Iran’s foreign policy

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By Corneliu Pivariu.  

On the background of the developments in the Middle East during the last years, the beginning of 2019 was marked as well by the 40 years anniversary of the Islamic Revolution in Iran which led to the Shah’s overthrowing and the establishment of the Khomeini’s Islamic regime with all the consequences and implications such a development supposed, including in what foreign policy was concerned.

The most important shift in foreign policy was exiting from the American sphere of influence and the gradual building up of its own foreign policy the way it was and is still  seen by the Iranian political and religious leaders. Two main approaches are noticed on this background: ā€reactive defenseā€, based on the principle of recting to the instability and insecurity in the region in order to turn possible danger and threat situations to the regime in Tehran into a safer and more stable environment, with predictible developments; ā€œproactive revolutionary attitudeā€, which develops and supports the issue of Iran’s regional involvement, justified by regional competences considered to belong inherently to the country.

 As far as the first approach is concerned, we notice some major elements: Iraq; other countries in the Middle East (prioritising Syria, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, the Gulf countries – with a special emphasis on Bahrein) and Afghanistan.

  Iraq is considered the most challenging country with most opportunities as well for the Iranian regime and the situation of the relations between Tehran and Baghdad is extremely complex and is carried out on four major, interdependent levels but with interference nuances among them: at state’s level; among parties/politicians; at religious level; militarily. Managing such an intricate type of relations is a major task for the leadership of the two countries, especially taking into account that the USA tries to maintain its influence over the regime in Baghdad and to contain as much as possible (without any notable success) the Iranian influence.

  Syria and Lebanon are considered to be of strategic importance to Iran on the background of the Iranian perceptions concerning the threats it has to face, and the first two of them are the USA and Israel. The developments of the situation in Syria and the special relations Tehran has with the Lebanese Hezbollah and with Hamas movement in Gaza are essential elements of the Iranian foreign policy and the country will rely on them in the coming period, too.

  As far as the revolutionary proactive attitude is concerned, the advocates of this approach list the following arguments: the size of the population, their great educational level and the rich natural resources of the country; history and the long-standing imperial traditions; the geopolitical situation combined with a powerful and well trained military force. It is on this background that Iran consider it was invited by the countries in the region to have a military and of other nature presence on their territory, aimed at protecting their territorial integrity and national identity, and Syria is the iconic example to that purpose. 

  40 years after the establishment of the Islamic Republic, the revolutionary spirit is still strongly felt within the Iranian society under different motivations, from the belief in the goals of the Islamic revolution to personal or group interests, including benefits of material or investment nature. There is, at the same time, another segment of the society, especially of those born after 1979 who do not understand why their parents called for the Islamic Revolution.

 It seems that, in terms of regional policy, Tehran adopt a rational and pragmatic position in which president Hassan Rouhani’s administration backs rather the reactive defence position than the revolutionary one, without excluding the latter, depending on opportunities.

About the author:

Corneliu Pivariu. Photographer: Ionus Paraschiv.
Corneliu Pivariu. Photographer: Ionus Paraschiv.

Corneliu Pivariu Military Intelligence and International Relations Senior Expert

A highly decorated retired two-star general of the Romanian army, during two decades he has led one of the most influential magazines on geopolitics and international relations in Eastern Europe, the bilingual journal Geostrategic Pulse.

From the past to the future

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By H.E. Ms. Mirsada Čolaković, Ambassador of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

It seems as if it was only yesterday when I was a young diplomat in the mid 1990’s representing my newly independent country to the Benelux. This is where my first ties and personal connections with the Netherlands began. Today, I have the privilege to serve my country as Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, as well as Permanent Representative to the international organizations located in The Hague.  

The Netherlands, 27 years ago, was one of the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with my country.  Those relations continue to improve. Much progress has been made in our bilateral political, economic and cultural cooperation. 

There is an important connection between our two countries. By saying this, I refer to the significant number (around 40,000) of people with Bosnian and Herzegovinian origin who found refuge here in time of great need, during the tragic war in former Yugoslavia. Today most of them are very successful and highly educated individuals, working as lawyers, doctors, business owners, artists and distinguished members of academia.

As the Ambassador of BiH1,  I am very proud when I talk to Dutch officials and hear them say that Bosnians are among the best integrated communities in the Netherlands: according to the statistics, 40% of the young generations who grew up in the Netherlands, obtained a university degree. 

A remarkable variety of people-to-people contacts between Bosnians and Dutchmen has been established. These bonds were forged in extraordinary circumstances and in difficult times. I am very happy to note that they continue to flourish to this day, as many joint commercial ventures and charitable projects show. Dutch entrepreneurs, among them quite a few from the BiH community, have discovered the economic and commercial advantages that my country has to offer.

At the Embassy of Bosnia & Herzegovina in The Hague, Ambassador Čolaković, works restless to increase bilateral relations with the Netherlands.

Portugal: From The Hague, I am serving as the non-residential Ambassador to the Republic of Portugal. In this capacity, I am paying official visits to this beautiful country several times a year. This has given me the opportunity and honour to meet the Portuguese President, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa; Minister of Foreign Affairs, Augusto Santos Silva; as well as other high-ranking Portuguese officials and diplomatic colleagues. 

