bureaucracies on Indian businesses,” IHS said. IHS said the extent of BJP’s electoral victory was “well beyond market expectations”. “The resounding victory in the Indian national elections of the BJP Party led by Prime Minister Modi, with another large parliamentary majority, will provide continuity of economic policy for India over the next five years. The large parliamentary majority secured by the BJP has avoided the key risk of a weak and fragmented coalition government governing the nation, which could have undermined momentum for further economic reforms,” said IHS Markit’s Asia-Pacific Chief Economist Rajiv Biswas. Stating that Modi and the BJP have achieved steady and robust macroeconomic growth over the past five years, it said the election results signal a strong vote of confidence from the electorate in the party’s economic track record in governing the nation. Since Prime Minister Modi took office in 2014, Indian GDP has increased by 50 per cent, from USD 2 trillion in 2014 to an estimated USD 3 trillion in 2019, a total net increase of USD 1 trillion in GDP in just five years. “The BJP government benefited from the slump in world oil prices during 2014-16, which helped to significantly reduce inflation pressures in India. Falling oil prices also substantially reduced India’s oil import bill, which helped to lower the current account deficit as share of GDP significantly,” it said. A major economic policy reform achieved under Modi’s first term of office was the implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) in 2017 to create a unified single indirect taxation system in India, removing the complex previous system of different state-based indirect taxes which had created significant inefficiencies, such as higher logistics costs, for firms distributing products across state boundaries. The GST will help to reduce logistics costs as well as improving industrial competitiveness for industries. “Nevertheless, India has also faced its fair share of economic challenges during PM Modi’s first term of office, including bad debt problems of the public sector banks as well as economic turbulence during the demonetization episode in 2016,” it said adding overall the BJP has provided a steady hand at the helm of government, delivering five consecutive years of economic stability, with strong growth and moderate inflation.
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Published by IBEF. Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā  Ā Ā IBEF : India Brand Equity Foundation

When does a collector become an art dealer?

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By Reinier W.L. Russell, LL.M. A collector will sometimes sell artworks in order to be able to buy new objects. If this happens a lot, he can be regarded as a an art dealer rather than a consumer. When is that the case? And what are the consequences? To assess whether a person sells an object as an art dealer rather than a private collector, the following, among other things, will be taken into account:
  • Does a person act on behalf of others or for himself?
  • How often does a person sell works of art? Incidentally or structurally?
  • Is profit made and is that the objective?
  • How does a person present himself during sale/purchase?
If an art collector is regarded as an art dealer, he loses the protection he has a consumer. It also means that if he sells art to a consumer, the buyer, on the contrary, can rely on this protection. If a collector is an art dealer consumer protection will no longer apply

Two polo players

This is clear from a recent judgement of the Mid-Netherlands District Court. What was the case about? The parties had concluded an oral agreement for the sale of two statuettes of polo players from the Tang Dynasty for the amount of € 250,000. 16Ā days later, the buyer announced that he wanted to refrain from the purchase. The seller did not agree. Among other things, he had already made commitments with an intermediary in Hongkong who tried to sell the statues on behalf of the owner. Therefore, he could not reverse the sale. Since he needed the money badly, he was not able to advance the amount and to look for a different buyer. However, the buyer refused to pay the purchase price and to take the statues.

Consumer or dealer?

The seller took the case to court and demanded that the contract of sale would still be executed. The buyer defended himself with the statement that he had dissolved the contract in accordance with consumer law. The first question the court had to answer was therefore: Is consumer law applicable? Is the seller a professional art dealer? The seller claimed that he was a collector who incidentally sold a work of art. He did so as a private individual, clearly separated from his company accounts. The Court disagreed with him. In this case, he had sold two works of art that did not belong to him. He himself had written to have consignment of the statues. In addition, it turned out that he regularly sold works of art. He made money out of it, too. And though it was not his main profession, it was clearly more than a hobby. A side activity can also be exercised professionally. After all, the seller had presented himself as a person with long-standing connections in the art trade.

Reflection period for consumer

Consumer law was applicable and thus the statutory reflection period of 14 days upon concluding the sales agreement. As the collector had not considered himself to be a dealer, the consumer buyer had not been made aware of the reflection period, which was consequently automatically extended by one year. Therefore, the purchase had been validly dissolved after 16 days.

More information

Do you sometimes sell a work of art from your collection or do you buy art from a collector and would you like to know what your rights are? Or do you have any other questions concerning art sale and purchase? Please contact us.
About the author:Ā 
Reinier W.L. Russell, LL.M.: Reinier Russell advises national and international businesses on all facets of their day-to-day business operations. He has a broad range of specializations in questions regarding businesses, personnel, real estate, and government. He has been a lawyer since 1990. In addition, Reinier is certified as a mediator.@: reinier.russell@russell.nl t: +31 20 301 55 55

Malaysia – Tomorrowland of Yesterday

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By Prof. Murray Hunter.

Love him or hate him, Mahathir Mohamed during his first stint as prime minister was able to instill a great sense of national pride and unity.

Mahathir went on a massive infrastructure drive. Most Malaysians were proud of the Penang Bridge that finally linked the island with the mainland. The North-South Highway project changed the nature of commuting up and down the peninsula. Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA) was built and the development of Putra Jaya gave the country a new seat of administration.

Mahathir’s fait accompli was the building of the KLCC towers in central Kuala Lumpur, which were the tallest in the world at the time. These buildings are now the country’s major icon. Langkawi became a must holiday place for Malaysians. He brought elite Formula One motor racing and built a special purpose circuit for the event. He promoted the Tour de Langkawi as a local version of the Tour de France. He spared no expense on building massive new sporting complexes at Bukit Jalil to host the Commonwealth Games in 1998.

When the member nations of ASEAN abandoned the idea to build a regional car, Mahathir went alone, picking up old technology from Mitsubishi, creating the Proton Saga for better or worse although the national car project has been roundly criticized for losing hundreds of millions of dollars and costing more in terms of consumer lost opportunity.  

Nonetheless, Malaysia became an Asian Tiger and Mahathir himself became an outspoken leader internationally. The country was proud of what it had achieved.  He knew the value of national symbols. The slogan Malaysia Boleh (Malaysia Can) was often heard along with the waving of the Jalur Gemilang (stripes of glory – Malaysian Flag) at public displays of national pride and unity.

The Barisan Nasional was a working government coalition that symbolized national unity through the make-up of the cabinet and its true multi-ethnic flavor. Ministers like Samy Vellu from the Malaysian India Congress and Ling Liong Sik from the Malaysian Chinese Association had high public profiles.

Although Mahathir was labeled as an ultra-conservative Malay, he worked with anyone who could help him fulfil his vision. Businessmen like Vincent Tan, Robert Kuok, Lim Goh Tong, Ananda Krishnan, and Tony Fernandez all had very close relationships with Mahathir. Malaysia Inc. was more important to Mahathir than Malay supremacy.

That’s now 30 years ago. The prime casualty has been national pride and unity. The generally positive perception of the Mahathir era drastically changed when he abruptly sacked his deputy Anwar Ibrahim from office in 1998. The accusations and conviction of Anwar for sodomy polarized the population. The goodwill that Mahathir had built up over more than 25 years in public life was put into question.

Although it was his intention to eliminate his nemesis Anwar from politics, he made sodomy a household word in a conservative society, taking luster away from his legacy.  He was painted by the Anwar propaganda machine and the alternative media as a tyrant with millions of dollars hidden away in foreign banks. In addition, two years of headlines and court reports about Anwar’s sodomy trial took away a sense of innocence, showing Malaysia’s ā€˜dark side’ with TV pictures showing a stained mattress being carted into and out of court every day on which Anwar was convicted of performing sodomy.

