The Case of The Prosecutor v. Germain Katanga in the Democratic Republic of Congo
On April 24, 2024, a significant ceremony took place in Bunia, Ituri, Democratic Republic of the Congo, marking the conclusion of the implementation of reparations in the case of The Prosecutor v. Germain Katanga. This event, convened by the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Trust Fund for Victims (TFV), with support from the Congolese government and attended by dignitaries from various nations, symbolized a crucial milestone in the pursuit of justice.
The Katanga Reparation Programme aimed to assist individuals impacted by the tragic events of February 23, 2003, when the village of Bogoro in Ituri Province, DRC, was attacked. Mr. Katanga was held liable as an accessory by the ICC for this attack. The programme provided support to those who lost loved ones, endured physical and psychological harm, and suffered property and livestock losses.
Symbolic Ceremony in Bunia, Ituri, Democratic Republic of the Congo.
ICC President Tomoko Akane, in a video message, emphasized the historic nature of the completion of reparations, lauding it as a significant achievement for both the Rome Statute system and the survivors of the Bogoro attack. She commended the resilience and dignity of the survivors throughout the ICC process, expressing hope that justice had been served.
The ceremony, designed according to the wishes of the victims, featured various symbolic elements. It included traditional dances calling for reconciliation among Ituri Province’s communities, a theatrical performance by students highlighting the role of the Rome Statute in delivering justice, and a dialogue between the beneficiaries and Mr. Marc Perrin de Brichambaut, former ICC Judge who presided over the reparations order.
A survivor provided a testimony, and a symbolic act of acceptance of reparations occurred, where beneficiaries transferred clay cows to signify their acknowledgment and gratitude. Cows hold cultural significance in Ituri and were chosen as reparations due to their symbolism of prosperity and identity.
H.E. Mr. Ingo Herbert, German Ambassador to the DRC during the ceremony.
The reparations, totaling USD 1 million, were fully complemented by the TFV with contributions from Germany, The Netherlands, and additional donors. H.E. Mr. Ingo Herbert, German Ambassador to the DRC, expressed admiration for the victims’ courage and emphasized the importance of community involvement in reparations planning and implementation.
MaĂźtre Fidel Luvengika Nsita, Legal Representative of Victims.
Mr. Ibrahim Yillah, Vice-Chair of the TFV Board of Directors, underscored the collaborative effort among States Parties, the ICC, and the TFV in achieving justice as promised by the Rome Statute.
The ceremony received support from a delegation of Ambassadors of States Parties and was followed by a roundtable event in Kinshasa, further discussing reparations programmes in the DRC.
Symbolic ceremony marking the conclusion of the implementation of reparations in the case of The Prosecutor v. Germain Katanga.
The Katanga Reparation Programme, implemented between 2017 and 2023, provided symbolic compensation followed by collective reparations, including housing and educational support, and income-generating activities based on victims’ preferences. Psychological support was also extended to victims, ensuring comprehensive assistance.
Mr. Yillah, the Vice Chair of the Board of Directors of the TFV.
The successful completion of these reparations signifies a step forward in addressing the grievances of victims and reaffirms the commitment to justice and reconciliation in conflict-affected regions.
Hari Kartini, also known as Kartini Day, is celebrated on April 21 in Indonesia. It honours Raden Adjeng Kartini, an advocate for women’s rights and education. She played a vital role in raising the social status of Indonesian women and highlighting key issues related to gender inequality.
In Indonesia, Kartini Day is celebrated with various activities, including fashion pageants. On April 21, 2024, BAROQCO – ADDICT of Haarlem organized a fashion show under the theme “The Legacy of Kartini” with the Indonesian Embassy’s patronage.
H.E. Ambassador Mr Mayerfas delivered the keynote address, He stated the following. âFirst, I would like to thank and to congratulate Bapak Eduardo Liem and Ibu Imelda from Baroqco and Mr. Sanjay from Addict Haarlem for organizing the event today, with the theme âLegacy of Kartiniâ.
On the 21st of April, Indonesians are commemorating Kartini Day. Kartini, one of our national heroes, was a prominent Indonesian woman who advocated for womenâs rights and female education. She was actually not the first major female figures. Centuries before her, Indonesia has known Queen Kalinyamat from Jepara with the biggest trading fleet across the Atlantic Ocean. Later on, we have Keumala Hayati from Aceh Sultanate, the first woman admiral in the modern world. We also have the brave Martha Christina Tiahahu, a leading Moluccan Freedom Fighter, and many more.
Kartini, however, has a special place in the relation between Indonesia and the Netherlands. But I will leave it to Ms. Feba Sukmana to explain more about it. We are celebrating womenâs diverse roles and emancipation in many walks of life. Todayâs women are strong, determined, and most importantly, they can achieve their dreams, just like what Kartini aspired more than a century ago.
I wish this event can be inspiring, not only for women but for all; about respecting humanâs rights, respecting differing views and aspirations, and promoting friendship between our two people, Indonesia and the Netherlands in the spirit of Kartini.
Pak Eduardo, Ibu Imelda, Mr. Sanjay, thank you so much for celebrating the Legacy of Kartini with this wonderful event. Thank you also to Chef Rendy from Hotel Jakarta and Good Jamu who have prepared the snacks and healthy welcoming drinks. I hope you all enjoy it. Terima kasihâ
BAROQCO â ADDICT issued the following statement âInspired by the remarkable legacy of Raden Adjeng Kartini, an Indonesian advocate for women’s rights and education, the Legacy of Kartini 2024 runway show was a poignant tribute to her enduring spirit. Kartini’s dedication to empowering women and preserving cultural heritage served as the guiding light for the BAROQCO x ADDICT event.
Against the backdrop of ADDICT Haarlem, the stage was set for a mesmerizing showcase of haute couture and prĂȘt-Ă -porter collections, each adorned with the timeless elegance of the traditional kebaya. Designed by the talented Dwi Sisdianto, the kebaya added a touch of heritage to every ensemble, symbolizing the fusion of tradition and modernity.
Photographers Marcel Schwab, Edwin Brosens & Frits van Onzen captured the essence of the show, immortalizing the beauty and grace of each moment. Models Floor Iris van de Vegte, Luna Isabella, Casey de Vries, Melissa Bottema, Serena Darder, Isabella Boels, and Bo Grootten, provided by 12 Months of Beauty, brought the designs to life with their poise and charm.
Under the skilled hands of MUA Team JK, led by chief MUA JK, along with Roos Wiers, Quinty Uittenbogaard, Danique Leermakers, and Fara Louise Anne, and with hair styled by Sanjay Ramcharan from ADDICT Haarlem, every look was flawlessly executed.
The exquisite jewelry from BAROQCO founded by Eduardo Liem & Imelda Liem added a touch of opulence to the ensembles, completing the vision of sophistication and allure. Thanks to sponsors Hotel Jakarta Amsterdam and Good Jamu for their unwavering support, and to the Indonesian Embassy (KBRI Den Haag) for their gracious patronage.
Credentials:
Photographer Marcel Schwab
Models Floor Iris van de Vegte, Luna Isabella, Casey de Vries, Melissa Bottema, Serena Darder, Isabella Boels & Bo Grootten
MUA by Team JK with chief mua JK, Roos wiers, Quinty Uittenbogaard, Danique Leermakers & Fara Louise Anne Hair by Sanjay Ramcharan from ADDICT Haarlem
Assistant Harm-Jan Cordes
Jewelry from BAROQCO by Eduardo Liem & Imelda Liem Kebaya by Dwi Sisdianto
In a splendid display of elegance and fellowship, the Embassy of Kuwait in The Hague recently hosted a memorable celebration marking the anniversaries of the National Day and Liberation Day of Kuwait. The event, attended by diplomats, business associates, Dutch officials, friends of Kuwait, and esteemed guests, of over 300 attendees, was a tribute to the lasting connection between Kuwait and the Netherlands.
Kuwait National and Liberation Day 2024
The National Day of Kuwait commemorates the 63rd anniversary since Kuwait gained its independence in 1961, the Liberation Day reflects upon 33 years since Kuwait was liberated following an unlawful and brutal invasion in 1991, with the support of the Netherlands as a member of the International coalition that liberated Kuwait, following the adoption of U.N. Security Council resolution 678.