BiH is an attractive place for cost-efficient and reliable outsourcing of parts of production processes, e.g. in light metalworking, in furniture making and software development. There is room for more, notably in agriculture and in food processing.

If it is true that wisdom comes with age, it is also true that today our world is facing unprecedented challenges: multilateralism is under immense strain, and our shared values are being tested, our common endeavours, system and structures are being revisited. I feel that only a reinvigorated vision and persistent commitment to our shared beliefs can make a difference. Indeed: small and big, developed and developing countries, need to rally around and unite to uphold our legacy; the principles of international law, human rights and other core values enshrined in the UN Charter. 

My dedication to multilateralism is the result of personal experience: working as the Permanent Representative of BiH to the United Nations in New York, in particular when I represented my country during the time it served as an elected member of the Security Council (2010 /2011).  That experience gave me an additional perception and unique knowledge of global political dynamics. The Netherlands just finished a successful membership in the Security Council; my Dutch colleagues lobbied very hard to improve certain practices and to enhance the efficiency of the UN Peacekeeping efforts. The multilateral approach to global challenges is another example of a vision that BiH and the Netherlands share. On numerous occasions, the importance of this concept has been reconfirmed by high ranking officials from both countries.

The path to the European Union

Submission of the application for the EU membership by BiH occurred during the Dutch Presidency of the EU in February 2016. This date marks the completion of one of the very important steps in fulfilling the primary strategic priority and goal of my country’s foreign policy: joining the EU.

Granting the candidate status to BiH, which we expect to happen this year/in 2019, would give a strong impetus to the implementation of all necessary reforms to meet the EU membership criteria. It would also further contribute to our citizens’ natural sense of belonging to a larger European family of nations, with which they have always shared values, history as well as cultural heritage and strong personal ties. 

Security

BiH was once a receiver of international peace-keeping and security efforts, and has since moved on to become a provider of peace and security across the world. In this regard I want to underline our troop contributions and our continued presence in the NATO mission in Afghanistan, as well as to EU and UN missions dedicated to the fight against terrorism and radical extremism. 

What is Bosnia and Herzegovina famous for?

Apart from an unfortunate, tragic and painful recent past, over the centuries our country has enjoyed a very vibrant and rich history. It has always been a meeting point for the West and the East. This has resulted in a rich plethora of cultures, traditions, ethnicities, and religions. As such, diversity is one of the core principles of our country, the same principle upon which the European Union is based.

The testimonies of those who have visited my country are the best proof of the unique beauties of BiH. They will tell you of its natural wonders, ranging from snow covered mountain peaks, lush forests, deep valleys with beautiful rivers, amazing cities, deep lakes and a short but beautiful seaside. They will also tell you about the hospitality of our people, wonderful cuisine, excellent Herzegovinian wine, the best regional Film Festival and Oscar winners, our Olympic Winter Games (1984) as well as the European Youth Olympic Festival 2019, which opened just last month (February). 

What is it so special about Armenia?

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By H.E. Mr Tigran Balayan, Ambassador of the Republic of Armenia to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

This question was formulated by an Ambassador, accredited to Armenia, after the victory of non-violent revolution in Armenia in 2018. And since, many are trying to answer this question, I would offer you my version of the answer.

Armenia: a landlocked country of a big nation, a unique corner of creativity and bright minds, an island of hospitality and warm smiles. While speaking about Armenia one can use many characteristics, objective and subjective ones, but most won’t argue that the very special thing about this country is its anthropocentrism. 

The very fact of Armenia being human centered was once again demonstrated in 2018. The Velvet Revolution that took place in April last year came to prove that the driving force of our country is its people։ the people who have once again manifested the adherence to their universal democratic values and fundamental freedoms, who have strongly and vocally confirmed their determination to strengthen the respect of human rights, who have resolutely rejected the entrenched negative practices of the past and decisively embraced reforms aimed at fighting corruption, strengthening the justice system and the rule of law, as well as good governance, securing equal opportunities in social and economic life to promote sustainable development.

The slogans of Armenian popular movement, namely ā€œLove, fraternity and toleranceā€ speak for themselves.

H.E. Mr Tigran Balayan, Ambassador of the Republic of Armenia presenting his credentials to The King of the Netherlands.

The Velvet Revolution embodies an absolutely non-violent transformation without a single victim. It is another demonstration of the considerably high degree of political maturity and legal literacy of the Armenian public, of all its segments and institutions. Of particular significance is the distinctly strong role of the youth and women, who stood at the forefront of the Revolution, having a fantastic influence on peaceful transfer of power.

Noteworthy, the events of April, 2018 had their logical continuation, namely the snap parliamentary elections held last December, which were assessed by numerous international observation missions as consistent with international standards, as well as free, fair and transparent. The snap elections came to reaffirm the complete victory of democracy in the country and paved a way for building up a more prosperous Armenia.

Armenia is on his way of providing a fertile ground and attractiveness for foreign, including European investors. The ā€œComprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreementā€ with the European Union, which economically and politically connects Armenia to the latter, provides all the necessary conditions for creating a business friendly environment for the investors. The large scale reforms, conducted by my Government, are aimed at creating most favorable conditions for businesses and investments. This very idea of providing a revolutionary leap in economy lies in the basis of the Government’s program, due to which the Revolution is not over: there is a second stage and it is the Economic one. 