Under weak successors, belief in government further faltered. Respect for national leaders took another hit with Mahathir’s successor Ahmad Badawi painted as someone who slept on the job and enjoyed a luxurious lifestyle while many suffered economically. Badawi was painted by the PKR propaganda machine as corrupt. The dealings of his son-in-law and political adviser Khairy Jamaluddin were portrayed as corrupt nepotism.

Mahathir engineered an ungraceful exit for Badawi, replacing him with Najib Razak in 2009. The Najib premiership was tainted from the outset with rumors of murder and corruption. Najib’s wife Rosmah also became an object of ridicule, bringing respect for the institution of government to an all-time low.

However, it’s not just the corruption of politicians that destroyed respect for Malaysian institutions. The rakyat (people) have always wanted to believe in royalty. Even with stories about royal misdoings, there is no real talk of abolishing the monarchy. Whenever a member of one of the royal families acts in the interests of the rakyat, there has always been public praise and support. However, when members of a royal family act against the interests of the rakyat, the social media react.

Stories have been circulating for years about the misdeeds of Johor Royal Family. The current spat between Tunku Ismail, the Johor Crown Prince, commonly known as TMJ and Mahathir is extremely damaging for the royal institutions. Only the sedition act, a de facto lese-majeste law, is protecting the institution from much wider criticism.

Royal decorations and titles, VVIP service in government offices and special treatment for some citizens over others, shows a muddled Malaysia still clinging to the vestiges of feudalism. These artefacts are doing nothing to unite the country, a hangover from the old days of colonial class distinction.

However, the most powerful source of destruction for national pride and unity is the ketuanan Melayu (Malay Superiority) narrative which has become much more extreme. One of the basic assumptions is that bumiputeras — indigenous peoples – are the rightful owners of the land. From the point of view of the ketuanan proponents, land is not seen as a national symbol and non-Malays are excluded. This is a great barrier to developing any sense of national pride and unity.

The gulf between Malay and non-Malay has widened dramatically over the last two generations as Islam has grown into a major aspect of Malay identity. Citizens once celebrated their diverse ethnicities in harmony. Decrees made in the name of Islam now discourage this. No longer are Hari Raya, Chinese New Year, Deepavali and Christmas shared Malaysian experiences.

The way of life has become Islamized to the point where there is little place for other religions and traditions. Food, dress codes, entertainment, education, the civil service, government, police and the military are all Islamized.

Shared apprehensions about what Malaysia will be have caused the Chinese to close ranks. The influence of Ketuanan Melayu in government policy excludes non-Malay participation in many fields like education, civil service and the military, etc. The younger generation of Chinese today tend to see themselves as Chinese first and Malaysians second. Chinese schools promote language and a strong sense of Chinese culture over a Malaysian identity as a mass defence mechanism.

The New Economic Policy, put in place in 1969 after disastrous race riots as an affirmative action program for the majority Malays, has also done a disservice to those it was designed to help. The thesis of Mahathir’s book The Malay Dilemma was that Malays were basically lazy and needed help from the government is the faulty grounding assumption. The NEP is actually an attack on Malay self-esteem.

Rather than offering something spiritual, Islam has become a doctrine of conformity, where particular rights and rituals must legally be adhered to. Failure to do so in the case of not fasting during Ramadan can lead to punitive legal action.  Any views outside narrow social norms lead to heavy criticism. Just recently the Islamic authorities (JAKIM) in Selangor started investigating a discussion forum on women’s choice about wearing the hijab. Not just freedom of discussion is stifled, but also the right to be creative.  

Islam has buried the principles of Rukun Negara (national principles), the supposed guiding philosophy of the nation. Rukun Negara was once a symbol of national pride and unity but has almost totally been replaced by a Doa (or prayer) before public events. A sense of nation has been sacrificed for the Islamization of public gatherings. As dr. Djawed Sangdel excellently explained in his 5Es general developmental theory for XXI century, ā€œsocial consensus makes or breaks nationā€. 

Today we see much less flag-waving during the Merdeka season. There are more divisional narratives on all ethnic sides. There is disappointment with the political system. Islam is seen by many as something overpowering rather than emancipating. People feel they need to conform to be accepted in society.

National pride and unity are at their lowest ebb since independence, where after 30 years of education the younger generations of Malays see Islam as more important than nationalism. Chinese and Indians are apprehensive about what Malaysia is turning into. Even the Orang Asli – the original inhabitants of the peninsula before the arrival of ethnic Malays from Indonesia — and non-Muslim indigenous people of Sabah and Sarawak identify as second-class.

Malaysia has travelled far away from the aspirations of Tunku Abdul Rahman when the Jalur Gemilang was raised for the first time over a free Malaya in 1957. Malaysia’s economic prosperity is relatively declining in the region and the nation is increasingly strangled by the need to conform. Malaysia appears to be a ship without a rudder, its reform agenda locked away under the Official Secrets Act.

The possibility of racial violence festering once again cannot be overlooked. Divisive narratives are being pushed until one day an unknown tipping point could be reached. The strong sense of social conformity, the exclusion of a national sense of ownership to all, the current totalitarian nature of authority and ketuanan Melayu narratives are a very dangerous mix.  

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A out the author: Prof. Murray Hunter is an Australian scholar and prolific writer. A long time Asian affairs insider, he is author of several books for US publishers. 

Current geopolitical developments between reality and emotions

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Motto: “It has been a long time since this thought crossed my mind that armies without a uniform are haunting Europe”.

Mircea Diaconu – Romanian European MP

By Corneliu Pivariu.

 The second quarter of 2019 which has just come to an end was characterised by outstanding geopolitical developments which will influence the future of international relations and tensions/conflicts within the reordering of the new poles of world and regional power as well as the further development of the globalisation process.

We are witnessing the development of more recent forms and methods than we used to encounter in the lap of time up to the end of the XXth century for securing the implementation of a new world order and the further development of the globalisation process, activities in which states do not play a permanent and crucial role any longer,  where supranational entities are more and more manifest as important players in the new evolution of the global and regional geopolitical situation.

Therefore, to this purpose certain topics highly popular among the masses of people are being used such as fighting corruption, the rule of law (a definition which hasn’t been agreed upon unanimously even within the European Union as well as the use of the justice system for reaching certain political objectives), minorities’ rights (which are pushed  that far as to become so positively discriminated to offend majority’s fundamental rights), migration, the manipulation of educational system for settling it on other bases aimed at levelling the populations without taking into account their history, traditions or other perrenial values of mankind, applying double standards, the employment of a vast network of NGOs, established in the course of time for attaining aims others than initially declared, the use of social platforms and developing means of communication to stir emotions to replace the truth up to the attainment of the set objectives etc.

A excellent brief review of the current situation was made up by  prof. Anis Bajrektarevic: “economic downturn; recession of plans and initiatives; systematically ignored calls for a fiscal and monetary justice for all; Euro crisis; Brexit and irredentism in the UK, Spain, Belgium, France, Denmark and Italy; lasting instability in the Euro-Med theatre (debt crisis in the Europe’s south – countries scrutinized and ridiculed under the nick-name PIGS, coupled with the failed states all over MENA); terrorism; historic low with Russia along with a historic trans-Atlantic blow with Trump; influx of predominantly Muslim refugees from Levant in numbers and configurations unprecedented since WWII exodus; consequential growth of far-right parties who – by peddling reductive messages and comparisons – are exploiting fears of otherness, that are now amplified with already urging labor and social justice concerns; generational unemployment and socio-cultural anxieties, in the ricochet of the Sino-US trade wars… The very fundaments of Europe are shaking”.

