Sunday, 11 November 2018, Paris, French Republic: French President Emmanuel Macron opened the inaugural Paris Peace Forum, which seeks to promote a multilateral approach to security and governance that avoids the errors that led to the Great War’s (WWI) outbreak.
Attending global leaders included US President Donald Trump, Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Turkish counterpart Tayyip Erdoğan, German Chancellor Dr. Angela Merkel, HH The Aga Khan IV,HH The Emir of Qatar accompanied by his Deputy Premier and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani, the premiers of Canada Justin Trudeau, of Denmark Lars Løkke Rasmussen, United Nations Secretary General António Guterres, who spoke highly of UN institutions that seek multilateral solutions to global issues.
The Paris Peace Forum was initiated at the initiative of French President Macron to revive collective governance, international cooperation, norms and institutions at a time when global challenges have never been so pressing. Conceived as an annual gathering of all actors of global governance, from states and international organisations to civil society, it features projects and initiatives meantat improving global governance in five key domains: peace and security, environment, development, new technologies and inclusive economy.
The first edition of the Forum was inaugurated this past weekend as dozens of heads of state and government were invited to commemoratethe fragile peace that followed the First World War, wherein all in all, the world failed to defend common rules and international cooperation.
According to the forum’s website, The Paris Peace Forum shall be a new annual event based on a simple idea: international cooperationas a key to tackling global challenges and ensuring durable peace. To support collective action, it gathers all actors of global governance under one roof for three days – states, international organisations, local governments, NGOs and foundations, companies,experts, journalists, trade unions, religious groups and citizens.
The Forum is centred on those who seek to develop solutions for today’s cross-border challenges. It is focused on their 120 governanceprojects and initiatives from around the world, selected from 850 applications, presented in five villages: peace and security, environment, development, new technologies and inclusive economy.
It offers these projects visibility, feedback and connections to potential implementers. Tenprojects will also be elected by participantsand the Selection Committee of the Forum to benefit from special support by the Paris Peace Forum until the second edition in November 2019.
For further information:https://parispeaceforum.org/organization/
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Images by Paris Peace Forum
Elena Basile (Italy), Simona Frankel (Israel), Olivier Nicoloff (Canada), António Vasco Alves (Portugal), Jorge Notivoli (Spain), HM The King of the Belgians.
Monday, 26 November 2018, Brussels, Kingdom of Belgium: A ceremony was organised as part of the 140th anniversary of the Great Synagogue of Europe at Brussels. This ceremony also commemorated the 210th anniversary of the Israelite Central Consistory of Belgium and the 10th anniversary of the recognition of the Synagogue as the “Great Synagogue of Europe” by the European Union on 4 June 2008.
Approximately 500 personalities attended the ceremony including His Majesty the VII King of the Belgians, Philippus, who began his reign in 2013 with discussions with the recognised religious institutions in his country. A plethora of ambassadors including the ones of Italy, Elena Basile, of Portugal, António Vasco Alves, of Canada, Olivier Nicoloff, the Deputy Head of Mission of Spain, Jorge Notivoli, and naturally the Israeli head of mission to Belgium, Simona Frankel, were in attendance.
Diplomat Magazine spoke to Botswana’s Minister Bogolo Kenewendo
In the framework of the Global Expo Botswana 2018, Diplomat Magazine had the pleasure to talking to the country’s Minister of Investment, Trade and Industry, The Honourable Bogolo Kenewendo.
Do you foresee any effects that Brexit may have on Botswana, and its relations to the EU? Particularly because Botswana’s only BITC has only a seat in London. Have you pondered about moving it to an EU country, or opening one in Paris, Berlin or Frankfurt?Botswana like any other country, is following with keen interest on debates and the envisaged outcomes of the Brexit, especially the type of impact it will confer on our trade and investment aspirations. You will note that the UK has traditionally been Botswana biggest export market in terms of both beef and diamonds, while imports of machinery equipment, destined for the mining industry have been very high. Botswana and other SACU members have taken a collective keen interest given the existing market access preferences accorded through the SADC – EU EPA, which provisionally entered into force on 10th October 2016, and would like to preserve an existing status quo with the EU in terms of the current market access commitments that are in existence through the SADC EU EPA. Some of the practical challenges envisaged are more on the Non-tariff barriers side, especially for exporters that have been enjoying single-entry market access under the EU, as this will likely to raise costs of production associated with differing market standards, meeting the Rules of Origin requirements, and customs paperwork amongst others.To this end SACU member states and Mozambique are negotiating an Economic Partnership Agreement with the UK which aims at ensuring that there is no interruption to trade as a result of the UK exiting the EU and thus not being a party to the SADC EU EPA.It is true that at present there is only 1 BITC office for investment and trade promotion. The Government of Botswana has taken a collective to empower Botswana Embassies both in the UK and Europe (In Europe Botswana has four Embassies; Berlin, Germany, Brussels, Belgium, Geneva, Switzerland; and Stockholm, Sweden) to work closely with BITC on investment and trade promotion. On the same note, BITC continue to review its strategy from time to time, to meet the changing needs of the global investors, hence one cannot overrule the possibility of increasing international presence in the EU market.What are you doing to connect the country more readily to Europe, the USA and China?At present Botswana is reachable from all major markets including Europe via Johannesburg, with connecting flights to Gaborone the capital, (which is 45 minutes away) either through Air Botswana or South African Airways. The capital city can also be accessed through Ethiopian airlines from London, making a stop-over in Addis to