As a result of the last year’s political developments in the country, Armenia was selected by ā€œThe Economistā€ as ā€œThe Country of the Yearā€, stating that ā€œan ancient and often misruled nation in a turbulent region has a chance of democracy and renewalā€.

Certainly, achieving coherent democracy is a difficult process, which requires substantial time, unconditional commitment and even a change in mentality. Armenia has taken the first steps in this everlasting path. Due to the unprecedented level of public confidence and legitimacy the Government of Armenia remains resolute in implementing the adopted multifaceted and ambitious agenda of reforms.

Armenia has opened an entirely new page in its history, a page full of hopes and confidence in a brighter future.

The Ambassador of Armenia.

In this challenging path Armenia should not be left alone: the support of the democratic states, especially the Netherlands, as a leading advocate of human rights and fundamental freedoms, is of high importance.    

In its activities and actions by far the Government is being led by the strong recognition of the imperative of continuity and sustainability of the efforts aimed at providing tangible results, as the support of the Armenian public rendered to the Prime Minister of Armenia and to the Government is both inspiring and hugely obliging.

Armenia’s uniqueness also lies in the very fact that the Velvet Revolution has been strictly homegrown and was of an exclusively domestic nature. Both in its program and in the actual conduct of policies the Government has been distinctly adhering to continuity of its foreign policy, both at bilateral and multilateral levels, aimed at the promotion of regional and international peace, stability and mutually reinforcing cooperation.

My country’s foreign policy is strictly Armenia centered, and its domestic policy is human oriented, as we see no alternatives to democracy, which has existential importance for Armenia and Armenian Diaspora, present on all continents. And, indeed, it is exactly what is so special about Armenia.

Photography by Roy Strik.

South Sudan-India: Diplomatic Relations and Economic Partnership Potentials

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By Abraham Telar Kuc.

During the Sudan civil wars in fifties, sixties, seventies, eighties and nineties India maintained some kind of unofficial diplomatic relations with then Southern Sudan region; when His Excellency President Fakruddin Ali Ahmed the President of Republic of India visited in 1975 what was then the regional and the current capital of Republic of South Sudan, President Fakruddin was welcomed by the entire population of Juba city whom turn up in thousands for his reception. The Indian President addressed then Southern Sudanese citizen, Southern Sudan regional’s government officials, communities’ leaders, non-state actors and the members of People’s Regional Assembly based in Juba.

Although India did not take a side in supporting anyone from the warring parties of Sudan civil wars and despite not having any formal diplomatic presence in then Sudan’s southern region; but there was unofficial diplomatic communication between India and then Sudan People’s Liberation Army and Movement in eighties and nineties during the civil war era, through its diplomatic missions in D.R. Congo, Kenya, Uganda and other African’s countries India manage to establish a good impression among South Sudanese leaders and citizens which currently led to a very smooth ties with no any kind of  political and  ideological differences from the past.

As one of the world new emerging powers India showed its interest on developing diplomatic and economic ties with South Sudan long time ago; in 2005 Honorable Edappakath Ahamed the Indian Deputy Minister for External Affairs attended the signing ceremony of peace agreement between the Sudan warring parties in the Kenyan capital Nairobi, two years later in October 2007 the Indian government opened its Consulate in Juba which making it one of the first foreign diplomatic missions in the regional government capital.

India welcomed South Sudan referendum results and recognized the independence of Republic of South Sudan and sends to Juba a very high level delegation led by His Excellency Mohammad Hamid Ansari the Vice President of India to attend the 9th July Independence celebrations and followed by the upgrading of Indian Consulate in Juba to the Embassy level after seven month of the Africa and world’s newest independent state.

South Sudan, Indian relations did not only end in their bilateral ties; but India extended its bilateral engagement with South Sudan to its role within the international community and the United Nations in particular where its participated in the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) by the biggest and largest contingent plus civilian officials, police officers and personnel and other civilian contractors.

With India willing to have a positive influence role in South Sudan; the Indian government’s Ministry of External Affairs been providing a good number of fully sponsored scholarships for South Sudanese undergraduate and postgraduate students in Indian universities and other higher learning institutions for the past  years offered by the Indian Council of Cultural Relations; the commitment of India in helping and enhancing the specialized profession skills for South Sudanese staffs and employees both in government, independent public and private sectors through  the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) which is also a government  fully funded training programs  under the Indian’s Ministry of External Affairs in collaboration with the Indian Embassies around the world, and the program aims is to provide capacity building and enhancing skills for developing  and under developing countries around the globe in different Indian higher learning, institutes, training centers and government institutions, hundreds of South Sudanese benefited from Indian’s ITEC training program and I myself IĀ“am one of the beneficiaries of Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation program where I was offered a diploma of Development Journalism from Indian Institute of Mass Communication sponsored by Indian’s Ministry of External Affairs and facilitated by the Indian Embassy in the Republic of South Sudan.