Fighting corruption is a noble goal yet when it is diverted towards political and economic purposes it loses its virtues of redressing society and becomes a formidable weapon in achieving other ends. Actually, it seems that the most hunted for are the corrupt and not the corrupters too often being forgotten the fact that there are no corrupt without corrupters. According to some public data, first rated companies in countries such as the US, France, Germany, Holland, Sweden, Belgium, Luxembourg, Switzerland, etc, affect tens of the world states where in order to get financial benefits of billions of dollars they offer bribes. Only the fines applied to the companies of the said countries sum up to almost 11 billion dollars to say nothing of the penalties of some other tens of thousands of dollars imposed on some wellknown banks in these countries and this is just the tip of the iceberg. Leading banks in Europe have been found laundering hundreds of thousands of dollars for Russia during the last approximately ten years only.

Over recent decades the scope and role of the financial system changed substantially as it grew more rapidly and brought bigger profits than in other fields. In the US only, finance’s share of GDP grew from 14% to 21% between 1960 and 2017, while manufacturing’s fell from 27% to 11% and trade’s declined from 17% to 12%. The financial sector is twice as large as trade and manufacturing sectors. 

During 1960-2017, finance almost doubled its profits, from 17% to 30% of total domestic corporate profits, while manufacturing’s share shrank by almost two thirds, from 49% to 17%.   

Thus, recent technological, ideological, institutional  and political changes have drastically transformed finance, enabling it to penetrate and influence all spheres of social life, so that  the experts in the field consider financialization as the new avatar of today’s world. 

In relation to migration, the theories launched since 2000s concerning the necessity of a mass migration in order to replace the aging population and to secure the workforce needed by European economies, are confirmed by a 2018 World Health Organisation study which revealed that the total number of migrants in certain European countries is 3-4 times larger than the official figures. They would represent around 10% of Europe’s current population, namely roughly 91 million people, most of them in France – 7.9 million (12.2%), Germany – 12.1 million (14.8%), Spain – 5.9 million (12.8%), Holland – 2 million (12.1%), Sweden – 1.7 million (17.6%), Switzerland – 2.4 million (29.6%).

As regards their integration into society, things are completely different to the way they are disclosed publicly. Whether over the previous decades the new comers sought, for the most part, to adjust and adapt to the European way of life, the massive groups of migrants haven’t got  the slightest intention to integrate themselves; on the contrary, and the examples presented by independent media are quite frequent. Does Germany agree with poligamy if it accepts Muslim refugees who brought with them their wives and children to whom all prerequisites are granted, including financial means of living, in order to settle there, even if they are not showing the slightest intention they want to integrate into society and have a job?

Under the complex circumstances of the current developments of the international situation, the 67th annual reunion of The Bilderberg Group took place in Montreux, Switzerland, between May 30th and June 2nd, 2019, and was attended by around 130 invitees from 23 countries. The Bilderberg  Group was established in 1954 to foster dialogue between Europe and North America and brings together political leaders, experts in sectors such as industry, finance, media, military, academics. Roughly two thirds of the invitees are coming from Europe (the easternmost countries represented are Turkey, Romania, Bulgaria, Finland, Estonia) and one third from North America. Around 25% of them are political and government personalities and 75% from other sectors. This year, the USA had 34 representatives, Great Britain – 12, France – 8, Germany – 8, Turkey – 5, Bulgaria – 1. No Romanian representative participated.

Among the 13 main topics we notice: A stable strategic order; What comes next for Europe? (Brexit was a separate topic); The future of capitalism; Climatic changes; China; Russia; The ethics of Artificial Intelligence.

In an analysis devoted to the 2019 reunion, International Policy Digest mentioned that one of the best characterisation of the Bilderberg Group could be a quotation from Joseph Stiglitz: “The ones at the top learned how to extort money from the rest of the world in a way the rest of the world was not aware. That’s their true innovation. Policy is the one which sets the rules of the market, yet policy was monopolized by the financial elites who filled their pockets.” 

It seems that among the topics discussed was the one concerned with securing that the chancellor position  after Angela Merkel’s will be transfered to Annegret Kramp Karrenbauer  (known under the acronym  of AKK). We do not rule out that the future leadership of the European Union, which will be voted by the middle of this month, has been decided on that occasion, too. Let us not forget that Ursula von der Leyen, intended to be Jean Claude Junker’s successor as president of the European Commission, is a member of the Bilderberg Group (she attended this year’s reunion). Her nomination stirred a huge wave of discontent in Germany and a recent poll shows that 53% of Germany’s population opposes her appointment, and president Junker considered that her nomination was made in a non transparent way.

The current German minister of Defense, Ursula von der Leyen, is known as an advocate of setting up an European Army and in a recent interview to Der Spiegel she called for the establishment of an European super-state: “My goal is (the achievement of) the United States of Europe”… At the same time, the Belgian prime minister, Charles Michel, nominated to become the next president of the European Council, declared that the east-European countries opposed to taking over migrants should lose certain of their rights as full members of the Union. Even if all four nominees for key positions of the EU are known as advocates of federalising Europe, their task is by no means simple and easy and their being chosed exclusively from the western countries draws another thick line in Europe where the new eastern members are left on the second or third row.

A multi-speed Europe is a reality, not a project, yet the dreamed for achievement of the United States of Europe cannot be reached through discriminating treatments. The declaration of a very important Dutch businessman who said enough time ago that the future of Europe is a union of 75 states having 5 to 10 million inhabitants each is still worrying. It seems that the dictum  divide et impera found a new application…

Divided by internal conflicts, the EU is not in a position to retrieve the cohesion and consistency of a long term strategic thinking and is losing – at least at the present moment  – the fight for the deserved place in the world hierarchy. Experimenting in Europe, before spreading globally, the uniformity of the populations, erasing the peculiarities of nations and abolishing national borders is presumably wished for in the most secret labs of globalisation. If this test would succeed in Europe, it has chances of success globally.

This is still far from being achieved even if different armies without a uniform are wandering all over Europe, if those who want this globalisation for their own benefit and not for the benefit of the entire society have enormous financial means, even if social engineering and Man 2.0 are looming in Silicon Valley. What does not kill us makes us stronger.

About the author:

Corneliu Pivariu. Photographer: Ionus Paraschiv.
Corneliu Pivariu. Photographer: Ionus Paraschiv.

Corneliu Pivariu Military Intelligence and International Relations Senior Expert

A highly decorated retired two-star general of the Romanian army, during two decades he has led one of the most influential magazines on geopolitics and international relations in Eastern Europe, the bilingual journal Geostrategic Pulse.


Sensation of Financialization

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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram, Dr Michael Lim Mah Hui

Over recent decades, the scope, size, concentration, power and even the purpose and role of finance have changed so significantly that a new term, financialization, was coined to name this phenomenon.Ā 

Financialization refers to a process that has not only transformed finance itself, but also, the real economy and society. The transformation goes beyond the quantitative to involve qualitative change as finance becomes dominant, instead of serving the needs of the real economy.

Financialization involves the growth and transformation of finance such that with its hugely expanded size, scope and concentration, finance now overshadows, dominates and destabilizes the productive economy.Ā 

The role and purpose of finance has been qualitatively transformed. Finance used to profit from serving production and trade. Traditionally, financing production involved providing funds for manufacturers to finance production, and for traders to buy and sell.

