Driving Tomorrow – Self-Driving Cars and its (legal) future

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By Dr. Andreas Eustacchio LL.M. (London LSE),  Vienna-based attorney-at-law; born in Zambia. The highly intriguing theory – supported by the extensive geological evidences including the bacteriological analysis of deep-laying hydrocarbons – about the abiotic nature of oil and its practically infinite recreation in the lower geological formations of earth was presented some 25 years ago. These findings were quickly dismissed, and the theory itself largely ignored and forgotten. The same happened with the highly elaborate plans of Nikola Tesla to exploit a natural geo-electrical phenomenon for the wireless transfers of high energy for free. Why? Infinity eliminates the premium of deeper psychologisation, as it does not necessitate any emotional attachment – something abundantly residing in nature cannot efficiently mobilize our present societies…” Following the lines from the seminar work of prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic on Energy, Technology and Geopolitics, let us present an interesting take on the E-cars, similar driverless technologies and its legal implications that will mark our near future. *          *          *          * Self-driving cars react in a split second: quicker than even the most attentive driver. Self-driving cars don’t get tired, they don’t lose concentration or become aggressive; they’re not bothered by everyday problems and thoughts; they don’t get hungry or develop headaches. Self-driving cars don’t drink alcohol or drive under the influence of drugs. In short, human error, the number one cause of road traffic accidents, could be made a thing of the past in one fell swoop if manual driving were to be banned immediately. Is that right? It would be, if there hadn’t recently been reports about two deaths, one during the test drive for a self-driving car (UBER) and one while a semi-autonomous vehicle was driving on a motorway and using its lane assist system (Tesla), both of which regrettably occurred in the USA in March 2018. In Tesla’s case it seems that the semi-autonomous driving assistant was switched off at the moment of the accident. Around the globe, people die every day due to careless driving, with around 90% of all accidents caused by human error and just a small percentage due to a technical fault related to the vehicle. Despite human error, we have not banned driving on these grounds. Two accidents with fatal consequences involving autonomous vehicles being test-driven have attracted the full glare of the media spotlight, and call into question the technical development of a rapidly progressing industry. Are self-driving cars now just hype, or a trend that cannot be contained, despite every additional human life that is lost as a result of mistakes made by self-driving technology? The legal side For many, the thought that fully autonomous vehicles (a self-driving car without a driver) might exist in the future is rather unsettling. The two recent deaths in the USA resulting from (semi-) autonomous cars have, rather, may cause fear for others. From a legal perspective, it makes no difference whatsoever for the injured party whether the accident was caused by a careless human or technology that was functioning inadequately. The reason for the line drawn between the two, despite this fact, is probably that every human error represents a separate accident, whereas the failure or malfunction of technology cannot be seen as a one-off: rather, understandably and probably correctly, it is viewed as a system error or series error caused by a certain technology available at a particular point in time. From a legal angle, a technical defect generally also represents a design defect that affects the entire run of a particular vehicle range. Deaths caused by software malfunctions cause people to quickly lose trust in other vehicles equipped with the same faulty software. Conversely, if a drunk driver injures or kills another road user, it is not assumed that the majority of other drivers (or all of them) could potentially cause accidents due to the influence of alcohol. The desirability side The fundamental question for all technological developments is this: do people want self-driving cars? When we talk of self-driving (or autonomous) vehicles, we mean machines guided by computers. On-board computers are common practice in aviation, without the pilot him- or herself flying the plane – and from a statistical point of view, airplanes are the safest mode of transport. Couldn’t cars become just as safe? However, a comparison between planes and cars cannot be justified, due to the different user groups, the number of cars driven every day, and the constantly imminent risk of a collision with other road users, including pedestrians. While driver assistance systems, such as lane assist, park assist or adaptive cruise control, can be found in many widespread models and are principally permitted and allowed in Europe, current legislation in Europe and also Austria only permits (semi-) autonomous vehicles to be used for test purposes. Additionally, in Austria these test drives can, inter alia, only take place on motorways or with minibuses in an urban environment following specially marked routes (cf. the test drives with minibuses in the towns of Salzburg and Velden). Test drives have been carried out on Austria’s roads in line with particular legal requirements for a little more than a year, and it has been necessary to have a person in the vehicle at all times. This person must be able to intervene immediately if an accident is on the horizon, to correct wrong steering by the computer or to get the vehicle back under (human) control. Indeed, under the legislation in the US states that do permit test drives, people still (currently) need to be inside the car (even before the two accidents mentioned above, California had announced a law that would have made it no longer necessary to have a person in the vehicle). As a result, three questions arise regarding the UBER accident which occurred during a test drive in the US state of Arizona, resulting in a fatal collision with a cyclist:
  1. Could the person who was inside the vehicle to control it for safety reasons have activated the emergency brake and averted the collision with the cyclist who suddenly crossed the road?
  2. Why did the sensors built into the car not recognize the cyclist in time?
  3. Why did the vehicle not stick to the legal speed limit?
Currently, driving systems are being tested in Europe and the USA. In the USA, this can take place on national roads and, contrary to European legislation, also on urban streets. As long as we are still in the test phase we cannot talk of technically proven, let alone officially approved, driving systems. The technical development of self-driving cars, however, has already made it clear that legal responsibility is shifting away from the driver and towards vehicle manufacturers and software developers. Our Prospects Whether, and when, self-driving cars could become an everyday phenomenon is greatly dependent on certain (future) questions:
  • Are we right to expect absolute safety from self-driving cars?
  • What decisions should self-driving cars make in the event that one life can only be saved at the cost of another?
  • How should this dilemma be resolved?
  • Dr. Andreas Eustacchio LL.M. (London LSE), the Vienna-based attorney-at-law; born in Zambia.
  • If artificial intelligence (AI) and self-learning systems could also be included within the technology for self-driving cars, vehicles of this type might possibly become one day “humanoid robots on four wheels”, but they could not be compared to a human being with particular notions of value and morality. If every individual personally bears responsibility for their intuitive behavior in a specific accident situation, the limits of our legal system are laid bare if algorithms using huge quantities of data make decisions in advance for a subsequent accident situation: these decisions can no longer be wholly ascribed to a particular person or software developer if a self-driving car is involved. It will be our task as lawyers to offer legal support to legislators as they attempt to meet these challenges.