There is no clear statistics and records on trade exchange and economic partnership between South Sudan and India. India is investing limitedly in South Sudan oil sector through India’s Oil and Natural Gas Commission and it’s largely involving in importing oil, teak and timber from South Sudan which is also exporting consuming stuffs, food items, household goods, medical and pharmaceuticals, electronics and other needs from India. Some Indian bossiness persons and private sector are operating different size companies involving in printing, internet providing, construction, borehole drilling, oil sector consultancy and services, own hotels and supermarkets and other form of bossiness; despite the trade and economic engagement between the two countries, but bilateral commercial exchange between them can be describe as a poor comparing to other countries investments including some Asian nations.

More recently in the international order and relations between nations the diplomatic and political influence on commercial relations, trade exchange, economic partnership and international trade in general is gaining more acceptance in direct foreign investments as an impact of diplomatic, bilateral and multilateral relations. With the two countries developing a deeper diplomatic ties and seem to be moving slowly to some level of diplomatic and political cooperation for more economic strength which could have a positive impact on South Sudan and India bilateral trade; Indian companies in the ICT, pharmaceuticals and medical serveries, oil and gas, finance and banking, housing and construction sectors like Reliance Industries, Tata Group, Bajaj Group, Bharti Airtel Communications and other investment corporates, the mentioned Indian companies, corporates and sectors has the potential and good investments opportunities in South Sudan as a result of strong diplomatic ties between the two countries.  

Therefore South Sudan and India should use their good ties on boosting and strengthens economics of the two countries for more common economic benefits through exploring new economic partnership potentials.       

…………………………………………………………………………………………………

The author is South Sudanese Journalist, Blogger, TV Producer, Cultural, Political and Youth Activist and postgraduate student of Diplomacy and International Studies at the Institute of Peace, Development and Security Studies – University of Juba; and  working currently with South Sudan Broadcasting Corporation and can be contacted through E-mail : telar.abra@gmail.com or phone No : +211912577222    

Afghanistan, a fragile undertaking in a post-conflict peacebuilding

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By H.E. Dr. M. Homayoon AziziAmbassador of Afghanistan in The Netherlands. Permanent representative of Afghanistan to OPCW

Decades after it became a high-profile topic for the national and international dialogue agenda, post-conflict peacebuilding remains a fragile undertaking with mixed results. While there is little doubt that peacebuilding will continue to require international attention, the lessons of the last decades do not add up to a successful record.

Peacebuilding is a Multi-Dimensional Enterprise with Several Pillars: While various actors define these pillars differently, there is consensus that peacebuilding has political, social, economic, security and legal dimensions, each of which requires attention. Distinguishing it from conventional development, peacebuilding is understood to be a highly political project involving the creation of a legitimate political authority that can avoid the resurgence of violence.

Afghanistan and the protracted war the nation is suffering for last four decades is a unique case in which root causes of the problem could be sought beyond its geographical and political borders. One cannot ignore or deny the role of regional and international role players in the historical tragedy and recent development in Afghanistan. Our geopolitical location which could have been a strength, unfortunately, has caused the country to become a playground of potential powers in the region and beyond seeking or protecting their strategic interests and lack of a powerful and legitimate government in the country has made us fail to seek and protect our own interest.

Speaking on behalf of my nation and Government, tragedy is a daily occurrence in our lives. Each week, we lose on average one hundred Afghans, from all walks of life. The scale of violence inflicted on us is dramatic.

A true sense of urgency for peace, on the one hand, requires clarity of strategic focus, reasoned discourse, calmness and deliberation. On the other hand, the daily pain and suffering inflicted upon our people and our institutions, capabilities and capitals, is intense, relentless, and horrific.

Unspeakable crimes are being committed against the Afghan people. What is being practiced against our society and people is best characterized as unrestrained war— there is not a single sphere of our life that has not been attacked. Public streets, hospitals, mosques, universities, places of business, sports centers, schools.

How have Afghans reacted to this tragedy? With despair and hopelessness? No, instead, with powerful conviction and a true sense of urgency to seek an enduring and inclusive peace. Not the formal type of peace that comes from signing a piece of paper, but the material and substantial type of peace that will enable us to address the deep roots of our inherited problems from four decades of conflict.

Let me differentiate between a false sense of urgency and a true sense of urgency. False urgency consists of hurried actions without direction, often organized around political timelines, boxes ticked without coherence—this is a dangerous and superficial path to shallow and short-term peace that we must steer clear of.

A true sense of urgency means we are laser-focused on what lasting peace requires. True urgency allows us to focus on the critical issues, to define and own our problems, and to draw on our past and the experiences of other societies. It requires careful consideration of each aspect of peace-making, but also the courage to consider and take risks and the assumption of responsibility for leading peace efforts.

 Layers for Studying in Peace in Afghanistan:

1. National and subnational actors:

  • Taliban and its affiliated groups
  • Political parties and figures
  • The Afghanistan Government,

2. Regional actors: there are some factors which link the regional actors with the national and subnational actors:

  • The concept of power shows, when there is a weakness in a country, so the Strong’s interest will increase toward the weak country.
  • Strong stakeholders will compete in weak, fragile and failed states.

3. International actors: looking to have an average perspective, which considering regional and national actors’ interests and consensus.