Financialization, on the other hand, turns every imaginable product or service into financial commodities or services to be traded, often for speculation. Instead of seeking profits by financing the productive economy and trade, finance is now more focused on extracting rents from the economy.Ā 

Finance is hegemonic, dominating all of society without appearing to do so, transforming more and more things into financial products and services to be traded and sold. But financialization could not have happened on its own.Ā 

Its nature and pace have been enabled and shaped by ideological, legal, institutional and deliberate policy and regulatory changes. Regulatory authorities, both national and international, can barely keep up with its transformative consequences.Ā 

Size matters

One aspect of financialization refers to the size of finance relative to the whole economy, with the financial sector growing faster and securing more profit than other sectors. The simplest and most popular measure of finance uses national income accounts for ā€˜finance, insurance and real estate’ (FIRE).Ā 

In the US, finance’s share of GDP grew from 14% to 21% between 1960 and 2017, while manufacturing’s fell from 27% to 11%, and trade’s declined from 17% to 12%. The financial sector is almost twice as large as both trade and manufacturing sectors.Ā 

The growth of shadow banking, referring to activities similar to traditional banking undertaken by non-bank financial institutions that are not regulated as banks, is a growing and significant source of credit and accounts for much of the growth of finance.Ā 

Such institutions include hedge funds, private equity funds, mortgage lenders, money market funds and insurance companies. These financial institutions, including traditional banks, have used securitization, ā€˜off-balance sheet’ derivative positions and leverage to create, manage and trade securities and derivatives, ballooning its business volume.Ā 

With heightened concerns about growing financial fragility, more sophisticated measures have been introduced to estimate ā€˜shadow banking’. Most country-level measures show shadow banking increasing rapidly before, and more worryingly, after the 2008-2009 global financial crisis!

At the same time, finance has also secured the most gains in the US, taking advantage of the sector’s ability to leverage more than non-financial corporations, engaging in financial innovations and trading complex and opaque products netting super profits.Ā 

During 1960-2017, finance almost doubled its profits, from 17% to 30% of total domestic corporate profits, while manufacturing’s share shrank by almost two thirds from 49% to 17%.Ā 

Jim Reid of Deutsche Bank estimated that that the US financial sector made around US$1.2 trillion (US$1,200 billion) in ā€˜excess profits’, relative to the previous mean, in the decade before the 2008 global financial crisis.Ā 

Jomo Kwame Sundaram_copyrights author.

Greater concentrationĀ 

There are contrasting views of whether bank concentration leads to greater or less financial stability. But size certainly does not guarantee either good banking practices or financial stability.Ā 

In fact, the global financial crisis suggests that the “too big to fail” syndrome encouraged moral hazard. Big banks take on excessive risk as they believe they have a safety net — governments will bail them out to prevent a financial system collapse.Ā 

Over the years, US banking has become more concentrated. This accelerated with the abolition of the Glass-Steagall Act and its replacement with the Graham-Leah-Bliley Act in 1999 which saw the creation of universal bank behemoths combining commercial and investment banking activities.

The top five banks in 1990 held less than 10% of total bank assets; by 2007, they had 44%. Seven years after the 2008-2009 Global Financial Crisis, the US banking industry is just as concentrated, with the top five banks – JP Morgan Chase, Bank of America, Wells Fargo, Citibank and US Bancorp – holding US$7 trillion, or 44% of total bank assets.Ā 

Meanwhile, asset management is even more concentrated than banking. Together, the ā€˜Big Three’ – Blackrock, Vanguard and State Street – are the largest shareholders in four-fifths of listed US corporations, managing nearly US$11 trillion, thrice the worth of global hedge funds. Such asset management relies on banks for leveraged access to financial markets.Ā 

Undoubtedly, many regulators have replaced previously weak regulation, which failed to check spreading systemic risk before the 2008-2009 global financial crisis, with new rules. But these do not seem to have effectively checked more recent abusive practices.Ā 

ā€œMoney is what powers economyā€ – as professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic writes – ā€œbut our blind faith in (constructed) tomorrows and its alleged certainty is what empowers money.ā€ Recent technological, ideological, institutional and political changes have drastically transformed finance, enabling it to penetrate and dominate all spheres of life such that financialization is the new avatar.Ā 

About the authors:

Jomo Kwame Sundaram, a former economics professor, was United Nations Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development, and received the Wassily Leontief Prize for Advancing the Frontiers of Economic Thought.

Dr Michael LIM Mah Hui has been a university professor and banker, in the private sector and with the Asian Development Bank.Ā 

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Photography by PNG

Viet Nam’s membership in the United Nations Security Council for the term 2020-2021

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A new milestone in Multilateral Diplomacy of the country

In the picture H.E. Mrs. Ngo Thi Hoa, Ambassador of Viet Nam.

By H.E. Mrs. Ngo Thi Hoa, Ambassador of Viet Nam to the Netherlands.

Over the past years, following the foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, multilateralization and diversification of foreign relations, and active international integration, Viet Nam has attached great importance to the work of multilateral mechanisms. Today, Viet Nam enjoys free trading relations with nearly 60 major countries and partners in the world as a result of its membership of 16 Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), some of which are in the final stage of negotiations.

We have actively participated in the United Nations (UN), the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and Mekong sub-regional mechanisms, among others. Most recently, Viet Nam successfully hosted the 2017 APEC Year, the 132th Inter-Parliamentary Union General Assembly, the 2018 World Economic Forum on ASEAN, the 6th Greater Mekong Sub-region Cooperation Summit, and will be assuming the ASEAN Chairmanship in 2020.

Regarding the UN – the world’s largest international organization and the coordinator of international efforts to respond to global challenges, forty two years since becoming a member (1977 until now), Viet Nam has played its proactive and responsible role, making effective contributions to all fundamental pillars of the UN. Some milestones can be highlighted in many areas:Ā 

As a member of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) in 1998, Viet Nam was one of the first countries to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) in 1996, joined the Disarmament Conference (DC) as a member; involved in the preparations for major UN conferences, such as the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference, the Conference on Illicit Trade in Small Arms, among others. The country was a signatory to many international treaties initiated by the UN and has successfully assumed its membership in many UN subsidiary organs, including the UN Security Council (UNSC; 2008-2009), the Human Rights Council (2014-2016) and the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC; 2016-2018). Since 2014, Viet Nam has sent its officers to UN peacekeeping missions in Africa and deployed level-two field hospitals in South Sudan.

With high sense of responsibility for the UN reforms, we have been one of pilot countries to implement the “One UN” model, successful lessons of which were subsequently applied in many other countries. Viet Nam has been also referred to as a typical example of efficiently using development assistance, and as a leading country in achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and now the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).Ā 

In a practical effort to contribute to sustainable peace and security, since 2009, Viet Nam has presented its candidature for non-permanent membership of the UNSC for the term 2020-2021. At the plenary session of the UN General Assembly on 7 June 2019 in New York, together with 4 other countries (namely Estonia, Niger, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Tunisia), Viet Nam was elected a non-permanent member of the UNSC for the term 2020-2021 with 192 concurring votes out of the 193 member countries and territories of the UN. The result represented a record, with the landslide one of the largest in the history of the Organization.

Vietnam’s upcoming term in the UNSC will be the second afterĀ its successful one in the Council inĀ 2008-2009, during which the country’s contributions and performance of the duties have been widely recognised and appreciated. This important milestone reflects the international community’s confidence in Vietnam’s growing stature and capabilities to contribute to multilateral affairs. With the keynote message ā€œPartnership for Sustainable Peaceā€, Vietnam’s priorities during the forthcoming term in the UNSC will be:

(i) Conflict prevention, preventive diplomacy, peaceful settlement of disputes and the strengthened implementation of Chapter VI of the Charter;

H.E. Mrs. Ngo Thi Hoa, Ambassador of Viet Nam.