This resolution gave the international coalition the authority to use all means necessary, to restore Kuwaitâs sovereignty and territorial integrity. These milestones are significant not only in Kuwait’s history but also in its journey towards progress and prosperity.
The King of the Netherlands and the Emir of Kuwait.
Reflecting on Kuwait’s journey since its independence, it is remarkable to see how this small yet dynamic nation has emerged as a leader in various fields. With a population exceeding 4.5 million, Kuwait boasts a diverse economy driven by industries such as petroleum, petrochemicals, construction, finance, and tourism. Moreover, Kuwait’s commitment to renewable energy and sustainable development underscores its vision for a brighter future.
Central to the event was Ambassador Aldafiri’s address, where he highlighted the special milestone of 60 years of diplomatic relations between Kuwait and the Netherlands. Emphasizing mutual respect, understanding, and cooperation, he underscored the shared values that have strengthened bilateral ties over the decades. He also expressed optimism about the potential for further collaboration in areas such as energy, technology, education, and trade.
Kuwait Petroleum International
Ambassador Al-Dafiri underscored the robust economic and investment connections between the respective nations. Notably, the significant presence of Kuwait Petroleum International (Q8), a subsidiary of Kuwait Petroleum Corporation (KPC)âone of the world’s largest corporationsâoperating extensively in the Netherlands under the brand name “Tango”, exemplifies the enduring and formidable partnership shared between the two countries.
To mark the occasion, the embassy unveiled a symbolic logo celebrating six decades of diplomatic relations between Kuwait and the Netherlands. The logo, adorned with symbols representing technological advancements and cultural heritage, served as an affirmation of the enduring friendship between the two nations. â2024 marks a special milestone for both Kuwait and The Netherlands as we celebrate the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between both countries. In this context, it gives me great pleasure to showcase the logo, created specifically for this special occasion in collaboration with the Dutch Embassy in Kuwait and the kind support of Kuwait Petroleum International and we look forward to many events and activities that will take place throughout this year in Kuwait and the Netherlands to celebrate this special milestone.â Expressed Ambassador Aldafiri.
Kuwait National and Liberation Day 2024. Marriot Hotel The Hague.
The event also featured a presentation highlighting Kuwait’s advancements in the petroleum industry, showcasing its leadership in the international market. Guests were treated to a lavish buffet featuring Kuwaiti delicacies, fostering an atmosphere of warmth and hospitality.
H.E. Mr. Frans Potuyt, former Ambassador of the Netherlands to Kuwait.
His Excellency Mr. Frans Potuyt, former Ambassador of the Netherlands to Kuwait, extended his congratulations to Kuwait, praising its commitment to freedom, tolerance, and peace in the region. He expressed gratitude for the strong bilateral relations between the two countries, underlining the importance of wise leadership in fostering mutual understanding and cooperation.
The celebration of Kuwait’s National and Liberation Day in The Hague serves as a testimony to the enduring friendship and mutual respect between Kuwait and the Netherlands. As both nations look towards the future, the event reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening ties and fostering prosperity for generations to come. Diplomat Magazine extends its sincere congratulations to the State of Kuwait on this joyous occasion.
In a world where globalization often threatens the uniqueness of cultural heritage, the efforts to preserve and promote traditional crafts are not only commendable but vital. Maria Rosa Eguez, the spouse of the Ecuadorian Ambassador, is one such advocate, championing the prestigious art and craft of Ecuador â the Toquilla Straw Hat.
Recently, Maria Rosa organized a presentation about this iconic hat, also known as the âPanama Hatâ, with the aim of showcasing Ecuadorâs rich cultural legacy. Specially organized for the members of ASA, the diplomatic spouses association of The Hague, and supported by the Embassy of Ecuador and its Commercial Office, Maria Rosa’s endeavor was more than just showcasing a product; it was about celebrating centuries of tradition and craftsmanship.
Members of ASA during the Ecuador’s Toquilla Straw Hat’s presentation,
The Toquilla Straw Hat holds a special place in Ecuadorian heritage, its origins dating back to pre-Hispanic cultures. The intricate weaving of toquilla fibers was practiced by ancient civilizations for various purposes, from hat-making to shelter construction and even fishing traps. This deep-rooted tradition endured through the ages, evolving with the arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century.
It was in the 17th century that a significant milestone occurred when Domingo ChĂłez combined pre-Hispanic weaving techniques with the traditional form of Hispanic cloth hats, giving birth to what we now recognize as the Toquilla Straw Hat. This fusion of cultures marked the beginning of a flourishing industry that would become synonymous with Ecuadorian craftsmanship.
By the late 18th century, the Toquilla Straw Hat had become a significant export commodity, with its popularity extending beyond Ecuador’s borders to countries like Colombia, Peru, and Chile. However, it wasn’t until the 19th century that the hat gained its famous moniker â the Panama Hat.
The strategic location of Panama Canal facilitated the distribution of these hats to international markets, leading to the misconception of their origin. This misnomer persisted, bolstered by an iconic moment when President Theodore Roosevelt was photographed wearing one during his visit to the Panama Canal in 1906. From then on, the Ecuadorian Toquilla Straw Hat became widely known as the Panama Hat.
Despite the global recognition, Ecuador remained committed to preserving the authenticity of its cultural heritage. In 2012, UNESCO recognized the traditional weaving of the Toquilla Straw Hat as a World Intangible Cultural Heritage.
Through education, promotion, and economic support, Ecuador continues to safeguard its ancestral techniques, ensuring that the art of Toquilla weaving thrives for years to come.
As Maria Rosa concluded her speech, she invited the audience to witness the intricate process of hat-making through an interesting video.
Ecuador’s Toquilla Straw Hat
In a rapidly changing world, where cultural homogenization threatens diversity, initiatives like Maria Rosa’s serve as a guiding light of hope, reminding us of the beauty and importance of embracing our heritage.
On the afternoon of March 30, 2024, the Royal Thai Embassy in The Hague, under the distinguished patronage of H.E. Mr. Asi Mamanee, the Ambassador of the Royal Kingdom of Thailand, organised a captivating journey into the realm of Thai culinary artistry.
With the prestigious Leonardo Royal Hotel Den Haag Promenade as its backdrop, the workshop titled “Kae-Sa-Lak Thai Fruit & Vegetable Carving for beginners” welcomed enthusiasts and novices alike to explore the intricate craft of Thai fruit and vegetable carving. Ambassador Mamanee warmly greeted participants, setting the stage for a promising and enlightening experience rooted in Thai tradition.
Guided by the skilled artisans of the Buddhivongsil Carving GroupâMs. Phanida Yommee, Ms. Suphatcha Chaisaeng, and Ms. Mayuree Inaumâthe workshop was meticulously curated to impart the rich heritage of Thai culinary skills to a diverse audience.
Thai fruit and vegetable carving transcends mere culinary practice; it embodies an art form deeply embedded in Thai culture. Often utilized for food decoration during family gatherings and festive occasions, it adds a touch of grace and symbolism to traditional dishes, symbolizing the elegance and sophistication of Thai cuisine.
The Royal Thai Embassy’s unwavering commitment to promoting Thai traditions within the Dutch community has yielded significant success. Preceding the carving workshop, a series of Thai meditation sessions captivated a mixed audience comprising locals, diplomats, and members of the diaspora, fostering cultural exchange and mutual understanding.
The workshop reached its maximum capacity, attracting 21 eager participants from diverse backgrounds. Dutch residents, international expatriates, and spouses of diplomats from ASEAN member countries, along with representatives from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, graced the occasion.
Throughout the session, participants were introduced to a plethora of carving techniques and skills, unveiling the secrets behind transforming humble fruits and vegetables into exquisite works of art. The intricate patterns and delicate motifs demonstrated by the instructors, inspired attendees to delve deeper into the intricacies of Thai culinary craftsmanship. As tokens of appreciation, the Embassy presented each participant with special carving knives and utensils to continue their practice at home.
The workshop’s success was further enhanced by the generous support of partners such as the Buddhivongsil Carving Group, Namdhariâs Fresh, and Bud Holland. Their contributions, including an array of Thai fruits and vegetables, enriched the participants’ experience, fostering a profound appreciation for Thai culinary traditions.