With the above analyses, there are at least three scenarios for peace of Afghanistan:

The government of Afghanistan is driven by a sense of true urgency for peace in our society. We have had this for years now, and we have already laid some critical groundwork for sustainable peace over the past five years.

We sought a peace agreement in which the Taliban would be included in a democratic and inclusive society, respecting the following tenets:

1. The Constitutional rights and obligations, of all citizens, especially women, are ensured.

2. The Constitution is accepted, or amendments proposed through the constitutional provision.

3. The Afghan National Defense and Security Forces and civil service function according to law.

4. Armed groups with ties to transnational terrorist networks or transnational criminal organizations, or with ties to state/non-state actors, seeking influence in Afghanistan will be excluded from the political process.

The prerequisite for achieving these end goals is state centric – Afghan Led, Afghan owned peace talks process and clearly requires a sovereign and independent Afghanistan. We must not sacrifice sustainable peace to achieve short-term objectives, which would ultimately result in a renewal of old conflicts.

This is unrestrained warfare. Its ever-changing character is driven by four dimensions:

1. Trans-national terrorist networks have targeted us since the hijacking of our country by Al-Qaeda in the 1990s.

2. Transnational criminal organizations are the second drivers of conflict

3. The third dimension is the failure of some neighboring countries – and one in particular – to fulfill all their obligations under UN conventions against terrorism

4. The Afghan Taliban are the fourth driver of conflict.

In such a context as we work together with our regional and international allies in this pursuit of lasting peace, we must not repeat the experience of 1992, where instead of stability and security, we were engulfed in massive conflict resulting in the destruction of our human, social and economic capital. Afghans may not become refugees again.

We should not allow the gains to be lost through lack of focus and hotheadedness. We are determined to have clarity of vision, focused direction, and deliberate action to voice, represent and safeguard the sacrifices of our national defense and security forces and deliver on the hopes and aspirations of our people.

 In any conflict resolution and peace building process, engagement of all parties/stakeholders are imperative to assure their interests are met and the outcome of the process is acceptable for them,

The current peacebuilding efforts in Afghanistan is led under three scenarios,

1. The Qatar Process

2. Moscow Peace Dialogue

3. Iranian Efforts

Given the similar experience of false sense of urgency for peace and reconciliations in the1990s chaotic resulting in destruction of all infrastructures, 5 million refugees and more than 65000 Afghans killed only in Kabul,

We believe that the above three mentioned scenarios are copies of the failed efforts experienced in 1990s, and different involved parties are seeking their own interests and acting in silos for a peace agreement with one side of the game while having no guarantee for ensuring the rights of Afghan women and men and our shared achievements of the last two decades.

The Afghan Government believes that the only solution for the ongoing challenge is a State Led, Afghan owned peacebuilding process while taking account not only the wills of Afghan women and men, but also the interests of all our regional and international partners to ensure a long-lasting peaceful relationship with our partners.

In light this wisdom, we clearly see that the ongoing efforts are not in line with the Afghan Government policy as we have not been party in the negotiations in Qatar and Moscow until now.

I hope and pray that we will be able to deliver on our vision of peace and the program necessary to make sure that it will be a credible and lasting peace.

We have to overcome the crisis of multilateralism

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By H.E.Dr. Heinrich Kreft, Ambassador of Germany to Luxembourg and President of the Diplomatic Council.

ā€œThe Jungle Grows Backā€ is the title of the new book of US political scientist Robert Kagan.

Bob Kagan, a longtime friend, argues that, with the US retreating as an enforcer of order, the world is now returning towards its original natural state.A free interplay of powers with changing alliances in which the strongest dictate the rules. Not at all a rosy prospect!

After all, we Germans in particular, can have no interest in a ā€œjungle growing back in the world orderā€. But it is true: Nothing can be taken for granted any more in foreign policy. The future is open and it can be shaped. But it also poses unknown risks.

This dichotomy challenges us each and every day.So what is the big issue in 2019? Syria? North Korea? The Middle East? Or the dramatic global refugee situation from the Mediterranean to Venezuela?

If you take a step back, these conflicts reveal a bigger picture and a distinct pattern. It becomes clear that we are indeed faced with a crisis – the crisis of multilateralism. And this crisis makes conflicts around the world appear irresolvable.

When I say they ā€œappearā€ irresolvable, this reflects the faith we Germans have in multilateralism. Germany’s postwar success story is also multilateralism’s success story. Europe, which was scarred by war and destruction, was able to integrate in freedom, security and prosperity thanks to our European neighbors’ courage in seeking reconciliation.

The United States also played a crucial role in Europe’s reconstruction.

The fact that it was this Europe that was able to become the United Nations’ closest partner is a triumph of multilateralism. We believe in the United Nations because international cooperation changed our own fate for the better.

H.E. Dr. Heinrich Kreft, during his memorable speech at the Diplomatic Council Gala in Frankfurt, February 2019.

Europe has proved to the world that multilateralism and sovereignty are not a contradiction in terms. On the contrary, in a world faced with immense global problems, we can only safeguard sovereignty if we work together! The three words, ā€œwe the peoplesā€, express both our goal and how we will achieve it.