Gaborone. Minister Bogolo Kenewendo. Botswana. Photographyby BOPA- Phenyo MoalosiWhat is Botswana Doing to Connect Botswana to the rest of the World?First, Botswana has upgraded and modernised its 4 major airports (Gaborone, Maun, Francistown and Kasane) to turn Botswana into a competitive tourism regional hub. For example, improvements at Kasane International airport include extension of the runway and associated movement areas, refurbishment of the old terminal building and other buildings, provision of airfield ground lighting, provision of the structural electrified fence and airport WiFi connection provided by Botswana Investment and Trade Centre in collaboration with local providers Botswana Fibre Networks and MetroTech.Second, Botswana has identified cargo and logistics as one of the key investment opportunities to consider. Driven by increasing tourists’ arrivals, Botswana will remain a key regional player when it comes pristine safari tourism attractions, and developments around making Gaborone to be the diamond city as a result of relocation of the Diamond Trading Company from London to Botswana for aggregation. The Government strategy is to identify potential airlines that could be strategic partners to Air Botswana to consider direct flights as this would minimise the travel costs in terms of both finances and time. We are aware that China and USA are amongst the major trading partners, but have you thought about intensifying exchanges and relations with countries of similar Success stories? E.g. Slovenia in Europe, Alberta, Canada etc, what countries do we have in mind?Our strategy for Investment promotion has segmented the markets into tiers, and our approach to attraction is based primarily on lead generation, targeting those markets with High investor buyer appetite, coupled with High offer attractiveness for the following sectors; financial and business services; commercial agriculture and agro processing, manufacturing, with emphasis on automotive components and parts, and pharmaceutical industry; mineral beneficiation (diamond – cutting and polishing, jewellery manufacturing, brokers, financing etc; coal – clean coal energy and coal to liquid; soda ash – chemical industry); ICT (last mileage connectivity; tv white space, mobile money banking etc).Some of the small countries that BITC have targeted include the Viségrad group (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) given their dominance on OEMs and automotive cluster development. BITC has established some very good contacts in this market and will continue to undertake promotion and image building to attract more business with the V4 countries.———–Photography by BOPA- Phenyo Moalosi
By Guido LanfranchiAt the end of October, NATO started its Trident Juncture 2018 exercise in and around Norway, simulating the Alliance’s reaction to a violation of Norway’s sovereignty. Admiral James Foggo, Commander of U.S. Naval Forces Europe and Africa, says that the exercise sends a strong message of deterrence.
Almost 50,000 personnel, 10,000 vehicles, 250 aircraft, and over 65 ships, from all 29 NATO Allies and two partner nations, Sweden and Finland, deployed in and around Norway, in spite of uneasy climatic conditions. These are the figures of NATO Trident Juncture 2018 exercise, kick-started at the end of October 2018 and set to simulate NATO’s reaction to a violation of Norway’s sovereignty.
As Admiral James Foggo, Commander of U.S. Naval Forces Europe and Africa puts it, Trident Juncture is an “opportunity to test our capacity and capability to respond to a collective defense scenario” in Norway. By doing so, NATO “sends a message of deterrence to anybody who might want to bother those countries,” specifying that he has “no particular country in mind” while saying so.
The fact that Article 5 has been used only once in the seventy years of existence of NATO should not be interpreted as absence of dangers – Admiral Foggo noted answering to comments on Trident Juncture’s value. Rather – he stressed – the lack of breaches to NATO members’ sovereignty should be interpreted as a success of the Alliance’s policy of deterrence.
“In order to deter, you must be present” – Admiral Foggo stated, noting that Trident Juncture shows NATO’s ability to deploy and be present to defend its members. Highlighting the importance of doing such deployment in a short time, the Admiral stressed the important role played by the recently established Very High Readiness Joint Task Force, a 8,000 personnel force aimed at rapidly responding to threats, which is currently being tested in the Trident Juncture exercise.
Albeit important, deterrence cannot be the only focus of NATO – Admiral Foggo stressed. Recalling the “3 D’s strategy” of NATO Secretary General Mr. Jens Stoltenberg, the Admiral emphasized the need to combine Deterrence, Defence, and Dialogue. While the first two points often grab much attention, the third point is extremely important – the Admiral said, providing examples of regular high-level contacts between NATO generals and their counterparts from a series of countries, including Russia.
In the framework of such dialogue, it should come as no surprise that Russian observers could witness parts of the Trident Juncture exercise, in full compliance with OSCE rules. Similarly, Russia’s establishment of a warning area in international waters off Norway represents a normal communication, devoid of any impact on NATO exercise – Admiral Foggo clarified.
Seventy years after the creation of NATO, the Alliance is still active and determined to send strong messages of deterrence to any third country,
By Dr. Andreas Eustacchio LL.M. (London LSE), Vienna-based attorney-at-law; born in Zambia.“The highly intriguing theory – supported by the extensive geological evidences including the bacteriological analysis of deep-laying hydrocarbons – about the abiotic nature of oil and its practically infinite recreation in the lower geological formations of earth was presented some 25 years ago. These findings were quickly dismissed, and the theory itself largely ignored and forgotten. The same happened with the highly elaborate plans of Nikola Tesla to exploit a natural geo-electrical phenomenon for the wireless transfers of high energy for free. Why? Infinity eliminates the premium of deeper psychologisation, as it does not necessitate any emotional attachment – something abundantly residing in nature cannot efficiently mobilize our present societies…”
Following the lines from the seminar work of prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic on Energy, Technology and Geopolitics, let us present an interesting take on the E-cars, similar driverless technologies and its legal implications that will mark our near future.