As the curtains drew to a close on this memorable event, the Royal Thai Embassy, The Hague, extended heartfelt gratitude to all involved, reaffirming its dedication to nurturing cultural exchange and celebrating the enduring beauty of Thai heritage.
In the heart of The Hague, a city known for its international ambiance and diplomatic presence, Diplomat Magazine partnered with the embassies of Argentina, Cuba, and the Dominican Republic to curate a series of after-work diplomatic activities centered around the art of dance. La Residance Dance School became the stage for this cultural convergence, offering diplomats a professional introduction to the rhythmic delights of tango, salsa, and merengue-bachata.
The journey commenced with the grace and passion of the Argentine tango, as the renowned duo Tango Matter, comprising Geraldine Rojas and Ezequiel Paludi, guided a group of diplomats through the fundamentals of this elegant dance form. In three master classes, participants immersed themselves in the intricate footwork and intimate connection that define the essence of tango, gaining insights into Argentine culture beyond diplomatic protocols.
Diplomats Tango Classes
As autumn deepened, the warmth of Dominican rhythms enveloped the dance floor, as Rafael Espinal led a workshop on merengue and bachata.
Against the backdrop of chilly November evenings, diplomats shed their formal attire and embraced the vivacious beats, guided by Espinal’s expertise and accompanied by enlightening narratives on the history of Dominican music. In four lively classes, merengue and bachata became not just dances, but fraternal links among diplomats from a myriad of countries.
Diplomat Magazine Salsa classes.
March brought the pulsating energy of Cuban salsa to the forefront, by Rafael Cala and his team of dancers. With contagious enthusiasm, they infused the diplomatic cohort with the spirit of Havana, teaching the steps and the cultural nuances embedded within each movement.
At the conclusion of each dance series, the embassies of Argentina, Cuba and Dominican Republic, graciously presented certificates of participation to all attendees.
H.E. Ms. Anet Pino Rivero, Ambassador of Cuba, Dr. Mayelinne De Lara, Diplomat Magazine’s Publisher and Ms. Lourdes Escobar, Consul of Cuba presenting the certificates of participations to the Salsa Workshop.
Beyond the mere steps and spins, Dancing Diplomacy encapsulates the essence of cultural exchange and mutual respect. Through shared experiences on the dance floor, diplomats transcend formalities and engage on a human level, fostering trust and empathy essential for effective diplomacy.
The European Times (03.05.2024) – It has been almost one year since Basir Al Sqour, a 47-year-old former military officer in the Jordanian army with the rank of âmajor,â had to leave his country in a hurry because of his change of religion and the ensuing persecution due to his choice. He managed to reach Greece in November 2023 where his brother Omar and his wife had arrived two months earlier. All of them have provisionally found a safe but fragile haven in that country where they have applied for asylum.
Basir Al Squour was a Sunni Muslim but in 2015 he discovered and joined a new religious movement having its roots in Twelver Shia Islam: the Ahmadi Religion of Peace and Light. Such a case could be compared to a Catholic converting to a marginal Protestant group, like the Adventists or Jehovahâs Witnesses. This would remain unnoticed and without any damaging consequences in any country with a Christian majority population. Not in Jordan where he was viewed as a heretic by the military hierarchy, mainstream religious scholars, the civil authorities and the Muslim population.
The Ahmadi Religion of Peace and Light, a liberal Muslim movement
 The Ahmadi Religion of Peace and Light appeared in 1999 in the chaotic post-Saddam Iraq and soon expanded to other countries with Sunni or Shia majority populations. This Muslim community is not to be confused with the Ahmadiyya Community founded in the 19th century by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad within a Sunni context. The Ahmadi Religion of Peace and Light is a very small community in Jordan. As they are considered heretics, they face ongoing challenges, including harassment from authorities, threats of violence and social exclusion due to their divergent beliefs from the traditional orthodox views. Their followers believe that the real Kaaba is not in Mecca (but in Petra, Jordan), that all the prophets throughout the history of Islam made mistakes, that fixed times for prayers are not necessary, that Ramadan is in December, that headscarves should not be mandatory for women, that alcohol can be freely but moderately drunk. They accept LGBTQ people in their community and believe they should not be stigmatized or persecuted.
Some points of the legal framework about religionÂ
The U.S. government estimates the population at 10.9 million (midyear 2020 estimate). According to U.S. government estimates, Muslims, virtually all of whom are Sunni, make up 97.2 percent of the population. The constitution declares Islam âthe religion of the stateâ but safeguards âthe free exercise of all forms of worship and religious rites,â as long as these are consistent with public order and morality. It stipulates there shall be no discrimination in the rights and duties of citizens on grounds of religion and states the King must be a Muslim.Â
The Jordanian Penal Code includes provisions which criminalise defamation of religion, the monarchy and other institutions. Article 273 of Jordanâs Penal Code, for example, criminalises âcontempt of any of the Prophetsâ with imprisonment for up to three years. This includes attributing any mistakes to them. Article 278 criminalisesâ publishing anything that would insult the religious feelings or religious beliefs of other peopleâ. This extends to publishing books that violate public norms and values, are religiously offensive, or are insulting to the King. Additionally, article 274 of the Jordanian Penal code criminalises eating or drinking in public during the month of Ramadan with imprisonment up to a month and a fine.
The escalation in the state and societal persecution of the Ahmadi ReligionÂ
Not surprisingly, the Jordanian authorities launched a ruthless campaign to shut down the faith and crack down on its members. In 2020, the Jordanian authorities even went as far as shutting down the satellite channel of the religious community, which was broadcasting to hundreds of thousands of homes in the MENA region. Initially the authorities censored any material that spoke negatively about Jordan. Then the Jordanian government made an official request to the satellite company, succeeding in shutting down the channel completely and getting it off air.
Inside Jordan, the crackdown was even more severe, with harassment, social ostracism and violent attacks on the homes of followers of the Ahmadi Religion. Basirâs family for instance reported being called âimpure apostatesâ and relatives refused to enter their homes or to eat and drink with them. Yet things escalated further when one day the extended family of Basir attacked his house. They came with sticks and even shot guns at the house. According to their thinking it was permissible to kill him since he was a âmurtadâ (an apostate).
The escalation in the persecution targeting Basir Al SqourÂ
Basir Al Sqour graduated from King Husseinâs Air College as a combat pilot. When it was known that he was an adherent of the Ahmadi Religion of Peace and Light, persecution started.
He was subjected to continuous investigations because there was no place for a heretic in the army of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
In mid-2017, his unitâs commander urgently summoned him to the military intelligence office. He thought it would just be a routine inquiry about his change of religion but this time, it was different. The investigation officers threatened him that he would face military trial under severe charges, including apostasy and treason, if he did not resign from his position in the army or recant his new religious affiliation. Concerned for his familyâs safety, he chose to resign after an 18-year military career, losing all his retirement benefits and entitlements.
The whole family of Basir is now scattered across several European countries. For the moment, Basir is in Greece with both his brothers, Omar and Ahmed, and Omarâs wife, Wala. They have all applied for asylum in Greece. Basir and Omar are waiting for the decision of the authorities. For the main fundamental reason â heresy because of their divergent theological doctrines and practices â the Ahmadi Religion of Peace and Light and their followers are persecuted in quite a number of countries with Muslim majority populations: Algeria, Azerbaijan, Iran, Iraq, Malaysia, Thailand, TurkeyâŠÂ
While leaning on the previous Instituteâs analysis, this work will particularly examine Azerbaijan’s Southern Gas Corridor (SGC) as a strategic pathway for both the EU and Azerbaijan amidst the ongoing energy transition. The SGC serves as an infrastructure project, aiming to transport natural gas from the Caspian region to Europe. The strategic positioning of Azerbaijan, established infrastructure, and commitment to align with global climate needs are the strong features complimenting the SGC. By capitalizing on its natural resources and embracing innovative solutions such as CCS and hydrogen production, Azerbaijan can position itself as a reliable partner in the global pursuit of climate resilience. Addressing societal skepticism and fostering industry readiness are the next step for the SGC. As the world moves towards a more sustainable energy future, the SGC will continue to play a vital role in shaping the energy landscape of the Caspian region and Europe. In essence, the SGC embodies a paradigm shift towards collaborative energy governance, where mutual interests converge to forge a path toward a more sustainable future.