That’s why the founders of the United Nations put these words at the start of the Charter. They wanted to spell out that we need to work together to find solutions. The UN-Charter’s promises are addressed to the people, who are told that their freedom and dignity will be defended at the United Nations in New York.

But does a boy in Idlib or Sanaa who lives in constant fear of the next air strike feel this? How does a girl in Africa feel when her life expectancy at birth is 30 years lower than in Germany? If we do not act on their behalf, ā€œwe the peoplesā€ will simply be hollow words for them.

Kofi Annan once said: ā€œWe don’t need any more promises. We need to start keeping the promises we already made.ā€ Since  Germany joined the Security Council as a non-permanent member a few weeks’ ago, this is our vision that motivates us.

The crisis of multilateralism is most painfully evident in Syria. The civil war has long since turned into a widespread regional conflict, with further potential for escalation in an already ravaged region. This sort of war cannot be resolved by military means, as the regional players are too deeply involved and the individual stakes are too high. With united diplomatic efforts, we did, however, manage to prevent escalation in Idlib. But ultimately, and at long last, we need a political process. To this end, the talks must be held under the auspices of the United Nations.

The conflict in Ukraine will also continue to occupy us. Along with France, Russia and Ukraine, we are working hard to implement the Minsk agreements. The focus is on the measures agreed a long time ago with a view to stabilizing the ceasefire. All efforts, including our discussion on a possible UN mission in eastern Ukraine, are aimed at achieving that.

Let us not forget that acute crisis management is at best a step towards peace. Lasting peace can only be achieved if we put a stop to the arms race.

This is not some sort of nostalgic rhetoric from the days of the Cold War, whose balance of terror seems utterly benign compared with the scenario of a ā€œmultipolarā€ arms race, with far more unpredictable players.Germany and the European Union stand by the Paris Climate Agreement. Moreover, we want to ensure that the Security Council makes the devastating effects that climate change can have on the security and stability of entire countries and regions an even greater priority.

A couple of weeks ago, I hosted a lunch in Luxembourg with Prof. Schellnhuber and the Luxembourg  Ministers of the Environment and Energy. Schellnhuber is what some call Germany`s  Climate pope. He is an advisor to Angela Merkel, the EU Commission and the UN. He has been warning of the consequences of global warming for decades.

Kofi Annan once said: ā€œWe will not enjoy development without security, or security without development. We will not enjoy either without universal respect for human rights.ā€ Seventy years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, its proclamation of dignity and personal freedom remains merely a distant promise for many.

Earlier, I spoke about how we Germans in particular have faith when it comes to multilateralism. This faith is also based on the fact that the United Nations, time and again and despite all disagreements, delivers proof of what we can achieve through joint efforts. I am thinking of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which remains our guiding principle for making this a better world for all people.

We must resist the return of the jungle in international relations to the best of our ability. We have to overcome our problems in Europe. It will not be easy. There are many. From Brexit to the rise of anti-European populists. We need to build a stronger and more united Europe.

A united Europe is our answer to ā€œAmerica First, China First, Russia First, Everybody First.

A democratic and united Europa is our answer to growing nationalism and trade wars and the undermining of the rules –based international order which has served us so well in the past.

Allow me to end with appealing to all of you who are EU citizens and will be able to vote at the European Elections the end of May

Go voting and vote for a pro-European party!

From WWI to www. 1919-2019

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It is an honour to present to our readers our esteemed colleague Professor Anis Bajrektarević with his newly released book From WWI to www. 1919-2019 – Less Explored aspects of Geopolitics, Technology, Energy and Geoeconomics.

This is his 7th authored book (4th for the US publishers and the second for the New York-based Addleton Academic Publishers). He is both teaching and research professor on subjects such as the Geopolitics, International and EU Law, Sustainable Development (institutions and instruments), and Political systems.

On the subject Geopolitical Affairs alone, professor has over 1,200 teaching hours at his university as well as in many countries on all meridians. His writings are frequently published, so far in over 50 countries of all five continents, and translated in some 20 languages worldwide. He lives in Vienna, Austria.

For his previous book by the Addleton, Geopolitics of Technology – Is There Life after Facebook, former Austrian Foreign Minister Peter Jankowitsch has said: ā€œInsightful, compelling and original, this book is an exciting journey through the rocky field of geopolitics. It is also a big-thinking exploration of the least researched aspects of the discipline, which will leave no one indifferent. This book, written by an experienced lawyer and a former career diplomat, cleverly questions how we see the world, and acts as an eye opener.ā€

And, the World Security Network’s Senior Vice President, rt. Brig general of the German Army, close aid to the former NATO Gen-Secretary Manfred Wƶrner and author of 5 books on security, Dieter Farwick has noted: “The presence and future of our globalised, interwoven world has become so difficult to comprehend that many people refrain from even trying to understand it. It is the merit of Professor Anis Bajrektarevic to fill this gap with excellent analyses brought together in his brilliant book. It is a must read for those who want to get a better understanding of the complex world and who want to contribute to a better and safer world.”