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Self-driving cars react in a split second: quicker than even the most attentive driver. Self-driving cars don’t get tired, they don’t lose concentration or become aggressive; they’re not bothered by everyday problems and thoughts; they don’t get hungry or develop headaches. Self-driving cars don’t drink alcohol or drive under the influence of drugs. In short, human error, the number one cause of road traffic accidents, could be made a thing of the past in one fell swoop if manual driving were to be banned immediately. Is that right? It would be, if there hadn’t recently been reports about two deaths, one during the test drive for a self-driving car (UBER) and one while a semi-autonomous vehicle was driving on a motorway and using its lane assist system (Tesla), both of which regrettably occurred in the USA in March 2018. In Tesla’s case it seems that the semi-autonomous driving assistant was switched off at the moment of the accident.
Around the globe, people die every day due to careless driving, with around 90% of all accidents caused by human error and just a small percentage due to a technical fault related to the vehicle. Despite human error, we have not banned driving on these grounds. Two accidents with fatal consequences involving autonomous vehicles being test-driven have attracted the full glare of the media spotlight, and call into question the technical development of a rapidly progressing industry. Are self-driving cars now just hype, or a trend that cannot be contained, despite every additional human life that is lost as a result of mistakes made by self-driving technology?
The legal side
For many, the thought that fully autonomous vehicles (a self-driving car without a driver) might exist in the future is rather unsettling. The two recent deaths in the USA resulting from (semi-) autonomous cars have, rather, may cause fear for others. From a legal perspective, it makes no difference whatsoever for the injured party whether the accident was caused by a careless human or technology that was functioning inadequately. The reason for the line drawn between the two, despite this fact, is probably that every human error represents a separate accident, whereas the failure or malfunction of technology cannot be seen as a one-off: rather, understandably and probably correctly, it is viewed as a system error or series error caused by a certain technology available at a particular point in time.
From a legal angle, a technical defect generally also represents a design defect that affects the entire run of a particular vehicle range. Deaths caused by software malfunctions cause people to quickly lose trust in other vehicles equipped with the same faulty software. Conversely, if a drunk driver injures or kills another road user, it is not assumed that the majority of other drivers (or all of them) could potentially cause accidents due to the influence of alcohol.
The desirability side
The fundamental question for all technological developments is this: do people want self-driving cars?
When we talk of self-driving (or autonomous) vehicles, we mean machines guided by computers. On-board computers are common practice in aviation, without the pilot him- or herself flying the plane – and from a statistical point of view, airplanes are the safest mode of transport. Couldn’t cars become just as safe? However, a comparison between planes and cars cannot be justified, due to the different user groups, the number of cars driven every day, and the constantly imminent risk of a collision with other road users, including pedestrians.
While driver assistance systems, such as lane assist, park assist or adaptive cruise control, can be found in many widespread models and are principally permitted and allowed in Europe, current legislation in Europe and also Austria only permits (semi-) autonomous vehicles to be used for test purposes. Additionally, in Austria these test drives can, inter alia, only take place on motorways or with minibuses in an urban environment following specially marked routes (cf. the test drives with minibuses in the towns of Salzburg and Velden). Test drives have been carried out on Austria’s roads in line with particular legal requirements for a little more than a year, and it has been necessary to have a person in the vehicle at all times. This person must be able to intervene immediately if an accident is on the horizon, to correct wrong steering by the computer or to get the vehicle back under (human) control.
Indeed, under the legislation in the US states that do permit test drives, people still (currently) need to be inside the car (even before the two accidents mentioned above, California had announced a law that would have made it no longer necessary to have a person in the vehicle). As a result, three questions arise regarding the UBER accident which occurred during a test drive in the US state of Arizona, resulting in a fatal collision with a cyclist:
Could the person who was inside the vehicle to control it for safety reasons have activated the emergency brake and averted the collision with the cyclist who suddenly crossed the road?
Why did the sensors built into the car not recognize the cyclist in time?
Why did the vehicle not stick to the legal speed limit?
Currently, driving systems are being tested in Europe and the USA. In the USA, this can take place on national roads and, contrary to European legislation, also on urban streets. As long as we are still in the test phase we cannot talk of technically proven, let alone officially approved, driving systems. The technical development of self-driving cars, however, has already made it clear that legal responsibility is shifting away from the driver and towards vehicle manufacturers and software developers.
Our Prospects
Whether, and when, self-driving cars could become an everyday phenomenon is greatly dependent on certain (future) questions:
Are we right to expect absolute safety from self-driving cars?
What decisions should self-driving cars make in the event that one life can only be saved at the cost of another?
How should this dilemma be resolved?
Dr. Andreas Eustacchio LL.M. (London LSE), the Vienna-based attorney-at-law; born in Zambia.