The Role of Oil and Gas Companies in the Global Energy Transition
Climate change has shifted from a distant concern to an imminent crisis demanding immediate action across all sectors of society. At the forefront of this global challenge are oil and gas companies, longstanding pillars of the world’s energy landscape. As the primary contributors to greenhouse gas emissions, these companies wield considerable influence in shaping the course of climate change and bear significant responsibility for mitigating its impacts. The urgency for change is underscored by the existential threat posed to oil and gas companies in the face of rapid global energy transformation. According to the report from the Atlantic Council, in the S&P 500, the energy sector has experienced a dramatic decrease of 48 percent in the last 10 years (Krauskopf, 2019).
National oil companies (NOCs), in particular, emerge as key players in this landscape. Fully or majority-owned by national governments, these companies have significant influence, accounting for half of global oil production and holding a substantial share of global oil reserves (Belle and Mulhovo, 2024). Oil income serves as a vital revenue source for governments, underpinning essential services and societal well-being. Despite their centrality to national economies and revenue generation, NOCs face mounting pressure to participate in the energy transition and support the decarbonization of the energy system.
Recent global climate conferences, such as COP28 hosted by the United Arab Emirates (UNFCCC, 2023) and the upcoming COP29 scheduled in Azerbaijan (UNFCCC, 2024), highlight the active involvement of petrostates and oil and gas companies in this pivotal transition. Moreover, IRENA analysis highlighted the link between the markets, governance structures, institutional features, and the energy transition in NOCs (IRENA, 2021), and in the face of these challenges and opportunities, oil and gas companies must navigate a multifaceted landscape characterized by policy, investor, and societal pressures. The sector’s utilization of interconnected technologies offers great avenues for decarbonization. From geological expertise to the development of carbon capture and storage (CCS) and hydrogen production, the industry holds existing expertise that can be harnessed to facilitate the energy transition.
Azerbaijan’s Strategic Positioning in Green Energy and the Role of SGC
There are numerous opportunities open for countries like Azerbaijan, which thanks to their proximity to Europe and well-established oil and gas infrastructure, can utilize the already existing expertise and infrastructure to invest in hydrogen projects (Belle and Mulhovo, 2024). It has the potential to decarbonize the energy sector. Additionally, CCS technologies, which can capture emitted CO2, hold significant promise. Notably, according to the IEA report, a substantial portion of large-scale CCS projects, approximately 80% (2020), are integrated with oil and gas operations. Scaling up CCS is a pivotal aspect of global decarbonization efforts, aligning with initiatives such as the EU’s Net Zero Industry Act and Nationally Determined Contributions under the Paris Agreement (IEA, 2023).
By becoming the host country for the next COP29, Azerbaijan has immediately drawn attention to its energy sector. Considering current geopolitical changes in Eurasia, Azerbaijan is in a favorable position to extend its influence both eastward into Central Asia and westward into the Balkans and further in the EU. The planned increase in energy supply to Europe and the advancement of critical connectivity projects such as the Middle Corridor and SGC are positioning Azerbaijan to apply an active role in the region, emerging as a vital hub for essential energy resources. Meanwhile, being a petrostate and with the oil and gas sector being the cornerstone of the countryâs economy, Azerbaijan, considering the green transition, does participate in the process through its diversification efforts. Moreover, having renewable energy potential as hydro, solar, wind, and geothermal resources (IEA, 2023) is an opportunity for future growth. As it was stated during the Green Energy Advisory Council meeting in Baku, considering the role of the oil and gas sector in the green energy transition, SGC is going to be the platform for enhanced energy partnership between Azerbaijan and the EU (President AZ, 2024).
Meanwhile, there is a changing role of the oil and gas companies in energy, this analysis will primarily examine the strategic significance of Azerbaijan’s SGC for both the EU and Azerbaijan amidst the ongoing energy transition. The SGC serves as a crucial energy infrastructure project, aiming to transport natural gas from the Caspian region to Europe.
The SGC will not only impact the energy transition but will also need and create changes in other areas such as policy, society, and industry. The political fit refers to the need for the policies and regulations governing energy production and consumption to align with the goals of decarbonization and sustainability. Meanwhile, society’s increasing awareness and concern about climate change and environmental degradation play a significant role in shaping energy policies and practices. Finally, for the SGC, understanding the industry’s readiness to seize CCS and hydrogen production opportunities is crucial for determining the project’s success and its contribution to the energy transition. Therefore, this study will delve into various aspects, including policy alignment, societal demands for decarbonization, and industry changes, particularly concerning CCS technology and blue hydrogen production.
Evolving Energy Alliances: Azerbaijan’s Role Amidst Political Shifts in Europe
âThe Russian clash with the west over Ukraine has prompted significant political changes in Eurasia, leading to a reconsideration of energy alliances and a closer examination of everyoneâs roleâ â as guru of the higher education in Africa and the Swiss MP, prof. Djawed Sangdel pointed out. Caucasus is surely an important energy transiting and producing partner. Countries in Southeast Europe and Central Europe, including existing customers like Greece, Bulgaria, and Italy, as well as potential new customers such as Hungary, Croatia, Serbia, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Romania, Slovenia, and Albania (Bowden, 2022), have expressed interest in increasing their imports of Azerbaijani gas.
Pipeline Gas Flows From the Russian Federation to the EU (2021-2023)
Source: ENTSOG
These countries, collectively forming the Southeast Europe and Central European region, are seeking to diversify their energy sources away from reliance on Russian supplies. Furthermore, major producers in the region, including Serbia, Greece, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, and Romania, are aligning their energy policies with the EU’s decarbonization objectives. They are aiming to reduce coal production and consumption, substituting it with natural gas and renewable energy sources. As the Prime Minister of Albania, Edi Rama said as the proportion of Russian gas in the EU is declining from 40% to zero and with the push for green initiatives the utilization of Azerbaijani gas resources and the Caspian region becomes increasingly vital for the mutual future of the regions (President AZ, 2024). On December 31, 2020, the initial transmission of Azerbaijani gas to the EU has started. According to Azerbaijanâs Energy Ministry, within three years, the SGC facilitated the delivery of over 31 billion cubic meters (bcm) of natural gas to Europe.
In July 2022, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Energy Commissioner Kadri Simson visited Baku to confer with President Aliyev and formally endorsed a Memorandum of Understanding regarding the exportation of increasing by 4 bcm of gas from Azerbaijan to Europe, starting in 2022 (European Commission, 2022). This agreement further underscored Azerbaijan’s status as a credible energy ally. At this moment, gas supplies to Europe from the Corridor have increased by 46% compared to 2021. The RePowerEU policy by the European Commission (2022) aims for a significant and immediate reduction in the EU’s reliance on Russian gas, intending to eliminate dependence on imported Russian fossil fuels, including oil, gas, and coal, well before 2030. This plan involves diversifying gas imports from alternative sources such as the MENA region, LNG, and gas from Azerbaijan, among other strategies.
Policy Dynamics in the SGC
European companies operating within the SGC are undergoing significant policy changes as well, in particular, in their approach to renewable energy and the broader electricity supply chain (IRENA, 2021). One group of companies, including Eni, Shell, and Total, is not only diversifying their portfolios to include renewable energy but also investing extensively across the electricity supply chain, from production to generation and supply. Shell and Total, for example, have expanded their presence through the acquisition of companies involved in various aspects of electricity generation, battery storage, domestic power, and more, on a global scale (IRENA, 2021). These shifts in operational organization reflect European companies’ recognition of the need to align with Europe’s transition to a lower-carbon economy, driven by both policy mandates and financial pressures. As these companies increasingly invest in renewable energy and transition toward becoming electricity providers, there could be shifts in the demand for natural gas and the role of the corridor in supplying Europe’s energy needs. The SGC serves as a crucial energy infrastructure project, providing European countries with an alternative to Russian gas and supporting decarbonization objectives, meanwhile expanding the energy market for Azerbaijan.
Considering other political fits in the framework of the Southern Gas Corridor, the SGC operates within the framework of European competition legislation, which prohibits joint sales and marketing through a single seller as it breaches Article 81(1) EC and Article 53 of the European Economic Area Agreement. However, when long-term gas supply contracts were signed with European gas buyers in 2013, the marketing arm of the Shah Deniz consortium, Azerbaijan Gas Supply Company (AGSC), a single seller, was exempted from joint sales restrictions. This exemption was granted because although AGSC is a single consortium, it has seven shareholders, the Shah Deniz Gas Entitlement Holders, and each sells its gas via AGSC in proportion to its entitlement.