(ii) Improving the methods of work of the UNSC; enhancing engagement with regional arrangements in the maintenance of international peace and security, in accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter;

(iii) Protection of civilians and critical civilian infrastructure in armed conflict;

(iv) Women, peace and security and children and armed conflict;

(v) Addressing the aftermaths of armed conflicts, including threats to civilian populations posed by landmines and explosive remnants of war;

(vi) UN peacekeeping operations;

(vii) Impact of climate change on peace and security.

We look forward to working constructively with all countries and partners to achieve the goals, mandates and duties of the UN in general and the UNSC in particular, thereby contributing to common endeavours of the mankind towards a world of peace, security and development./.

A straw that breaks a camel’s back: how China opposes the United States in a trade war

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By Vitaliy Timoschuk.Ā 
Earlier in Kazakhstan there was quite an interesting and rigid custom. If there were two applicants for the bride, they would take whips and beat each other in turn, until one of them refused the contest or fell down. This long-standing custom is very much like the battle between the United States and China over European trade markets. In the spring, the parties failed to conclude a trade agreement, which led to another round of mutual sanctions and only developed a trade standoff. So, Washington raised up to 25% the duty on importing goods from China in the amount of $ 200 billion and intends to introduce similar tariffs on other products for another $ 325 billion. Beijing, in response, announced the introduction of a duty of 25% from June 1 on goods imported from the US volume of $ 60 billion. And this measure will affect the American LNG. The leading Chinese edition The Global Times has published Beijing’s possible retaliatory actions against Washington, which may turn out to be “a straw that will break the camel’s back.” Among possible responses, blocking the access of US companies to the Chinese market, imposing a ban on the supply of rare earth metals to the US and using a portfolio of US government bonds are indicated. The ban on the access of American companies to the Chinese market is unlikely to cause irreparable economic damage. But it will definitely affect the image. This measure will give American lobbyists an additional reason to take up arms against Donald Trump, which he hardly wants because of the upcoming presidential elections. Analysts say that Asia accounts for about 14% of the sales of large American companies. Therefore, such a move of the Chinese will not exactly be catastrophic for America as a whole, but may concern a number of medium-sized firms, for which China is the only point of sales. But the fact that China is a source of cheap labor will definitely harm and affect the rise in prices and lower competitiveness of American products. In thia area China could be replaced by Thailand or other countries, but this is not firstly fast, and secondly, Trump is at war with everyone. If the ban on the access of American companies to the Chinese market is more likely to be a political step, then the introduction of a ban on the supply of rare earth metals in the United States will very seriously affect American manufacturers of electronics and high-tech goods. Because rare earth metals are used in the basis of any microcircuits. Indirectly, Trump recognized dependence on China in this area, because Washington has suspended the introduction of additional duties on rare earth metals from China. At the same time, it is impossible to impose sanctions only on American companies, since they will conduct purchases through partners from other countries. And the introduction of restrictions for all will also affect European companies, which will lead to retaliatory sanctions of the European Union. This is especially relevant in the context of the Chinese-American struggle for European markets. And the Chinese have called the sale of the existing portfolio of US government bonds the final argument of the Doomsday Day. And the amount is huge. According to the Global Times, China bought US debts during the 2008 crisis, thereby helping to stabilize the US economy. The total amount of US Treasury bonds bought out by China is more than one trillion dollars. And if you use this tool at the time of the next crisis in the US stock market, then the effect of it will be maximum.
In aggregate, it is worth noting that Beijing soberly assesses its chances. China realizes that the US is currently stronger and has the initiative in a trade war. At the same time, the Chinese side emphasizes that it does not intend to give up and is ready to “endure the pain in order to teach the USA a lesson.” Despite the fact that the dollar is the main currency in the conduct of world trade calculations, as well as on the colossal ambitions of the United States, China has shown that it is fully capable of resisting America in a trade war.
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Image by Gino Crescoli from Pixabay

What is a track 1.5 Diplomat?