If artificial intelligence (AI) and self-learning systems could also be included within the technology for self-driving cars, vehicles of this type might possibly become one day “humanoid robots on four wheels”, but they could not be compared to a human being with particular notions of value and morality. If every individual personally bears responsibility for their intuitive behavior in a specific accident situation, the limits of our legal system are laid bare if algorithms using huge quantities of data make decisions in advance for a subsequent accident situation: these decisions can no longer be wholly ascribed to a particular person or software developer if a self-driving car is involved. It will be our task as lawyers to offer legal support to legislators as they attempt to meet these challenges.
Both Afghan and Pakistani governments must address the long-standing conflicts over their shared frontier region in a way that arrests the rising disaffection among the Pashtun community.
By Attaullah Waziri.
A border that was a product colonial jealousy and insecurity, the Durand Line divided what can be claimed as one of the world’s largest ethnic tribes, the Pashtuns, into two separate nation-states, Afghanistan and Pakistan, where they compete for political prominence today.
In the late 1880s, the Amir of Afghanistan, Abdur Rahman, started demanding a clear demarcated border with the government of British India that had ventured into the Afghan land two times only to be sent back terribly beaten. Aware of the Tsarist Russia’s moves in Central Asia, the British too understood the urgency of creating a buffer state out of a land that it knew it could control the least. Afghanistan, was thus meant to be carved as a buffer state; one that would have been a part of its sphere of influence, if not so much as its physical territory.
As negotiations for demarcating were allowed to roll following the conclusion of the Second Anglo-Afghan war, the Amir while permitting the British to control Afghanistan’s foreign policy, in return demanded zero interference from the British in Afghanistan’s internal affairs. A clearly defined and well delineated border would have been an appropriate solution. However, ever since 1893 when the then Foreign Secretary of India, Sir MortimerDurand, finalized an agreement defining the Indo-Afghan border, the Durand Line became a bone of contention between Afghanistan and British India, and much more so between Afghanistan and Pakistan after 1947.
The said Line is 1,640 miles (2624 km) long. Representing the historical limits of British authority back in 1893 and what was to demarcate the territorial limits of Afghanistan and Pakistan following the latter’s creation in 1947; this line was drawn much like the other boundaries in the region- in a highly arbitrary fashion. And, it is with this that the seeds of the modern contention were sown.
With little consideration for tribal or ethnic boundaries, the border divided the Pashtuns tribes between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Since its creation, this border has been viewed with disdain and is largely overlooked by politicians and tribesmen on both sides of the divide, making it almost superficial and highly difficult to man and thus, immensely porous.
While the border does exist on the map, in practical terms it is neither enforced and, arguably nor enforceable. At countless places, the line of demarcation remains contested. In fact, at a few places, it dissects villages and even individual homes between the two countries. Tribesmen from both sides of the border continue to cross freely, often using hidden mountain trails that are very treacherous to say the least.
A significant number of tribesmen have family ties on both sides. The Durand Line is often seen by the Pashtuns on both sides as a ‘fault-line’ that has bequeathed a sense of tragedy on a nation of approximately forty million people who are today found on both sides of this artificial border.
The question of legality of the Durand Line is not of much interest to the international political and academic community. Most of the global powers readily buy Pakistan’s argument and agree that the Durand Line is a sacrosanct international boundary that it had inherited following its creation as a separate nation-state. With the departure of the British from the sub-continent in 1947, Pakistan claims that Durand Line became the internationally enforceable boundary separating it from Afghanistan. The historical presence of this contentious line for more than a century and the lack of legal-historical claims around it have made it possible for Pakistan to argue, and with legal force, that Durand Line has to continue into the modern times too.
In fact, Pakistan has also claimed that Afghanistan has no legal right to renounce any agreement concerning a shared border unilaterally. Pakistan, with support from the UK and China, has also further said that the Durand Line issue is a settled one and that there is nothing more to debate on it.
It would be interesting to note here that despite having a considerable presence of discontented Pashtuns within its provincial boundaries, the Governor of the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), Khalilur Rahman in 2005 was quoted by journalists saying that the Durand Line agreement had expired after 100 years of its signing- that is in 1993- and that he had already spoken with the then President, General Pervez Musharraf to request an arrangement for its renewal.
In October 2012, the US special envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan, Ambassador Grossman made a remark on the Durand Line, stating that “it is an internationally recognized boundary between Afghanistan and Pakistan”. The Afghanistan Government, however, retaliated by stating that the status of the Durand Line is a matter of historic importance for the Afghan people and that it rejects and considers irrelevant any statement by anyone about the legal status of this line.
Aimal Faizi, official spokesperson of the Former Afghan President Hamid Karzai, also mentioned that “the comments of foreigners on the Durand Line will not have any effect on the verdict of the Afghan people, to whom the decision belongs”.
Backed by international support, where Pakistan has been quick to raise the claims of legality and colonial inheritance to dismiss any debate on the artificiality and arbitrariness of the Durand Line, findings are however available to prove otherwise.
In fact, the Agreement that was signed between the Amir and British Crown will be the first to take down the claims forwarded by Pakistan on the legal sanctity of this border. If one is to refer solely to the Durand Line agreement of 1893, it must be noted it was not initially a binding bilateral agreement to define a sovereign boundary. The idea behind the Line, in Sir Mortimer Durand’s own words was not to form a sovereign boundary, but to separate the British sphere of influence from the rule of the Amir of Afghanistan. The free tribes living on the British Indian side of the Durand Line were never actually subjects of the British Indian rule.