Society and Green Transition
Skepticism from society regarding Azerbaijan’s ability to contribute to the green transition and serve as an energy ally for Europe due to its reliance on fossil fuels is a valid concern. Given Azerbaijan’s significant oil and gas reserves and its historical dependence on these resources, there may be doubts about the country’s commitment to sustainability and its capacity to transition to cleaner energy sources. Addressing these concerns requires transparent communication and concrete actions from Azerbaijan to demonstrate its dedication to green initiatives and its willingness to embrace renewable energy technologies.
Azerbaijan’s initiative to host COP29 highlights its commitment to leading discussions on global climate action, despite its abundant fossil fuel resources. This represents the dedication to exploring ways for a sustainable and efficient green energy transition on a global scale, and most importantly, economies heavily dependent on the oil and gas sector.
The meeting in Baku had two important topics: advancing the bilateral clean energy agenda between Azerbaijan and the EU and the operational aspects of the SGC. Hydrogen was a focal point of the discussion as it has the potential in the long run to intersect both areas (President AZ, 2024). The country has a lot of opportunities for renewable energy, such as wind and solar, which can further be used to produce hydrogen and electricity that can be exported and further replace fossil fuels. They have set national targets to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 40% by 2050 compared to the levels from the 1990s (Abnett, 2024). In this context, having discussions on blue and green hydrogens within the framework of the SGC is of significant importance. Oil companies operating in the country are also taking their part in the green energy initiatives. For instance, BP is planning to start construction of a solar power station with a capacity of 240 MW (Azernews, 2024) in the summer of 2024.
The SGC is an initiative in the transition of oil and gas-dependent Azerbaijan towards green energy, proving the point that they meet societal demands on decarbonization. The EU has integrated clean energy as a fundamental aspect of its bilateral relations with Azerbaijan (European Commission, 2022). Those also align with the EU projects such as REPowerEU, which is an opportunity for Azerbaijan to deepen its engagement with the EU on renewable energy and accelerate its transition towards a cleaner and more sustainable energy future. The recent signing of a Memorandum of Understanding with EU wind companies signifies a stride forward. The export of green energy is poised to sustain Azerbaijan’s relevance as an energy exporter beyond 2040 when existing long-term gas supply contracts are set to expire.
Moreover, since as the part of decarbonization plan, the national oil and gas companies are planning to employ CCS, like any other technology or decision, they need government support and political commitment at least until the technology develops not only in the sense of numerous industrial changes or agreements but also to foster societal support. Both because of public skepticism and the industry’s failure to effectively communicate its decarbonization plans, there is a huge backlash for the oil and gas sector (Berns et al, 2019). As well as many are skeptical about CCS as a climate mitigation tool, basing their arguments on high costs and uncertainties about the safety of carbon storage. As Fattouh et al. say critics argue that CCS might perpetuate reliance on fossil fuels and hinder the adoption of cleaner technologies (2021). Some go further and advocate for prioritizing natural carbon sinks over CCS technologies.
Changes in Industry
The EU’s continued demand for gas, both for power generation and industrial applications, underscores the relevance of the SGC as a crucial source of energy supply. Azerbaijan has substantial gas reserves as well as the existing infrastructure for gas transportation to the EU. However, in light of global actions to transition towards cleaner energy sources, Azerbaijan also faces the imperative to adopt more sustainable practices. In the context of the SGC, the integration of CCS technology and the production of blue and green hydrogen present significant opportunities for aligning with the evolving energy landscape and addressing sustainability concerns.
First, concerning resource availability, Shah Deniz Deep, Absheron Stage 1 and 2, ACG Deep, and Ămid are part of production portfolios managed by international consortia, with Ămid being developed by SOCAR.
Gas Remaining for the Domestic Market vs. Gas Consumption
Source: Rzayeva (2023)
Meanwhile, the SGC has the following capacity, which is only planned to increase.
The Expansion of the SGC segments. Source: Rzayeva (2023).
According to the Ministry of Energy of Azerbaijan, aligning with the societal and political demands for energy exports, Azerbaijan has started heavily investing in renewables such as wind and solar, attracting millions of foreign investments. As well as the technical potential for renewable energy, offshore specifically is 157 GW, among which wind and solar energy take the leading positions. Azerbaijan’s potential for implementing CCS technology within the oil and gas sector is a critical aspect of this transition. The country’s involvement in international consortia, such as the Shah Deniz Deep and Absheron projects, offers opportunities for integrating CCS into gas production processes (Rzayeva, 2023). CCS technology, by capturing and storing carbon dioxide emissions from natural gas combustion (IEA, 2024), can significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions, aligning with both EU and global sustainability goals.
Azerbaijan’s oil and gas sector presents the opportunity for CCS implementation. The country has substantial hydrocarbon reserves, which are expected to continue playing a significant role in its energy mix for the foreseeable future. Meanwhile, to mitigate its environmental impact CCS deployment is an attractive option. Since the government has shown its commitment to sustainability, by leveraging these strengths, Azerbaijan can effectively implement CCS technology to capture and store carbon emissions from its oil and gas operations, thereby reducing its carbon footprint and contributing to global climate goals. The economic feasibility of CCS relies on various factors, which include capital costs, operational expenses, and market demand. While CCS technologies have advanced in recent years, they still require substantial upfront investments and operational costs.
Hydrogen Production
Similarly, hydrogen production requires significant investment in infrastructure and may face competition from conventional fossil fuels. However, as global efforts to decarbonize increase and demand for clean energy rises, the hydrogen market (especially for Azerbaijan) is expected to grow. Azerbaijan can leverage its abundant natural gas reserves to produce blue hydrogen. The offshore expertise collected over several decades by the oil and gas industries is the key to supporting the offshore wind industry. Repurposing existing offshore infrastructure can facilitate the efficient transition to offshore renewable energy technologies.
Blue hydrogen production, which involves using natural gas as a feedstock and capturing the resulting CO2 emissions through CCS (IRENA, 2021), offers a promising pathway towards decarburization in the SGC to adapt to changing market dynamics. As a major gas producer in the region, Azerbaijan can greatly benefit from the development of blue hydrogen as an alternative energy carrier. By using CCS with hydrogen production, it can produce clean hydrogen while decreasing emissions from gas operations at the same time. Moreover, blue hydrogen production presents new economic opportunities, including export potential and diversification of the energy portfolio, further reinforcing Azerbaijan’s role as a key player in the global energy market.
About the author:
Zhuldyz Ramazanova
Zhuldyz Ramazanova – IFIMES, Information Officer Transport and Energy Corridors In-house specialist.
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The case of Ms Shamima Begum, a victim of child- trafficking made stateless by the UK government
After the territorial defeat of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) on March 23 2019, thousands of women and children who were associated with ISIS have been interned and detained in various camps in northeast Syria, under the control of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the military wing of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES).
The present article examines the case of Ms Shamima Begum, a British teenager who, in 2015, was groomed and trafficked to Syria to marry an ISIS fighter. In February 2019, Ms Begum was found in the al Roj camp and successively stripped of her British nationality by the then home secretary, Sajid Javid, on the grounds that she represented a terror threat to the UK. Ms Begum does not hold any other nationality, and she has been made de jure stateless by her own country, representing the first case of this sort, and as such unprecedented, in British history.
1. The story of Ms Shamima Begum.
I met Ms Shamima Begum in 2006 when she was very young, while I was conducting my field work with Islamist activists in the UK .
I met her at her family home in Bethnal Green (East London), where she lived with her immediate family and a young cousin, my interviewee, who was by then a member of al Ghurabaa, a radical Islamist party banned in July 2006, under the Second Terror Act.
It had been quite common for me to conduct interviews at the intervieweesâ family homes; from a methodological point of view, it is a familiar environment where the ensuing interviews and conversations can proceed in a relaxed manner, with the opportunity to observe the subjects of study interactions within the family unit.
What has never happened during my five years of field work is that a child had asked to participate in the conversation by asking questions about Islamism as a concept and about practices of anti-Muslim racism in the UK. Her mother did not allow Shamima to sit with her cousin and me during the interview and decided to usher her out of the room by claiming that â those conversations and those things are not for girls like youâ.