Commenting the previous book of professor, Dr. Franz Fischler, EU Commissioner (1995–04), President of the European Forum Apbach, have stated: ā€The book of prof. Anis …  will help to understand better the security structures … and can form a base for improvements in the interrelations between … diverse continents.ā€  On the same title Dr. Cheng Yu Chin, Director, EU-China Economics and Politics Institute noted: ā€œExcellent news – with this book – for those who argue that European multilateralism is a right solution … out of a lasting crisis. This fascinating comparative read further navigates those of academia and practitioners who want to steer us towards stabile Europe and prosperous Euro-MED.ā€

We, briefly, introduce some of the views of experts in international relations and history about the newly released book of professor Bajrektarevic From WWI to www. 1919-2019:

Endorsing his newest book, Yale university doctor, philosophy of history professor Emanuel Paparella notes: ā€œA year or so ago I began reading and pondering the political writings of Prof. Anis Bajrektarevic. Plenty of food for thought, I am still reading them. What attracted me to them was their invariable lucidity and coherence of thought buttressed by well reasoned and well balanced logical arguments culminating in insightful conclusions. This is quite rare nowadays and when encountered it comes across like a breath of fresh air. What prevails nowadays are political tracts that often espouse and promote an ideology, often fanatically defended tooth and nail and in- variably leading not to dialogue or symposiums but to diatribes generating much heat and little light… To be convinced of all this, all that the reader has to do is pick up Bajrektarevic book and begin reading. One will not be disappointed.ā€

History never ended during the last century.  Anis Bajrektarevic offers a vivid, captivating take on the wrenching, convulsive swirl of isms, campaigns, and cultural forces that have punctuated global affairs over the last 100 years. It’s useful to be reminded of the regular episodes of tragic hubris that define our historic record.

Steve Clemons, Washington Editor at Large, The Atlantic

Based on critical analysis and pungent observations Professor Bajrektarevic provides an eye-opening contribution to the question what has gone wrong in Europe in the last 100 years.

His book is an overdue and uncomfortable counter-opinion to the prevailing view and conventional wisdom in the West.

Hannes Androsch, long-time senior minister and former Vice-Chancellor of Austria, Austrian Academy of Sciences (Member of the Senate)

A complex study on geopolitical affairs, this book gives us a key for understanding the origins of pan-European ideas, and far beyond.

Professor successfully combines techniques of political, historical and cultural analysis. This book may be of interest to a wide range of scientists, politicians, diplomats, journalists and specialists in geopolitics, international law, geo-economics, energy policy, socio-political studies, and technology security. In conclusion, timely, accurate, indispensable – indeed.

Prof. Andrei V. Manoilo Lomonosov University, Moscow, Political Science Faculty, Member of the Scientific Committee of the Security Council of the Russian Federation

Comprehensive, focused and immediately useful, From WWI to www. Geopolitics 100 Years Later is an articulate and highly readable synthesis of current thinking on geopolitics in a modern framework. This should be recommended reading for all global leaders and academic professionals.

Dr. J.R. Reagan, Vice Dean at Endicott College of International Studies (Woosong University)

Incisively provocative, “WW1 to www: Geopolitics 100 Years Later” is the definitive analysis of the last century of Europe’s  transition to democratic liberalism. As an international affairs specialist, I highly recommend it as a must-read for those seeking an understanding of the complex of contradictions that is the enigma of today’s unified Europe.

Curtis J. Raynold,  former Secretary of the UN Secretary General’s Advisory Board on Disarmament Matters.

By looking back at history and at different topics and issues, author proposes a very deep and rich reflection on what rendered possible European integration and what kind of limitations it faces today. Every scholar, student or motivated citizen interested in the future of international relations, concerned by the current evolutions of politics in Europe and elsewhere, should pick up Anis Bajrektarević’s book.

Olivier Costa, Research Professor, CNRS (Bordeaux, France) / Director of Political Studies, College of Europe (Bruges/Belgium)

Prof. Bajrektarevic challenges us to revisit history in a new light and take another look at current global policies and structures. Insightful and thought provoking writings on global issues, past and present.

Brilliant, riveting, challenging!  Professor prompts us to think deeper about history and today’s global issues in this wonderful book.

Dimitri Neos, Executive Director, International Affairs Forum, Washington dc

Historically, so much has happened over the last 100 years, and technologically so much is taking place every single day that we are living in a stage of constant alert. Our society has to deal with too many consecutive and irreversible disruptions. In the knowledge-based and scientific era, where nanotechnology, artificial intelligence and robotics are available as advanced technological tools of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, it seems unlikely that humankind will be able to survive the idiosyncrasies of an unpredictable IV World War.

Therefore, it is imperative to rethink a new modus vivendi that responds to the realities and aspirations of the XXI century. This book by Prof. A. Bajrektarevic is a timely and in-depth reflection of our times.                         

Edna dos Santos

Former UNCTAD Director and main co-author of the Creative Economy Reports

Policy Advisor, United Nations Institute for Training and Research, UNITAR

Finally, let us close with the author’s word:

Future of History

Throughout the most of human evolution both progress as well as its horizontal transmission was extremely slow, occasional and tedious a process. Well into the classic period of Alexander the Macedonian and his glorious Alexandrian library, the speed of our knowledge transfers – however moderate, analogue and conservative – was still always surpassing snaillike cycles of our breakthroughs. When our sporadic breakthroughs finally turned to be faster than the velocity of their infrequent transmissions – that very event marked a point of our departure.