Having said so, it also needs to be recognized that unifying a giant ethnic tribe into a nation-state is not an easy task either. In fact, after centuries of co-optation and separation that have been both accepted and enforced upon them, to get Pashtuns on both sides of the border to form a separate homeland is not realizable.
The notion of a unified Pashtunistan has been predominantly symbolic, but which has been exploited by motivated political interests on both sides of the boundary. Trying to unite the fiercely independent and autonomous tribes into a cohesive whole is not only for how they have led their lives all along, but because they reject a higher authority over them to date. Their coming together can occur only under extreme duress or under the inspiration of a charismatic and compelling leader like the legendary Faqir of ippi who challenged the British administrative and military rule from the time he instigated a rebellion in Waziristan in 1936 until Britain’s departure in 1947.
In the case of contemporary revival of the idea of Pashtunistan, the previous Afghan governments have used this desire for a ‘national homeland’ as a political instrument against Pakistan. Since its inception, almost every Kabul ruler has repudiated the Durand Line as an official border separating Afghanistan and Pakistan and has called it an “undefined border”.
As both the countries dispute the claims pressed by the other, both at international forums and beyond its gaze, it is the Pashtun community as a whole that has been the biggest casualty of this political dodge-ball.
While the denials mounted by both the governments have not had much impact on the movement of Pashtuns along the porous Durand Line, it has most certainly taken attention off the development of this forty-million strong community. Embroiled in a conflict that is getting stretched at the political convenience of the regimes on both sides of this contentious border, the Pashtun community is increasingly becoming a disenchanted lot that has already had a lot of extremism affecting and afflicting it. In fact, sounding rather prophetic, the Pakistani ambassador, Mahmud Ali Durrani, had cautioned in March 2007 that, “I hope the Taliban and Pashtun nationalism don’t merge. If that happens, we’ve had it, and we’re on the verge of that.”
It is important to recognize that no legal battle can comfort the serious grievances and wounds that have been inflicted on the Pashtun psyche ever since they were divided arbitrarily in 1893. The need of the hour is to assuage the community as a whole before it is too late. In doing so, it would be of much help to not only conduct independent, bipartisan scholarly assessments on the nature of the agreement and all treaties signed after 1893 considering history, legality and future pertaining to the Durand Line rather, but also make the community in concern a part of these discussions and negotiations and not just their target audience.
Both the Afghan and Pakistani governments must address the longstanding conflicts over the frontier region in a way that arrests the rising disaffection among this community and not fan the flames of rivalry for petty political interests for this could result in a bigger catastrophe to unfold in the future otherwise.
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About the author:
Attaullah Waziri is the CEO of Waziri Human Development Organization, Kabul. He can be reached at: wazirionscreen@yahoo.com / Attaullah Waziri’s article was also published in South Asia Monitor.
By Abraham Telar Kuc.
For years tensions have been rising between the Nile river basin countries over the sharing and management of the Nile water, as Ethiopia, Uganda and many other countries questioning and refusing the water allocation percentages and the rights given to Egypt and Sudan in different agreements concerning Nile river water sharing, usage and management; saying that all the agreements governing the Nile water were signed between Great Britain and Egypt during the colonial era but former British colonies and current independent African nations are saying that all those agreements didn’t represent their interests and do not reflect their past and current needs because it allocate most of the Nile waters to two countries out of ten which are only Egypt and Sudan.
As a continued disagreement between Nile basin countries in 2010 Uganda, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, and Kenya signed the Cooperative Framework Agreement known as Entebbe agreement in Kampala- Uganda while Eritrea and the Democratic Republic of Congo did not singe the Agreement; with Egypt and Sudan boycotted the negotiations sessions and decline the signing of Entebbe agreement as it not preserve Egypt historic rights.
Adding more tensions Ethiopia uses its rights according to the provisions in CFA or Entebbe agreement; Ethiopia proceeded constructing its African largest dam under the name” the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD)” on the Nile which will have storage of around 74 billion cubic meters from Nile water.
All stakeholders and countries in the Nile river basin should cooperate and use the diplomatic means to help addressing disagreement and rising tensions concerning Nile water allocation and management. The diplomacy as a practice of human interaction has been there from the beginning of the organized society of states, Diplomacy as an art and practice in conducting and management of international relations through negotiations and treaties between certain states (Hamilton and Langhorne, 1995). And since it’s exiting in international relation system, diplomacy has been always a way of settling political and international differences, religious and ideological conflicts, boundaries dispute and other territorial conflict.
Regardless South Sudan is been protesting the Nile water distribution agreements signed between British, Egypt and Sudan in 1959, and considering it’s planning to sign and ratify 2010 Cooperative Framework Agreement of the Nile basin countries; but it did not join what know commonly as Entebbe Agreement and South Sudan maintain a very strong and strategic relations with all the Nile Basin countries specially Uganda, Ethiopia, Sudan, Egypt and others which could be great opportunity for South Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to initiate a diplomatic approaches to encourage the member states of the Nile Basin for diplomatic, political, socioeconomic, sports, arts and cultural engagements as cooperative means in the Nile Basin.