After the end of the interview, I left her house with a fond memory of her familyâs kindness and hospitality; above all, her great curiosity and very inquisitive eyes stayed with me for a long time. I then reflected upon the fact that young girls and children like Shamima experience and learn of practices of sexism first and foremost within the quiet domesticity of their family life, where the male members (like Shamimaâs cousin) could pursue political passions and activism, that were considered unsuitable for women and young girls. I also hypothesised that later on in her life, her experience of the national institutions and the civil society in the UK would have provided her with other kinds of challenges and levels of discrimination that, coupled with those within her private sphere, would have positioned Ms Begum at the inconvenient intersection of two kinds of racisms: a sexual one and an anti-Muslim one.
When I learned that Shamima left London to join ISIS, I also speculated that, as a minor, she must have struggled to deal with the experience of the intersectionality of discriminations without them being acknowledged and addressed by her family circle and by representatives of the national institutions. It is possible that, given her young age and the negligent lack of guidance from adults in different capacities, she must have been unable to find a better solution for them than the disruptive one she was lured, deceived and coerced into embracing, aged 15.
In 2015, Shamima, together with two of her friends, Kadiza Sultana and Amira Abase, both 16 years old, had left the UK, flying to Turkey first to reach Syria to join ISIS.
I felt extremely worried about her and surprised that her relatives, her school teachers and also the UK authorities had been incapable of preventing her and her school friends (three minors) from leaving the country to join a terrorist group. I also formulated two considerations: first, by joining ISIS, Ms Begum had declared (symbolically) to her family that women stay in the rooms when politics is discussed; second, due to her very young age and possibly to her high level of frustration, she did not consider that she was choosing the most dangerous way of implementing a feminist agenda of Islamism and that what had been presented, by unscrupulous recruiters, as a path to liberation (ISIS membership) would have turned into a pernicious form of personal subjugation.
At the beginning of 2019, Ms Begum was found by a Times journalist in a refugee camp in northeast Syria, pregnant with her third child after having lost her other two children due to the campâs unsanitary conditions and lack of aid and primary health care.
In February 2019, the UK Home Office and the then home secretary Sajid Javid stripped Ms Begum of her British citizenship on the grounds that she constituted a risk to national security, leaving her stateless, as Ms Begum did not hold any other nationality. According to the British Nationality Act (2014), the Home Office can revoke British nationality on various grounds. Between 2018 and 2019, 250 people have been stripped of citizenship by the UK government. Although the Home Office refused to identify how many of these people were related to ISIS and how many of them were minors, it is known that all of them were members of a minority group, that none of them held dual English and Israeli passports, and none of them had been made stateless as they held double nationality.
She has also been refused entry into the UK to stand trial and appeal against the UK Home Office’s decision to denationalise her. In February 2021, even the UKâs highest court denied her bid to return home to contest the deprivation.
In the meanwhile, she lost her third child, Jarrah, due to a severe lung infection contracted in the camp, where preventable diseases and curable infections become fatal for infants.
2. A real terror threat?
Ms Begum has been interviewed several times by journalists and documentarists. What emerged from her account of her life under ISIS is that she did not become a wife by choice, but she was coerced into joining ISIS, into marrying a foreign fighter and into witnessing people being violated, tortured and decapitated, causing her enormous distress and the development of a severe form of PTSD. The majority of studies on child soldiers reveal that female child soldiers and those abducted to marry fighters (like Shamima) had a greater severity of psychosocial problems than did male child soldiers, with one study identifying that female child soldiers were 6.8 times more likely to have PSTD than males. She also declared that she would have done everything to âone day come back home to the UKâ, as they promised her if she would have complied with what was asked of her.
In this regard, the political decision taken in 2019 by the Home Office to strip her of her nationality, to make her stateless without any sort of protection by adducing reasons for the potential threat that her presence in the UK could pose to the national security, becomes difficult to understand and above all to justify. Her treatment also dangerously overlooks the fact that ISIS child soldiers, as she was biographically when she travelled to Syria, can also be trafficked, and thus, they are victims of terror fighters rather than their supporters or loyal followers.
In Ms Begumâs case, it is a matter of public record that she was recruited online by a well-known female ISIS recruiter before she went to Raqqa in 2015 at the age of 15. Upon her arrival, she was put in a house for young women and married off to an adult Dutch fighter within one week. She was a child bride. When asked during a BBC interview about her involvement in terror plans and attacks under the ISIS regime, she replied candidly and, tragically in a way, that the only activity she was concentrated on was âto keep her children alive and to survive under ISIS regimeâ .
From a legal point of view, it should not be difficult to establish that Ms Begumâs case was one of human trafficking. If ISIS recruited and transported her with the specific purpose of exploiting and abusing her, this means that she was trafficked and treated abusively. Unlike with adult victims, the means by which it happened, such as grooming, do not need to be proven as a minor cannot ever consent to their exploitation even if they seem to have agreed to travel to a terrorist organisation.
The UK media have instead rushed malignantly to label Ms Begum as an âISIS brideâ, âterror wifeâ, and ârunaway teenâ by ignoring the fact that at 15, Ms Begum could not legally make any choice, such as travelling to Syria and getting married. Her condition was one of extreme vulnerability that would have required protection by the UK official authorities rather than punishment, de-nationalisation and possibly racial profiling.
Similarly, the court that in 2021 upheld revoking her citizenship described the child recruit of ISIS as a woman who was in her situation as a âresult of her own choicesâ rather than highlighting the fact that the UK governmentâs failure to prevent, investigate and remediate her trafficking (through repatriation), has led to her being stranded and stateless in northeast Syria in conditions that the UN experts call âsqualid and untenableâ.
What sets a dangerous precedent in terms of violation of human rights is that governments do not seem to investigate whether trafficking occurred in ISIS international recruitment and under the caliphate itself. The common counter-argument that it is extremely difficult to collect evidence abroad, specifically in a geographical area like northern Syria afflicted by an ongoing civil war, does not apply to Ms Begum’s case, as some evidence of her initial recruitment can be readily found within her home countryâs jurisdiction. In this regard, her prompt repatriation, including interviewing her, could have helped collect more evidence of ISIS trafficking strategies, and it could have potentially saved a larger number of victims of trafficking. Unfortunately, for countries grappling with how to deal with their citizens who are allegedly linked to ISIS, whether someone is trafficked and can be repatriated seems to depend on who it is that is being exploited.
In 2002, three members of the radical Islamist party Hizb ut Tahrir UK (HT), British citizens Maajid Nawaz (23), Reza Pankhurst (26) and Ian Nisbet (27), were arrested in Egypt while canvassing for HT, a party outlawed in Egypt as a terrorist party and only recently banned in the UK as an extremist party. Its political programme is based on the idea that the only legitimate form of government for Muslims is the caliphate; HT members’ activity is devoted to the institution of a caliphate government in the Middle East by overturning the âillegitimate secular regimesâ. HT’s manifesto is very similar to that of ISIS, although it is unclear whether HT would use terrorist attacks to achieve its political goals. Maajid, Reza and Ian were sentenced to prison in Egypt, charged with attempting to overthrow the state and preparing terrorist activity.
The British government led by Tony Blair, who had fully embraced ideologically and politically the War on Terror, together with Amnesty International, conducted a complicated and prolonged diplomatic negotiation with the Egyptian authorities for their release: successfully, after four years, in March 2006 Maajid, Reza and Ian returned home to the UK. They were welcomed back to the UK as âheroes and victimsâ of a âMiddle Eastern dictatorship and anti-democratic government.â The British public and the media strongly supported their release from prison, and their return home to the UK was hailed as a diplomatic victory and a political success of a democratic system (the UK) that âupholds the rule of law and protects human rightsâ. As of December 2023, Reza and Ian were still members of the HT UK executive committee, while Mr Nawaz has recused the party on the grounds that it is a radical anti-democratic party whose political activity contributed to the radicalisation of young Muslims in the UK. In his famous book Radical (2012), he claims that, as a young British teenager, he was groomed and radicalised by some members of HT and publicly warns of the risks that HT political practice could pose to national security.