Simply, our civilizations started to significantly differentiate from each other in their respective techno-agrarian, politico-military, ethno-religious and ideological, and economic setups. In the eve of grand discoveries, that very event transformed wars and famine from the low-impact and local, into the bigger and cross-continental. Faster cycles of technological breakthroughs, patents and discoveries than their own transfers, primarily occurred on the Old continent.

That occurancy, with all its reorganizational effects, radically reconfigured societies – to the point of polarizing world onto the two: (anthropo-geographically inverted) centar and periphery. This was a birth of Europe as we know it today.

For the past few centuries, peripheries lived fear but dreamt a hope of Europeans – all for the sake of modern times. From WWI to www. Is this modernity of internet age, with all the suddenly reviled breakthroughs and their instant transmission, now harbouring us in a bay of fairness, harmony and overall reconciliation?

Shall we stop short at the Kantian dream, or continue to the Hobbesian realities and grasp for an objective, geopolitical definition of our currents.

This book is my modest contribution to the most pressing of all debates: Our common futures. I am happy if You see it that way too.Author: Editorial

OPCW Issues Report on Syria

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OPCW Issues Fact-Finding Mission Report on Chemical Weapons Use Allegation in Douma, Syria, in 2018

On the picture, OPCW Director General, H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias.

THE HAGUE, Netherlands —1 March 2019—The Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), issued today theĀ final reportĀ on the FFM’s investigation regarding the incident of alleged use of toxic chemicals as a weapon in Douma, Syrian Arab Republic, on 7 April 2018.

The FFM’s activities regarding this allegation included on-site visits to collect environmental samples, conduct witness interviews and gather data. The FFM further analysed a range of inputs including witness testimonies, environmental and biomedical samples analysis results, toxicological and ballistic analyses, and additional digital information from witnesses.

Regarding the alleged use of toxic chemicals as a weapon in Douma, the evaluation and analysis of all the above-referenced information gathered by the FFM provide reasonable grounds that the use of a toxic chemical as a weapon has taken place on 7 April 2018. This toxic chemical contained reactive chlorine. The toxic chemical was likely molecular chlorine.

The FFM’s report on the allegation of chemical weapons use in Douma has been shared with States Parties to the Chemical Weapons Convention and they will soon receive a briefing at OPCW Headquarters in The Hague. The report was also transmitted to the UN Security Council through the UN Secretary-General.

Japan Contributes €2.4M to Future OPCW Centre for Chemistry and Technology

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THE HAGUE, Netherlands — 27 February 2019 — The Government of Japan has contributed €2.4 million to a special Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Trust FundĀ to support the project to upgrade the current OPCW Laboratory and Equipment Store. This project will result in the constructionĀ of a new facility, the OPCW Centre for Chemistry and Technology (ā€œChemTech Centreā€).

The donation was formalised today in a ceremony involving the OPCW Director-General, H.E. Mr Fernando Arias, and Japan’s Permanent Representative to the OPCW, H.E. Ambassador Hiroshi Inomata, at OPCW Headquarters in The Hague. Ambassador Inomata announced the Government of Japan decision to contribute €2.4 million to support the project to upgrade the OPCW Chemical Laboratory to a Centre for Chemistry and Technology and remarked: ’’In order to prevent the use and recurrence of chemical weapons, it is essential that cases are investigated through neutral and objective scientific methods and by a fair and impartial international mechanism. Updating the OPCW Laboratory is, in this light, a very meaningful undertaking. We hope that this Centre will develop as a worldwide core facility for increasing expertise on the analysis and verification methods regarding cases where the possible use of chemical weapons might be suspected.’’

Director-General Arias stated, ā€œThe Government of Japan has my sincere gratitude for its generous contribution. This project is critical to the OPCW’s ability to respond to new and emerging chemical weapons threats, as well as to States Parties’ requests for increased international cooperation and assistance activities. This contribution demonstrates Japan’s commitment to helping the OPCW achieve these objectives.ā€

Thirteen States Parties have contributed or pledged to contribute financially to the project and a considerable amount has already been raised to date. The Director-General has appealed to all OPCW States Parties in a position to make voluntary contributions to do so. In making such appeals, he has emphasised that the new ChemTech Centre will be a resource for all States Parties and that, ā€œAll contributions, regardless of size, are greatly appreciatedā€.

The Russian-Federation and the OPCW

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Press Conference Russian-Federation And The OPCW

The Hague, 26 February 2019. The Embassy of the Russian Federation hosted a press conference, following the two extraordinary meetings of the OPCW“s Executive Council in January and February 2019 pertaining a proposal from the Russian-Federation to include chemicals in the Annex on Chemicals of the Chemical Weapons Convention.

The Russian Federation proposed to include five families of chemicals in the Annex on Chemicals of the Chemical Weapons Convention. However, USA, EU, Canada, NL, etc. agreed to the first four proposals but not the 5th proposal, on the ground that it does not satisfy the required criteria.

According to the Russian Federation, the proposal would have added strength to the Chemical Weapons Convention. A substantial argumentation for the dismissal was not provided.

The Russian-Federation will, however, present the proposal again to the OPCW member States.