With South Sudan being a member of East Africa Community which includes Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, Kenya, Burundi and South Sudan and all the mentioned countries make up six out of eleven members of the Nile Basin adding to that South Sudan, Ethiopia, Eretria and Democratic Republic of Congo some time face shaky and complexities relations but they have a stable diplomatic and cooperative relations; meanwhile South Sudan maintain stable and strategic bilateral relation with the Arab Republic of Egypt where their two government nearly agree on everything about their relations and cooperation.
In the same regarding with the Republic of Sudan the two countries are been recently shifting their relations to a very fruitful stage of their cooperation; the Ministry Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation in collaboration with relevant cultural and public diplomacy institutions such as office of the President, Ministry of Water Resources, Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports, South Sudan Football Association, education and learning institution like the Institute for Peace, Development and Security Studies in the University of Juba, media houses and other related bodies which can help the Ministry Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to develop diplomacy farm work initiative by creating different projects in the field of enhancing cooperation practice between the member countries.
A sit’s been stated clearly in the article 43 of the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan that Foreign policy of the Republic of South Sudan shall serve and promote the international cooperation between the United Nations members, African Union and the other regional bodies and organizations with respect to international laws establishing international order based human peace and security justice and common human destiny to achieve economic cooperation among worlds countries; South Sudan can be the middle ground for solving Nile Basin initiative.
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The author is Journalist, Blogger, TV Producer, Cultural, Political and Youth Activist, postgraduate student of Diplomacy and International Relation at the Institute of Peace, Development and Security Studies- University of Juba; and working currently with South Sudan Broadcasting Corporation and be contacted through E-mail : telar.abra@gmail.com or tell No : +211912577222
Twelve days in Cuba Text & Photography by Kim Vermaat
Cuba, an internationally coveted destination for globetrotters, is enjoying a strong summer season in its tourism and hospitality industries this year, boasting over two million visitors thus far.
These industries continue to grow in defiance of the realities brought on by the aftermath of Hurricane Irma and the US-blockade. In large part, this is thanks to the rise in visitors from Argentina, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Mexico, and Russia.
The majority — 63 percent — of its hotels are rated four and five stars, and 74 percent are within close proximity of a beach. Cuba’s first new 5-star hotel, the Gran Hotel Manzana Kempinski, can be found in the heart of the UNESCO-protected Old Havana. Many other big European hotel chains can also be found housed in beautiful, historic buildings throughout the country.
The island consists of 15 provinces and is 11 million people strong in its population. It is well known, of course, for the allure of its tepid, azure ocean waters, its white sand beaches, and its world-renowned cocktails and music. But perhaps its most understated quality is the sense of safety one may enjoy while exploring the country, as crime against tourists is virtually nonexistent. Cubans are a true mix of many ethnicities and cultures.
Not only can you see it in its centuries-old cities’ architecture that still wears its charm with much pride and valor; it is representative also in the passion that is poured into its vibrant-colored arts and crafts that depict everyday life. It is even apparent in the rhythmic melody of its verbal communication.
Getting around is pretty easy, as tour operators and their fleet of air-conditioned buses move regularly and swiftly. Tropicana Touristik planned everything for us in a very swift and smooth way. The roads, while nearly always empty due to the scarcity of cars on the island, are well connected, making for easy movement from one city to another. Internet has been available since 2016 and is easiest to connect to at hotels and plazas/parks. Being unplugged from the otherwise ever-present internet of the West, offers an opportunity to truly be present in the now.
Trinidad, Cuba.
During our 12-day experience, we visited four cities in four separate provinces: Havana (La Habana in Spanish) in Cuidad de Habana, Viñales in Pinar del Rio, Cienfuegos in Cienfuegos, and Trinidad in Sancti Spiritus.
La Habana is the country’s capital and largest city. It is also its own province and houses the nation’s largest port and the heart of its commerce. Over two million Cubans call it home, making it the fourth largest metropolitan area in the Caribbean region. Founded in the 16th century by Spanish Conquistadors because of its location, it served as a key post for their journey to and from the Americas. The city is rich in Spanish architecture and its streets are flooded with vintage American cars from the 1950s in myriad colors. Notably, since 1982, Old Havana has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Viñales is a quaint (would quaint be a better word here?), small town in the island’s countryside. It is the site of the most important natural reserve and is also where the majority of the nation’s tobacco is produced, due to its climate. Housing in Viñales consists mostly of colorful, one-story, wooden houses with porches and matching rocking chairs out front.
Many are known as ‘casas particulares’, which are private homes that offer private lodging to foreigners, very much like a bed-and-breakfast – a unique opportunity to experience life as the locals see it. Its breathtaking landscape makes it a winner for nature lovers and horseback trekkers, alike. Viñales Valley is also a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Cienfuegos (one hundred fires in Spanish) is on the southern coast in the heart of the former sugar plantations. Originally home to the Taino indigenous people, the city was settled by the Spanish and later by French immigrants from Bordeaux – many of the street names in Old Town still reflect French origins.
Its affluent European history is still visible by its countless prestigious buildings harkening to a bygone heyday. Visiting this city is like taking a step back in time. Some of the casas particulares in Cienfuegos are Italian Baroque designed palaces that allow one to experience life in all the glamor of that era.
Trinidad is described by many as La Perla del Sur (the Pearl of the South), because it is one of the best-preserved cities in the Caribbean from the time when sugar trade was the main industry in the region – today the main industry is tobacco processing. It lays in central Cuba and has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1988.