By comparing the stories of the three (adult) radical Islamists and the support they received from the British authorities and the public after their imprisonment in Egypt with the story and the ongoing imprisonment of Ms Begum, whose rights have been taken away due to a coerced choice she made when she was a minor, it is reasonable to argue that Shamima as a young woman seemed to have been twice the victim of widespread practices of sexism and racism, in the UK (as well as under ISIS); it is also possible to argue that the definition of terrorism in relation to an event, and the related representation of victimhood in relation to a normative subject of rights are intrinsically political choices, depending on who it is that is being allegedly terrorising, and who it is that is being terrorised and victimised.
3. When victimsâ rights are violated by a democratic state.
In 2021, in Newcastle (UK), the public authorities managed to successfully prosecute a sex trafficking gang whose victims, young Eastern European women, were described as âvulnerable preys of an organised, cynical systematic organisationâ. This condemnation of sexual exploitation should have been applied to Ms Begumâs case, and yet the UK Home Office, rather than supporting and protecting Ms Begum as a child who was groomed online by a criminal group known for its predation, has decided to deny her the rights to have rights, including rights to repatriation, rehabilitation, recovery and reintegration.
The key to anti-trafficking frameworks is that trafficked persons are recognised first and foremost as rights holders, including by having a right to remedy for the governmentâs failure to exercise due diligence to prevent and investigate their being trafficked abroad to proscribed groups. In the context of terrorism, as in the case of Ms Begum, the identification of victims of trafficking implies that there are a certain set of guarantees that are designed precisely to keep their rights as trafficked persons intact in situations of forced criminality.
Trafficked persons are often forced to commit crimes linked to their trafficking, such as undocumented labour or sex work; for this reason, the EU Anti-Trafficking Directive (2005) and the anti-slavery protection under British law agree that trafficking victims should not be held liable âunder criminal, civil or administrative lawsâ for unlawful activities that are either a direct consequence of (for adult victims ) or ârelated toâ (for child victims) having being trafficked; above all, this guarantee of non-punishment should apply âregardless of the gravity or seriousness of the offence committedâ (Article 82 (2)). In relation to child recruits to terrorist groups like ISIS, the CRC, its additional protocols and the ILO Convention 182 require that their involvement in âcriminal activities shall not undermine their status as both a child and a victim or their related rights to special protectionâ.
The decision to strip Ms Begum of her citizenship by making her de jure stateless and more vulnerable to future abuses is a sanction that violates the non-punishment guarantee for ISIS child recruits and for ISIS recruits who were trafficked.
In February 2023, the Special Immigration Appeal Commission (SIAC) decided to uphold Javidâs ruling and although it had acknowledged that there was credible suspicion that Ms Begum âwas recruited, transferred and then harboured for the purpose of sexual exploitationâ, that was â insufficientâ for the commission to deem the home secretaryâs decision unlawful, in its ruling. The Home Office has variously rejected the claim of trafficking and forced recruitment in relation to Ms Begumâs case on national security and political grounds; the argument proposed is that the fact that a person may have been manipulated âdoes not mean they cannot be a terrorist riskâ. âThe secretary of state was well aware of the possibility that she may have been manipulated or radicalised prior to her travel. The only question which, therefore remained was what weight to attribute to these factors. That was a matter for the secretary of stateâ, claimed Sir James Eadie KC in a written submission for the Home Office.
What the home secretaryâs decision appears to have ignored is that his decision has resulted in a form of double punishment: unwarranted sanctions against trafficking victims in situations when such penalties are on their terms also independently antithetical to human rights, by denying the human rights of those who are and were once victims of terrorism and trafficking.
Politics and antagonism towards those associated with proscribed groups and terrorist organisations should never override the countries’ obligations under human rights and anti-trafficking laws to support the rehabilitation of ISIS victims.
4. Conclusion: the endless cycle of violence.
Besides a legal standpoint, there is also a long-term security consideration that the British government appeared to have neglected in relation to Ms Begumâs case.
My long ethnographic work with radical Islamists in the UK and the analysis of the relative data have revealed that the process of radicalisation among young people and young activists occurred primarily socially before assuming any ideological character. Only later in their lives did the Islamists interviewed decide to embrace a radical ideology that seemed to make sense of their daily struggles. For a young man like Khuram Butt, guilty of the 2017 London Bridge terror attack, the decision to embrace violence should be considered as a consequence of his feelings of humiliation, his experience of discrimination and his desire for revenge rather than the product of a specific theological or ideological discourse.
Based on my numerous conversations with Mr Khuram Butt, I argue that what pushed him to choose violence over peaceful political means was the firm belief that the society he lived in was so corrupt that it legitimated and justified the discrimination and forms of injustice he had experienced as a Muslim. Khuram felt that the social and institutional contexts were unable or unwilling to provide reparative justice for the wrongs he had suffered.
In relation to Ms Begum and her tragic life story, it is undeniable that she feelsâas she declared during an interviewâvictimised as a woman and as a Muslim, trafficked, deprived of any rights as a stateless person and above all of the possibility of pursuing a programme of rehabilitation for a flourishing life: many wrongs and injustices appear to have landmarked her young life experience.
To a certain extent, she might consider that the Islamist propaganda she fell for before being trafficked to Syria, which depicted Britain as an anti-Muslim country, where Muslims and their Muslimness must be eradicated, where Muslims were constant victims of violations and abuses, was not totally unfounded in light of her life events .
Ms Begum and many other Muslim children I met during my fieldwork, who shared their personal experience of racism and discrimination in the UK, could read in the Home Office’s decision to denationalise ISIS child soldiers like Shamima the confirmation of âbelonging to a different human race with a marker of injusticeâ.
It is also easy to envision, based on my ethnographical experience, that cases like Ms Begumâs can be masterfully capitalised by eloquent Islamist leaders in order to galvanise their acolytes towards political plans of revenge and violence in the UK as well as in the camps where young people like Shamima are detained illegally, against the tenets of international humanitarian laws and those of the Convention of the Right of the Child.
It is well known that ISIS leader al-Baghdadi was trained and schooled in Camp Bucca, an untenable and inhumane living arrangement where radical and violent choices must have appeared to be the most reasonable and expeditious.
What those considerations could suggest is that the circle of violence and insecurity within the social fabric thrive primarily on injustice and lack of reparative justice for victims like Shamima. Short-term security policies like those of de-nationalisation would not make a country and a society more secure and free from terrorism; quite the opposite, these policies contribute to making a country more vulnerable to future disruptions of democratic life and to the spectre of violence.
In early 2023, the UN Secretary Generalâs report on the activities of the UN system in implementing the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy highlighted that âadvancing the victims of sexual and gender-based violence agenda should remain at the core of the efforts of the UN and Member states to counter-terrorismâ (UN, 2023). Taking into account victims’ needs in the fight against terrorism could indeed be beneficial not only to victims but also to statesâ efforts to combat terrorism. The Home Office should have adopted a victim-centric approach in dealing with ISIS forced recruit cases like Ms Begumâs, who was a minor when she was trafficked to Syria and forcibly married to a foreign terrorist fighter. What has happened as a result of the Home Office’s myopic choice of denationalising Ms Begum is her secondary victimisation and the loss of a relevant possibility to provide an effective counter-narrative to that of terrorist groups like ISIS, whose affiliates use, skilfully, cases of domestic injustice to recruit young people. The British government could have engaged Ms Begum in the fight against terrorism by sharing her story as a basis to trigger public discussion on human rights, the rule of law and democratic values, aiming at fostering citizens resistant to terrorism recruitment. Her illegal detention in a camp in Syria and her condition as a stateless person (not to mention her traumatic experience of being a victim of gender-based violence committed by terrorists) make her rehabilitation impossible, against what the international humanitarian laws and Security Council Resolutions oblige its member states to do. In addition to that, her life story could become a tragic case of an endless cycle of gender-based violence and discrimination, where both an official government (the UK) and a terrorist group (ISIS) paradoxically seemed to have acted jointly.
About the author:
Dr. Danila Genovese has been researching on Islamism, Critical Race Theory, Gender Studies, Critical Terrorism Studies and Animal Ethics since 2006.
After completing her PhD in Social Science at the University of Westminster, London, she held several research and teaching positions on Critical Terrorism Studies and Critical Race theory in the UK and in Italy.