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By Barrington Roy Schiller The term Private Military Contractor is well known in the modern world but the existence of Private Diplomatic Contractors is less known Perhaps the most famous werethe united states ex-Presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton after they left office. Private diplomatic contractors engage in Ā Track 1.5 diplomacy which is a type of ā€œsoft diplomacyā€ not to be confused with ā€œsoft powerā€. For the purpose of this article State with a capital S, is synonymous with Country whereas sate with a small s refers to a smaller self-governing part of a Country. The diplomats operate more like envoys and more covertly than in other diplomacy tracks to make approaches of possible official Track one and track two diplomatic negotiations. These covert approaches enable the official State governments to retain plausible deniability until such time as both sides are in a position to confirm their official interest in negotiating without a loss of ā€œfaceā€. (Officially State governments do not negotiate with terrorists and do not have diplomatic relations with all or enemy nations). The track 1.5 diplomat will therefore often use a cover story with the real purpose of their approaches only being known to the intelligence service of the Contracting State or actor. This is particularly useful in hostage negotiations, with rebel organizations and between States which have no formal track 1 diplomatic relations. Diplomacy is divided into tracks and like all tools, each has its strengths and weaknesses. Track 1Ā is what springs to mind when Diplomacy is talked of in the media i.e. mutually recognised individuals representing and practising the official foreign policy from States which are signatories to the Westphalian State Sovereignty System and it has a certain protocol regarding formal governmental contact. As well as States, other recognized track one actors are the Vatican, the Arab League, the United Nations, the African Union, the OAS and a host of other political and regional groupings like the EU. However, politics is unforgiving and mistakes not tolerated by the electorate creating a need for others to take the fall when inevitably such failures do occur. This creates a need for track 1.5 diplomats. Track one Diplomats (Ambassadors) are employed and appointed by their relevant States’ party political government of the day and they are supported by a host of civil servants, heads of states with their families albeit that the latter hardly constitute track 1 diplomacy b is the perfect example of soft diplomacy. The track one diplomats negotiate international treaties with all the backing and resources of their State/Country/Nation and they have the power to enforce those treaties with the threat of military force if necessary and with all the knowledge of their country’s Intelligence Services but it is done in the full glare of the media so covert actions and arranging backchannels is almost impossible. Their work, however, is aimed solely at promoting their governments’ best interests first and getting re-elected so a better world for humanity or the interests of the political opposition plays a far lesser role. They need to play the gallery of their base of those who elect them.Ā  The Embassies they work out of abroad are also risk-averse so when the going gets tough, the track one diplomats get going and head for home exactly at the time when they could be of the most use leaving those domestic employees who are not already working for their birth country to fend for themselves. The same applies when a general election or some other factor causes a change in government and possibly a change in foreign policy. Track 2 When INGOs (International non-governmental organizations) and NGOs air their views and promote their civil society aims this ā€œunofficial, informal interaction between members of adversary groups or nations that aim to develop strategies, to influence public opinion, organize human and material resources in ways that might help resolve conflictā€ is referred to as track 2 diplomacy. Such organisations usually have a specific agenda or cause when dealing with humanitarian matters and conflict resolution. Track Two Diplomacy is intended to provide a bridge or complement official Track One negotiations (Nan, 2004; Agha, Feldman, Khalidi, Schiff, 2003). However, there is little evidence of this and it most certainly cannot be seen as a substitute for track 1. That being said their highlighting the plight of those in danger or in need can indeed raise awareness amongst the electorate whereby the government of the day is forced to take track one action INGOs and NGOs do not have to consider an electorate so have the advantage of only having to pursue their own agenda and their members’donations without the complications of bipartisan politics and electoral cycles but this means that they are seldom going to directly affect foreign policy even though they enable their grassroots members to have a say. Ā In conflict track 2 is, therefore, more of a reaction and damage limitation tool than a strategic action negotiation tool and any results can take a long time to be seen and have minimal effect especially during the hot war phase of a conflict where they initially aim to save lives then rebuild the communities, the systems and implement projects to fight poverty and corruption while the track one diplomats focus more on nation-building. As civil society has less influence in illiberal and authoritarian democracies track 2 is generally not recognised as being very valuable, tends to be frowned upon and considered more as an interfering western liberal invention tool. In International relations, therefore, both tracks of traditional Diplomacy have their limitations leaving a vacuum for some troubleshooting and problem-solving tasks which governments and their Intelligence Services are not suitable to be engaged in.Ā  To do this ā€œexceptional individualsā€are often called upon to bridge the gaps. These individuals come from all walks of life but often retired statesmen, track one diplomats, politicians, business leaders or religious leaders tend to have the necessary skills and the time to be of use to the global community and their State. In some cases, therefore, such professional private contractors are called in based upon their life and career experience. Track One and a Half Diplomacy There are many false definitions of the elusive track one and a half diplomacy with most being written by academics with no experience and they portray it as viewed from the outside. In my experience as a practitioner, track, one and a half diplomacy can be defined as ā€œAn overt or covert interaction or negotiation, discretely sanctioned by one State leader, government, NGO or INGO to achieve mutually beneficial aims where other diplomacy tracks are limited, initiated and initially mediated by a private individual enabling plausible deniability to achieve ripeness for a solution and as a precursor to track one or two diplomacy.Ā  Barrington Roy Schiller, 2019. Some academics believe track 1.5 diplomacy to be hybrid diplomacy because the initial appointment can be instigated either by typical track one or track 2 actors or be a bridge between track 1 and track 2.Ā  There is however abundant evidence of track 1.5 existing in its own right as a precursor for both other tracks. This enables the track 1.5 diplomats to take on the persona of either track where necessary and use the tools of either track. However, track 1.5 is neither track 1 nor track 2. The diplomats have no authority in their own right to sign any agreements on behalf of those appointing them. There are many examples of track 1.5 individuals acting on their own behalf and a good example of this is Former President Carter with the Carter centre whose own humanitarian beliefs led him to get involved in ethnic and International Conflicts in typical track 1.5 mode. In 2007 the British entrepreneur and the British musician Peter Gabriel took track 1.5 to the next level and together with Nelson Mandela formed a group of influential individuals, the EldersĀ  https://www.theelders.org.Ā  Their focus was on promoting global governance and leadership, the causes and consequences of Conflict, Inequality, Exclusion and injustice.Ā Ā Ā  Other members of the Elders have been Desmond Tutu, Lakhdar Brahimi, Kofi Annan and Graca Machel, the wife of Nelson Mandela. However, now that the Elders are organised and self appointing and following their own agenda with their own funds they have, in my opinionnow switched to practising track 2 diplomacy and no longer track 1.5. as is the Carter Center which continues the work of ex-president Jimmy Carter as opposed to when he acted with Colin Powell on behalf of the U.S government to intervene and hinder an impending military conflict with Haiti which was track 1.5 albeit in the full glare of the media and public. True track 1.5 diplomacy should, therefore, have the following aspects:-
  • The track 1.5 diplomat is appointed by a third party
  • The track 1.5 diplomat has no personal or own agenda
  • The track 1.5 diplomat engages in Scoping talks as Precursor to track 1 or 2
  • The track 1.5 diplomat Is not a signatory to the arranged treaty or agreement
  • The track 1.5 diplomat’s approach can be covert or overt
  • The track 1.5 diplomat offers the contractor plausible deniability
  • The track 1.5 diplomat is discrete
  • The track 1.5 diplomat has the ability to make contact to both middle and top-level leaders
  • The track 1.5 diplomat has the ability to build trust
  • The track 1.5 diplomat has the ability to fund negotiations without a paper trail
  • The track 1.5 diplomat must have sufficient resources
  • The track 1.5 diplomat is an individual
  • The track 1.5 diplomat enables face-saving
  • The track 1.5 diplomat can bridge communication gaps by opening backchannels
  • The track 1.5 diplomat has mastered people and mediation skills.
An essential ability in track 1.5 diplomacy is for the diplomat to build trust and rapport with the person or organisation that they are approaching without being able to rely on the track 1 resources but psychological barriers and biases can hinder the approach. It is not uncommon for the person or organisation being approached to believe that the nationality of the track 1.5 diplomat will be the same as the official current foreign policy as the State they were born or live in and in some cases that official foreign policy and media can be at odds to the aims of the negotiation or aims of what the party being approached is attempting to achieve. A perceived bias or allegiance to one or another religion can also be seen as a potential hindrance to a successful outcome by one or the other State or non-State engaged actors being approached. Unlike in the world of business, the track 1.5 diplomat is not working to commit their own funds or resources and will not personally profit from the outcome of the negotiations so the track 1.5 diplomat must have a clear understanding and briefing before taking on the assignment of exactly how far they can go and what assurances they can make. Their life literally depends on not making representations that they cannot keep and they have no military or technical resources to back them up. This can often be frustrating when they are often badly rewarded financially for their non-partisan diplomatic skills. My experience shows that particularly illiberal democracies and those States in the post-soviet space are reluctant to use or accept track 1.5 envoys who are not their own nationals in resolving conflict or achieving their aims unless the envoy is living in the State being approached with links to the contactor’s own country. This is not without danger however as the track 1.5 diplomat can quickly find themselves accused of spying. Unless the envoy is fluent in the contactors language with a thorough understanding of their culture it is extremely difficult to build the rapport and trust necessary for the track 1.5 processes. However, as Kofi Annan and Desmond Tutu etc. showed contacts and access to the ā€œrightā€ targets should play a larger role than psychological barriers and emotional factors. Track 1.5 diplomacy is, therefore, a highly underrated tool and weapon in the diplomatic toolbox of States and non-State actor who underestimate the ability of certain individuals to influence their adversaries or possible allies. One of the reasons for this underestimation is perhaps that the track 1.5 diplomats, who often act covertly, seldom get any credit when the final treaties or agreements are signed with the politicians or governments taking all the credit. What they are quick to do however is use the plausible deniability and deny all knowledge of the existence of the track 1.5 diplomat when they are caught in an environment where track 1 diplomacy dictates that they shouldn’t be.