Modern day life influences have not yet visibly tarnished this special place. Small houses line the streets and cobble stone roads lead you to visual treasures upon treasures to discover. It’s as if the Spanish Conquistadors had just left, certainly when locals pass by on horse and carriage.
Fun Facts:
– School enrollment is mandatory and free from the ages of 6 to 15. Grades 10-12 are considered pre-college for university bound students. University students receive stipends while enrolled in any of the 47 universities on the island.
– Enviable literacy rate – 99.8% amongst its adult population.
– The national healthcare system, available only to locals, has an impressive 170 patients to every doctor ratio (compared to over 300 in other places). Nearly all medical procedures are covered, including some cosmetic surgery that would be considered optional in the vast majority of other countries.
– The lack of fast food restaurant chains that litter seemingly every street in nearly every other land is refreshing. In their stead you will find hundreds of restaurants and street vendors ready to serve.
– The streets tend to be relatively empty between 11-18:00 due to unbearable heat. Folks get their errands done quickly during the cooler morning hours, and then stay indoors until sunset. The streets then come alive with a vengeance in the evenings. Everyone from babies in strollers to the elderly in wheelchairs are carted out to the town squares for playtime, mingling and, of course, to ignore one another as we do nowadays while seemingly everyone logs onto the web.
– Approximately 200 varieties of palm trees exist on our planet – 90 of them can be found in Cuba.
– Ernest Hemingway lived on the island for more than 20 years, on-and-off. Before purchasing his home off the beaten path (now a museum) he lived in the Hotel Ambos Mundos in Havana. El Floridita and La Bodeguita del Medio in Havana’s Old Town are considered to be bars Hemingway patronized and, as such, are still tourist hotspots.
– The fruit – my Orishas! – avocados are the size of a rugby ball, mangoes are that of a volley ball, while the coconuts are at least that of a football… and the taste is incomparable!
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For more pictures related to this article, please visit: www.kimvermaat.com/l/cuba Tour operator: Tropicana Touristik in Berlin – www.tropicana-touristik.de
By Dr. Eugenio Matos G.
When you are next deciding where to spend your holidays, consider Uzbekistan. This exquisitely beautiful nation brings together East and West, and offers an abundance of delightful new discoveries for any traveller visiting for the first time
The major cities of Uzbekistan are known as the pearls of the “Great Silk Road”, travel destinations and cities that have absorbed all the singularity and unique beauty of the East. Visiting these cities allows one to be transported back to the atmosphere of a medieval city, to an era in which the Uzbek people made history.
The territory that comprises modern-day Uzbekistan has formed part of the world’s oldest and most prominent civilizations and empires, such as the Khorezm, the Sogdiana, the Greco-Bactrian, Kushan Kingdom, the Empire of Alexander the Great and Tamerlane.
Tashkent, the capital city, is called the “Star of the East”, combining modernity and antiquity that goes back more than two millenniums.It is now the foremost business and cultural center in the region. The most well known historical monument in Tashkent is KukerdashMadrassh, built in the 16th century during the rule of the UabekShaybanid sultans Barak Khan and Dervish Khan.
The Savitsky Museum in Nakus has more than 90,000 exhibits with the world’s second largest collection of Russian avant-garde pieces and art from across Uzbekistan.
But there is a particular venue that visitors cannot miss.
Go to a bazaar (public market) to feel the real heartbeat of Uzbek life, and to truly understand the nation’s customs and traditions, including its many unique national products.
An oriental bazaar serves many functions: as a modern supermarket, a social club for communication amongst locals and foreigners, a source for the latest news, a business hub and an entertainment centre.
Chief among the bazaars in Tashkent Chorsu bazaar, which is both the largest and oldest in the city. Bazaars have been popular since the time of the Great Silk Road that passed through Tashkent.
Chorsu bazaar is located in the heart of the Old City. Walking inside the turquoise dome, you encounter a wide variety of spices, fruits, vegetables, traditional carpets, arts and crafts, as well as an impressive fish and meat market and many traditional style restaurants. A taxi can take you the bazaar to any of the main hotels in Tashkent for as little as three Euros, and there is also a convenient Metro network.
If you go to the City of Samarkand you will also encounter an unforgettable and unique oriental bazaar. If you are part of an organised excursion, ask your guide to include the Samarkand bazaar, for a truly memorable experience.
The oriental market is a special place which has retained its original character from centuries ago. Even though few people speak English in Uzbekistan, locals are friendly and helpful towards foreigners and are sure to make your visit enjoyable. And don’t forget: Uzbekistan is also in the top 10 safest countries in the world!
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About the author: Dr. Eugenio Matos is a Hon. Associate Publisher Diplomat Magazine and a Senior specialist in Public Diplomacy. drembassy1@gmail.com
By H.E. Mr Fernando Arias, Director-General of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
At the end of July, I took office as the Director-General of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). As the implementing body for the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), the OPCW not only oversees the global endeavour to permanently and verifiably eliminate chemical weapons but also works to prevent the proliferation of dangerous chemicals and to improve the safety and security of the management of such chemicals.
We must take into account the fact that we live surrounded by chemicals (used in e.g. agriculture, medicine, pharmaceuticals, industry, etc) and the OPCW has the responsibility to contribute to the peaceful uses of such chemicals while protecting the public and the environment.