She is the author of many peer-reviewed academic articles and book chapters
Text of the Interview to the Tv âZvezdaâ (Russia)
By Dr. Roxolana ZigĂłn
TV «Zvezda»: Once again, Switzerland is trying to become a negotiator on Ukraine. Why is exactly this country, the one that is called to stay neutral?
R.Z.: For two centuries Switzerland has been following for the policy of neutrality. Since 1815, permanent neutrality has been one of the basic principles of its foreign policy that demanded to avoid involvement in armed conflicts between states or entering into any military alliances. It is a generating source of peace and stability in Europe and beyond. It ensured and still ensures the countryâs independence and the inviolability of its territory. Moreover, the Federal Constitution provides that the Federal Council and the Federal Assembly must take measures to safeguard Switzerlandâs neutrality.Â
After Napoleon’s defeat, Switzerland retreated its steps to a federal form of government. In the aftermath of the war, France returned the cantons annexed in 1798 (Valais, NeuchĂątel and Geneva). Thus, their number reached 22. The Paris Peace Treaty of 1815 secured Switzerland the status of a neutral state. Almost one hundred years later there has been adopted a law of neutrality which was codified in The Hague Conventions of 18th of October 1907 and became a part of international customary law, defined the rights and obligations of a neutral state.
However, today we are witnessing a breakdown of the international relations system, a grave imbalance of diplomatic mechanisms for resolving military conflicts. It is bound to evoke a negative impact on the cast in stone neutrality status of Switzerland which is being progressively dismantled due to the decision to adopt European Union sanctions against Russia in 2022 in spite of the traditional position of Switzerland to refuse taking sides in European conflicts. According to critics, that was a departure from neutrality that jeopardized the country’s role as an international mediator.
Having been one of the most progressive and liberal state in the Western Europe, a stronghold of the Protestant pride and morality, nowadays Switzerland is facing a profound political and existential dilemma such as: to preserve a neutral status or to take off the white glove and reveal the hilt of the sword in the name of an ephemeral union of differently directed and polarized forces?
The inertial manifestation of the diplomatic will and initiative of Switzerland, the last confederation in the world, regarding the Ukrainian conflict in the context of the existing contradictions can not only escalate the situation inside Switzerland, but also deprive it in the future by eliminating an opportunity to return to a state of neutral peace that meets the interests of all global forces.
Undermining neutrality poses a threat to Switzerland’s internal and external security.
Being a grandmaster of global diplomacy, a state where historically wars end and peace negotiations begin, Switzerland, in spite of a serious socio-political split on the issue of rejecting its neutral status, joining the great EU sanctions Bull on sanctions against Russia, rapprochement with NATO, still continues to be nominated as a key diplomatic force in Europe and worldwide.
However, I would rather be careful in recommending to intermingle two different physics laws of energy conservation in one political test tube: the principle of inertia, which states the conservation of linear momentum, and the principle of energy, which speaks of energy conservation. Currently, the principle of inertia is in effect, which can lead to a state of destruction of the status quo in the political lab of Switzerland.
TV «Zvezda»: Bern has announced its intentions to organize a global peace summit at the luxury Burgenstock resort near the central city of Luzern on June 15-16th 2024 that will represent 100 countries, including representatives of the Global South, but with a special attention to China. Why?
R.Z.: Bern has consistently articulated its diplomatic intentions for organizing a peace conference on Ukraine in Switzerland for the past few months, without expressing a clear confidence that any breakthrough decisions or results could be achieved. The President of the Swiss Confederation, Viola Amherd, underlined after a January 15th meeting with the Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, that âhe asked Switzerland to organize a high-level peace conference and Bern responded positively to this request.â
In turn, Swiss Foreign Minister Ignazio Cassis said during a press conference in Davos on the 14th of January that the Russian side should participate in the process of resolving the situation in Ukraine. âOne way or another, we must find a way to include Russia in the process. There will be no peace without Russia having its say,â he said. Subsequently, a burning stream of arguments about the importance of Chinaâs participation in the conflict resolution, which has its own Peace Plan to end the Russian-Ukrainian war, became a swirling torrent of the Swiss concerns in regard to the outcome of the emerging global peace conference in Burgenstock.
Both Switzerland and Ukraineâs allies consider Chinaâs participation as a key to the success of the entire conference, since Beijing has the strongest influence on Moscow. Moreover, China is aiming at consolidating its position as one of the world’s leading diplomatic players by stretching its muscles ahead of the next round of rising tensions in the Asia-Pacific region, including a tense situation around Taiwan, which China intends to win with a decisive majority of voices in its own favor.
According to the Swiss political leadership, the representatives of the Global South are important because they will be able to persuade Russia, which does not intend to participate in this event, to join the peace process. This explains the reason why Switzerland is in close contact with China, India, Brazil, South Africa and Saudi Arabia.
TV «Zvezda»: The head of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, as well as the head of the Swiss Foreign Ministry, stated that it was impossible to resolve the Ukrainian issue without Russia. Why then is this summit needed at all?
R.Z.: At a recent meeting between the Foreign Ministers of the Russian Federation and China, Sergei Lavrov and Wang Yi in Beijing on April 9th 2024, the Chinese minister said that China supported a Swiss intention to convene a peace conference on Ukraine with an equal participation of all parties and discussion of all peace plans. However, the statement of the Chinese side has a purely declarative nature in the context of the international parade of declarations.
What is truly can be overviewed as a solid ground is that Beijing claims neutrality in the conflict but has emerged as a key economic lifeline for the isolated Russian economy and a staunch diplomatic partner for Moscow as both push back against what they see as containment from the West. Here we can observe how the image of neutrality principle finds its reflection in the mirror of the modern global affairs. What is neutral for Switzerland is not always neutral and sterile for China, and almost never acceptable to Russia.
Today it is practically impossible to separate the great thing from the tiny details in diplomacy, since the smallest detail can become a system-forming and insightfully more advanced at a flash. The upcoming global summit on a peaceful settlement in Ukraine in BĂŒrgenstock is an attempt to maintain diplomatic energy under extremely unfavorable conditions, rowing against the wind, for all parties of the conflict and forces that are divided into ideologically incompatible camps in the struggle for the global leadership in the 21st century.
TV «Zvezda»: Russia has stated that even having received an official invitation, Moscow would not participate in this circus because Bern is not a player that is trustworthy. What should we do?
First of all, it is necessary to give a brief historical refence on the meaning of the word «circus». It comes from the name of the goddess and enchantress Circe of Homer, who poisoned Odysseusâs crew and turned them into swine. After all, «circenses» meant games in the ancient Roman circus, and Circeâs transformations were quite circus acts.
Today, participation or non-participation in the political circus equally does not give satisfaction, as soon as show must go on and will go on, notwithstanding good intentions of the Samaritans, the illusions of the Philistines and the messianic expectations of the Aryans.
If Bern is the wrong player and Switzerland loses credibility as a negotiator, then turning Odysseus’s crew into swine can be an expensive and unpromising circus act, the diplomatic benefits of which are unclear.
 However, if to rely on the diplomatic clairvoyance of the day, then it may flawlessly indicate that the peace summit will take place, G7 and the representatives of the Global South will perform a ritual diplomatic act on freezing the military conflict in Ukraine and searching for the ways of establishing dialogue between Russia and Ukraine. China will solemnly, under the heavenly dome of Switzerland, announce the impossibility of resolving the conflict without involving Russia, and will advance the adoption of a resolution on the 12 points of the Chinese Peace Plan.
The conference will be followed by a meeting between the leaders of China and Russia to discuss the results of the peace conference in Switzerland. Everything will be going on in full swing without any visible signs of drastic changes. However, Confucius said, âsigns and symbols rule the world, not words nor laws.â In this regard, we can assume that a breakthrough will be achieved only when the power of Chinese symbolism finds a balance of interests with the ratio of the West and the metaphysics of Russia.
About the author:
Dr. Roksolana Zigón, diplomat, expert on the global diplomacy and IR, geopolitics and strategic analysis, educator, writer, author of the concepts «Enlightened activism», «quantum geopolitics», «polymathic individual» of the New Enlightenment
Geneva School of Diplomacy and IR, Switzerland, Ljubljana University, Slovenia, Senior Adviser, Tillotoma foundation (New Delhi, India), founder and president of the HARPHAIM «New Enlightenment» International foundation (2023); Diplomatic School «Polymath» (2023).