Ā  Their career is therefore often in the shadows and not without dangers. The expression ā€œdon’t shoot the messengerā€ is extremely appropriate. In some cases, the track 1.5 diplomat is called upon to make covert contact with grassroots elements of a foreign society as a form of instigating public Diplomacy and establishing a bridge between the grassroots activists and the contracting foreign power. This is of particular risk for the diplomat as if observed a criminal charge of treason or spying is possible with no track 1 diplomatic safety net. Relevant quotes Track 1.5 Dr Susan Allen Nan, in her PhD dissertation, writes: [T]here is a type of conflict resolution effort that defies categorization with other types above (Track One and Track Two diplomacy), and is commonly called ā€œTrack One and a Half.ā€ This is the long-term unofficial facilitated joint analysis among negotiators, LUFJAAN for short, that Conflict Management Group conducted January 1996, May 1996, June 1997, and July 1998 (Nan, 1999, p. 202). For The Carter Center interventions, Mapendere (2000) defined Track One and a Half Diplomacy, …Public or private interaction between official representatives of conflicting governments or political entities such as popular armed movements, which is facilitated or mediated by a third party not representing a political organization or institution. The aim of such interaction is to influence attitudinal changes between the parties with the objective of changing the political power structures that caused the conflict (p. 16) Nan (2003) defined Track One and a Half Diplomacy as ā€œunofficial interactions between official representatives of statesā€ (p. 9). In 2005, Nan redefined Track One and a Half as ā€œdiplomatic initiatives that are facilitated by unofficial bodies, but directly involve officials from the conflict in questionā€ (p. 165). These former presidents’ well-known record for reliability enables serving presidents and rebel leaders to trust that the third party will facilitate the attainment of common interests among the parties without bias (Hoffman, 2006). Moral authority is one of the Track One and a Half interveners’ activities may run contrary to their country’s foreign policy; this may undermine their peace efforts. However, one of the most effective ways of reducing the impact of the weaknesses of the three forms of diplomacy on peace-making is by the complementary application of the various diplomatic activities (Nan, 1999). State power can be a liability to durable peace, rather than a facilitative tool. Power can suppress underlying issues of weaker parties, thereby undermining the sustainability of a peace agreement (Diamond & MacDonald, 1996). officials cannot, of course, speak against their country and, as a result, may either be too rigid or delay negotiations through consultations with their leaders at home (Volkan, 1991; Sanders, 1991). By giving due respect to both President Clinton and the Great Leader Kim Il Sung of North Korea, President Carter gained entry into the peacemaking process and finally defused the situation (Carter, 1995). ā€œThe United States and a large international force were on the verge of invading the island when I was called by the [C]ommander in [C]hief of the Haitian military, General Raoul CĆ©dras, who asked for my help…I was willing for the Carter Center to serve as a channel for communicationā€ (Carter, 1995, pp. 176-177). ā€œBecause of his prominence as a former president, Carter is able to serve as a bridge between Track One and Track Two diplomacyā€ (Diamond & McDonald, 1996, p. 43). ā€œThe United States had branded Sudan a supporter of world terrorism, and accusations of religious persecution were a major issue in the civil warā€ (Carter, 1995, p. 184). Regardless of the enmity between the U.S. government and Sudan, the Carter Center never stopped attempts to pursue peace in Sudan (Carter, 1995). Theoretically, the ICCR has the capacity to intervene at various levels of a conflict because of the expertise it carries such as Former President Carter, Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa, Harold Saunders, Ambassador Bethune Kiplagat, and professors Vamik Volkan, Christopher Mitchell, and William Ury, just to mention a few (Carter, 1995). President Carter visited North Korea in 1994 as a private citizen to help resolve the tension between the US and North Korea. The North Korean government had withdrawn its membership from the International Atomic Energy Agency raising suspicion by the US that North Korea ā€œhad developed nuclear weapons in violation of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treatyā€ (Carter, 1995, p. 172). My meeting with Kim II Sung ended the immediate crisis. I did not make any concessions to him. I simply gave the highest leader of the country the opportunity to talk with me and to know that his words would be communicated directly to the president of the United States. Negotiations resumed on a lower level to work out technical issues. These issues included matters of national pride… This is another example of how difficult it is for people in a conflict to overcome their hostility. Yet, with good faith and perhaps a trusted mediator, it is the kind of issue that can be overcome (Carter, 1995, pp. 175-176). Since each track of diplomacy has its own strengths and weaknesses, it is important to find a way by which the weaknesses of each can be reduced in order to improve the chances of resolving conflicts without loss of life and material (Ziegler, 1984; Volkan, 1991; Montville, in Volkan, et al, 1991). The need for joint efforts using different types of diplomacy has been frequently noted in recent conflict resolution literature. Speaking of preventive diplomacy, Bercovitch (1993) writes that early deployment of economic, diplomatic and military tools could be effective at preventing or even resolving conflicts before they escalate. In Volkan et al (1991), Sanders writes that private citizens know how things should be done, and officials develop and widen these ideas. Lederach’s (1997) three levels of leadership, types of diplomacy including Track One and a Half, shows the type of actors found at different diplomacy levels and the levels of leadership on which they can exert influence. Through their combined efforts to address issues at different levels of leadership (Lederach, 1997) with the aim of reducing the impact of their weaknesses. Different levels of diplomacy target different social structures of conflict. In addition, the diagram shows the position of Track One and a Half Diplomacy and presents the Carter Center as an example of a Track One and a Half actor. Track Two DiplomacyĀ (Montville, 1991). Ā  Track 1 (Volkan, 1991 Track One Diplomacy has the ability to use political power to influence the direction of negotiations and outcomes (Sanders, 1991). ā€œTrack One Diplomacy has the capacity to access material and financial resources that give high leverage and flexibility in negotiationsā€(Bercovitch and Houston, 2000). Track One Diplomacy can employ in-depth knowledge about the parties’ interests because of the use of various intelligence sources (Stein and Lewis, 1996). diplomatic missions, an asset to Track One Diplomacy, are normally closed down at the peak of conflicts between countries ā€œthereby reducing communication when it is needed mostā€ (Ziegler, 1984, p. 27). Track 2 The strengths of Track Two Diplomacy have been discussed in detail, but separately by Montville (1991), Ury (1999), Sanders (1991), Ryan (1995), and Lederach (1997). Nan (1999) demonstrates through field research that Track Two efforts prepare the ground for Track One by enabling ideas to be tested before official negotiations. James Traub (2000), in his article Inventing East Timor, discusses the United Nation’s ā€˜nation-building’ efforts, which include both military and civilian resources in developing a state as a way of providing a lasting solution to what was an intractable conflict. Further Reading
  • Agha, H., Feldman, S., Khalidi, A., & Schiff, Z. (2003). Track II Diplomacy:Lessons from the Middle East. Cambridge: Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs.
  • Bercovitch, J. (1993). The nature of the dispute and the effectiveness of international mediation. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 37, 670-691.
  • Bercovitch, J., & Houston, A. (2000). Why do they do it like this? An analysis of the factors influencing mediation behavior in international conflicts.Journal of Conflict Resolution, 44, 170-202.
  • Burns, F. J. (2000, July 27). Hero’s Welcome for Arafat, From Those Who Showed Up. The New York Times, p. A10.
  • Carter, J. (1995). Talking peace: A vision for the next generation. New York, NY: Dutton Children’s Books.
  • Crossette, B. (2000, August 19). As Peace Mission Deteriorates, U.N. Sends an Envoy to Congo. The New York Times, p. A6.
  • Diamond, L. & McDonald, J. (1996). Multi track diplomacy (3rd Ed.). Connecticut: Kumarian Press, Inc.
  • Fisher, R. (1997). Interactive conflict resolution. New York: Syracuse University Press.
  • Hoffman, A. M. (2006). Building Trust: Overcoming Suspicion in International Conflict. Albany: State University of New York Press.
  • Jentleson, W.B. (Ed.) (2000). Opportunities missed, opportunities seized: Preventive Diplomacy in the Post-Cold War World. New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
  • Jonsson, C., & Hall, M. (2005). Essence of Diplomacy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Kelman, H. (1996). The Interactive Problem-Solving Approach. In C. A. Crocker, F. O.
  • Kriesberg, L. (1998). Constructive conflicts: From escalation to resolution. New York: Rowman & Littlefield.
  • Landsberg, C. (2004). The Quiet Diplomacy of Liberation: International Politics and South Africa’s Transition. Johannesburg: Jacana Media (Pty) Ltd.
  • Lederach, P. J. (1997). Building peace: Sustainable reconciliation in divided societies. Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace
  • Lund, S. M. (1997). Preventing violent conflicts: A strategy for preventive diplomacy. Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press.
  • Magalhaįŗ½s, C. J. (1988). The pure concept of diplomacy. New York: Greenwood Press.
  • Mapendere, J. (2000, Summer). Consequential Conflict Transformation Model, and the Complementarity of Track One, Track One and a Half, and Track-Two Diplomacy. (Available from The Carter Center, Conflict Resolution Program, 453 Freedom Parkway, Atlanta, GA 30307).
  • Mitchell, C. R. (1989). The structure of international conflict. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
  • Montville, J. (1991). Track Two Diplomacy: The Arrow and the Olive Branch: A case for Track Two Diplomacy. In, V. D. Volkan M.D., J. Montville, & D. A. Julius (Eds.), The Psychodynamics of International Relations: Vol. 2. Unofficial diplomacy at work (pp.161-175). Massachusetts: Lexington Books.
  • Nan, A. S. (1999). Complementarity and coordination of conflict resolution efforts in the conflicts over Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transdniestria. Fairfax, Virginia: George Mason University.
  • Nan, A.S. (2003). Track I Diplomacy. Retrieved June 12, 2006, from http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/track1_diplomacy/
  • Nan, A. S. (2005). Track one-and-a-Half Diplomacy: Contributions to Georgia-South Ossetian Peacemaking. In R. J. Fisher (Ed.), Paving the Way (pp. 161-173). Lanham: Lexington Books.
  • Rupesinghe, K. (Ed.) (1995). Conflict Transformation. New York: St. Martin’s Press, Inc.
  • Ryan, S. (1995). Ethnic conflict and international relations. Brookfield: Dartmouth.
  • Rothchild, D. (1996). Successful mediation: Lord Carrington and the Rhodesian Settlement. In C. A. Crocker, F. O. Hampson & P. Aall (Eds.), Managing global chaos: Sources of and Responses to international conflict (pp. 475-486). Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace.
  • Sanders, H.H. (1991). Officials and citizens in international relations. In V. D. Volkan M.D., J. Montville, & D. A. Julius (Eds.), The Psychodynamics of International Relations: Vol. 2. Unofficial diplomacy at work (pp.41-69). Massachusetts: Lexington Books.
  • SIPRI Yearbook. (June, 2006): Armaments, Disarmament and International Security. London: Oxford University Press. Retrieved June 12, 2006, from http://yearbook2006.sipri.org/chap2/app2A
  • Stain, W. K. & Lewis, W. S. (1996). Mediation in the Middle East. In C. A. Crocker,
  1. O. Hampson & P. Aall (Eds.), Managing global chaos: Sources of and Responses to international conflict (pp. 463-473). Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace.
  • Traub, J. (2000, July/August). Inventing East Timo. Foreign Affairs, 79, 74-89.
  • Ury, W. (1999). Getting to peace: Transforming conflict at home, at work, and in the world. New York: Viking Penguin.
  • Volkan, D.V. (1991). Official and unofficial diplomacy: An overview. In V. D. Volkan M.D., J. Montville, & D. A. Julius (Eds.), The Psychodynamics of International Relations: Vol. 2. Unofficial diplomacy at work (pp.1-16). Massachusetts: Lexington Books.
  • Weeks, D. (1992). The eight essential steps to conflict resolution. Los Angeles: Jeremy P. Tarcher, Inc.
  • Ziegler, W.D. (1984). War, Peace, and International Politics. (3rd Ed.). Boston: Little,Ā Brown and Company.