Since entering into force in 1997, the CWC remains the foundation of global efforts to eliminate and prevent the spread and use of chemical weapons. Indeed, it is arguably the most successful treaty of its kind, banning a wholecategory of weapons of mass destruction under a strict and effective global verification regime.
One remarkable achievement of the Convention is that it has yielded concreteand measurable disarmament progress. Today, over 96 percent of all declared chemical weapon stockpiles have been irreversiblydestroyed under the watchful eye of OPCW inspectors. One hundred percent of declared stockpiles will be eliminated once the United States completes its chemical demilitarisation process, planned to happen by 2023.
When this occurs, the OPCW will have overseen the destruction of some 72,000 metric tonnes ofthe most lethal substances ever created by humankind.Our ability to monitor these destruction activities and industrial production has been central tobuilding confidence in the Convention and reinforcing trust between the States Parties. Chemical industry has been an essential partner in ensuring that verification is conductedsmoothly and thoroughly. So far, more than 3,500 inspections of industrial facilities have beenconducted in 82 countries since the CWC came into force.
Universality is also well within our grasp. At present, 193 countries have joined theConvention – the highest level of adherence of any disarmament treaty. Only four countries have yet to become members of the CWC: Egypt, Israel, North Korea, and South Sudan. We are making every effort to convince them to join the overwhelming majority of the world in ourendeavour to permanently eradicate chemical weapons.
Undeniably, we are all safer today because of the Chemical Weapons Convention. Much ofthe OPCW’s activities have occurred out of the spotlight and off thefront page of the news. But the international community did recognise the importance of ourwork when, in 2013, the OPCW was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for its extensive efforts toeliminate global stocks of chemical weapons.At the same time that the OPCW has made progress in its disarmament mission, it has had tocontend with the on-going use of chemical weapons. Syria has been the biggest challenge in this regard.
After the Syrian Arab Republic joined the CWC in 2013, the OPCW worked swiftly incooperation with the United Nations and more than 30 partner states to dismantle its declared chemical weapons programme. However, chemical attacks have persisted in that country. In response to ongoing and crediblereports of chemical weapons use, a Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) was established in April 2014 to examine the allegations on the ground. The FFM’s work has been indispensable in determining that chemicals were used asweapons.
Regrettably, other incidents have arisen around the world. In the past few years we have also witnessed sophisticated nerve agents employed to assassinate individuals in Malaysia and the United Kingdom, resulting in the tragic loss of life.
H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General.
The use of chemical weapons should and must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. Statements of condemnation by themselves are not nearly enough to stem the audacious and continuing use of these inhumane weapons.
Action speaks louder than words. And the States Parties to the CWC have acted. In June this year, the Conference of the States Parties adopted an important decision requesting the Secretariat to put in place arrangements to identify the perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons in the Syrian Arab Republic.
This is a crucial new power for the Organisation. Previously, we had only been able to say ifchemical weapons had been used. Now we should be able to identify the perpetrators. Nonetheless, we are not judge and jury; that role is for other institutions to assume. Our contribution will be to attribute responsibility in an impartial, independent, andeffective manner. Implementing the new missionwill require additional resources (human and financial) and appropriate structures.
Attributing responsibility for violations of the Convention’s basic prohibitionextends to non-state actors as well. This reflects the concern over the real threat of chemical terrorism.In recent years, the threat has grown. For instance, in 2015 and 2016, the so-called Islamic Stateof Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) used mustard gas In Iraq and Syria.
In response, in 2017, the OPCW’s Executive Council adopted a landmark decision that addresses the threat posed by non-State actors and reiterates the key role of States Parties in implementing the Convention through their legislation, especially by imposing penal sanctions for violations of its prohibitions.
Finding synergies with other international organisations is also important. As such, we haveestablished a partnership with the United Nations Counter Terrorism Implementation Task Force. The OPCW has taken a proactive role within this initiative that includes 37 otherinternational entities. At the same time, the OPCW has developed the capabilities to aid States Parties that are dealingwith chemical incidents, including acts of terrorism.
Coping with the rapid pace of discoveries in science and technology will pose a unique challengeto the Organisation in addition to offering vast opportunities. The evolution of science requires us to adapt and improve our capabilities.Therefore, we aretransforming our current OPCW Laboratory into a Centre for Science and Technology that will allow theOPCW to remain fit for purpose.
Over the next couple of months, this very subject of the future will be at the forefront of theOPCW’s collective mind, as we engage in a once every five year review of the Convention.States Parties will address current challenges and determine the priorities and plansto guide the Organisation for the next five years, and provide the Secretariat with the appropriate means and resources to address these priorities.
Twenty-one years after its entry-into-force, the CWC has reached another critical turning point.Respect for the norm against chemical weapons is under strain, and we risk normalising the use of such weapons.This should serve as a warning. Continual progress requires vigilance else we also risk real reversals.My hope is that nations are prepared to work together to protect and enhance the gains achieved by the CWC.
No doubt, the Chemical Weapons Convention and the OPCW are facing serious challenges. I will do my best to steward the Organisation and to ensure the integrity of the Convention. In the meantime, I am pleased to remain a member of The Hague community as we all make our contributions to the City of Peace and Justice.