Black Swan season

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.By John Dunkelgrün

My friends and family call me an eternal optimist. Some even call me dangerously optimistic. While I don’t agree with the latter classification, I know I’ve been optimistic all my life. It has helped me get through very difficult situations and especially in the last few years with the growth of my modest investment portfolio.

However, recently I have been feeling uneasy about the world economy in general and the markets in particular. What worries me is not the longest expansion of the world economy ever, nor the oldest bull market on record. It is more the result of the following pebbles in my shoes that urge me to tread carefully:

  • The unpredictability of President Trump’s policies. There is a real chance that a moment will come when he will be impeached and/or sent to jail. That would give the markets a big negative shock.
  • The United States are building an unbearable mountain of debt. Chickens will eventually come home to ro.
  • This year’s budget deficit in the US is worse than the most pessimistic economists expected
  • The tsunami of investments that President Trump promised as a result of his uneven tax cut has not materialised[
  • Profits of the large corporations, which fuelled the stock markets are weakening.
  • Revenue growth in the FAANG club of companies is weakening.
  • The US trade war with China.
  • Growing tension in the South China Sea and between China and Taiwan.
  • The time may come when China decides its loss of control and face due to the continuing mass protests is worse than the fall-out of abrogating the deal with Britain about Hong Kong’s special stat.
  • The tension around the Gulf of Hormuz and the threat of hot conflict with Iran.
  • Possible tension and strife caused by food shortages due to climate change.
  • Brexit and the collapse of normal democracy in Britain. Great Britain breaking up into three entities.
  • The shift towards populist rightwing politics in countries like Poland, Hungary, Brazil, and Australia.
  • The possibility of a failure of Italy. Its economy is so big, the EU possibly wouldn’t survive this disaster in its current form.
  • The risk of massive bankruptcies among China’s banks and big government-owned companies.

Perhaps all this is a false alarm and maybe the decline in profits and revenue growth is just a short blip, but I feel more uneasy about it by the day. The time seems ripe for a mega Black Swan (thank you Mr. Taleb) and sometimes it is better to lock in one’s profits.

If you have time of life, you can always come back when the tension is out of the air. And if you don’t, what does it matter?

Suriname, the most forested country in the world

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Hosted HFLD Conference on Climate Finance Mobilization.

In the picture H.E President Desire Bouterse, President of the Republic Suriname (R) and H.E Antoine Joly, Ambassador of France in Suriname (L)

By Mr. Oquemele Denz MSc, ChargĆ© d’affaires, Embassy of theĀ RepublicĀ of Suriname.

The Embassy of the Republic of Suriname in the Hague, Netherlands, introduces Suriname to the Diplomat Magazine as the most forested country in the world, with a forest coverage of 93%. In addition, Suriname has a low deforestation rate and with these characteristics belongs to the group of countries with High Forest cover and Low Deforestation (HFLD).

It is imperative for this trend to change since these HFLD developing countries are in dire need of adequate and tangible international climate finance, technology transfer and capacity building to support their transition towards a climate resilient and low emissions development and to achieve the goals set forth in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement.

Suriname Climate Finance Mobilization Conference.

In this regard, the Government of Suriname, with the support of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Office in Suriname, hosted the high-level HFLD Conference on Climate Finance Mobilization in her capital Paramaribo from 12-14 February, 2019. This conference gathered around 200 national and international experts from 27 countries and 15 international, regional and non-governmental organizations to increase cooperation and exchange knowledge and experiences on climate finance mechanisms.

Mr. Oquemele Denz, Charge d’affaires of the Republic of Suriname to The Netherlands.

On this occasion the HFLD developing countries established their joint strategies and positions on climate finance mobilization, summarized in the adopted ā€œKrutu of Paramaribo Joint Declaration on HFLD Climate Finance Mobilizationā€. This declaration has mandated Suriname to bring the HFLD developing countries’ effort to the international fora, an assignment taken very seriously and to which Suriname has pledged its dedication.

Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic Suriname, H.E  Ms. Yldiz Pollack-Beighle (R)

By this mandate the Government of Suriname convened the first meeting of the HFLD Platform on May 6, 2019 in New York, on the margins of the 14th the United NationsForum on Forests (UNFF14) with the objective to operationalize the ā€œHFLD Platformā€ asa flexible forum for consultation and collaboration on policies related to HFLD and climate finance mobilization.

The HFLD developing countries have chartered a new pathway to jointly continue their efforts and focus on practical results, and will work towards a united voice and innovative models to shape their mutual interests, which will strongly empower their efforts on their way forward.