Boundary of division and contention: Pashtun conflicts must be addressed

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Both Afghan and Pakistani governments must address the long-standing conflicts over their shared frontier region in a way that arrests the rising disaffection among the Pashtun community.

By Attaullah Waziri. A border that was a product colonial jealousy and insecurity, the Durand Line divided what can be claimed as one of the world’s largest ethnic tribes, the Pashtuns, into two separate nation-states, Afghanistan and Pakistan, where they compete for political prominence today. In the late 1880s, the Amir of Afghanistan, Abdur Rahman, started demanding a clear demarcated border with the government of British India that had ventured into the Afghan land two times only to be sent back terribly beaten. Aware of the Tsarist Russia’s moves in Central Asia, the British too understood the urgency of creating a buffer state out of a land that it knew it could control the least. Afghanistan, was thus meant to be carved as a buffer state; one that would have been a part of its sphere of influence, if not so much as its physical territory. As negotiations for demarcating were allowed to roll following the conclusion of the Second Anglo-Afghan war, the Amir while permitting the British to control Afghanistan’s foreign policy, in return demanded zero interference from the British in Afghanistan’s internal affairs. A clearly defined and well delineated border would have been an appropriate solution. However, ever since 1893 when the then Foreign Secretary of India, Sir MortimerDurand, finalized an agreement defining the Indo-Afghan border, the Durand Line became a bone of contention between Afghanistan and British India, and much more so between Afghanistan and Pakistan after 1947. The said Line is 1,640 miles (2624 km) long. Representing the historical limits of British authority back in 1893 and what was to demarcate the territorial limits of Afghanistan and Pakistan following the latter’s creation in 1947; this line was drawn much like the other boundaries in the region- in a highly arbitrary fashion. And, it is with this that the seeds of the modern contention were sown. With little consideration for tribal or ethnic boundaries, the border divided the Pashtuns tribes between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Since its creation, this border has been viewed with disdain and is largely overlooked by politicians and tribesmen on both sides of the divide, making it almost superficial and highly difficult to man and thus, immensely porous. While the border does exist on the map, in practical terms it is neither enforced and, arguably nor enforceable. At countless places, the line of demarcation remains contested. In fact, at a few places, it dissects villages and even individual homes between the two countries. Tribesmen from both sides of the border continue to cross freely, often using hidden mountain trails that are very treacherous to say the least. A significant number of tribesmen have family ties on both sides. The Durand Line is often seen by the Pashtuns on both sides as a ‘fault-line’ that has bequeathed a sense of tragedy on a nation of approximately forty million people who are today found on both sides of this artificial border. The question of legality of the Durand Line is not of much interest to the international political and academic community. Most of the global powers readily buy Pakistan’s argument and agree that the Durand Line is a sacrosanct international boundary that it had inherited following its creation as a separate nation-state. With the departure of the British from the sub-continent in 1947, Pakistan claims that Durand Line became the internationally enforceable boundary separating it from Afghanistan. The historical presence of this contentious line for more than a century and the lack of legal-historical claims around it have made it possible for Pakistan to argue, and with legal force, that Durand Line has to continue into the modern times too. In fact, Pakistan has also claimed that Afghanistan has no legal right to renounce any agreement concerning a shared border unilaterally. Pakistan, with support from the UK and China, has also further said that the Durand Line issue is a settled one and that there is nothing more to debate on it. It would be interesting to note here that despite having a considerable presence of discontented Pashtuns within its provincial boundaries, the Governor of the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), Khalilur Rahman in 2005 was quoted by journalists saying that the Durand Line agreement had expired after 100 years of its signing- that is in 1993- and that he had already spoken with the then President, General Pervez Musharraf to request an arrangement for its renewal. In October 2012, the US special envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan, Ambassador Grossman made a remark on the Durand Line, stating that “it is an internationally recognized boundary between Afghanistan and Pakistan”. The Afghanistan Government, however, retaliated by stating that the status of the Durand Line is a matter of historic importance for the Afghan people and that it rejects and considers irrelevant any statement by anyone about the legal status of this line. Aimal Faizi, official spokesperson of the Former Afghan President Hamid Karzai, also mentioned that “the comments of foreigners on the Durand Line will not have any effect on the verdict of the Afghan people, to whom the decision belongs”. Backed by international support, where Pakistan has been quick to raise the claims of legality and colonial inheritance to dismiss any debate on the artificiality and arbitrariness of the Durand Line, findings are however available to prove otherwise. In fact, the Agreement that was signed between the Amir and British Crown will be the first to take down the claims forwarded by Pakistan on the legal sanctity of this border. If one is to refer solely to the Durand Line agreement of 1893, it must be noted it was not initially a binding bilateral agreement to define a sovereign boundary. The idea behind the Line, in Sir Mortimer Durand’s own words was not to form a sovereign boundary, but to separate the British sphere of influence from the rule of the Amir of Afghanistan. The free tribes living on the British Indian side of the Durand Line were never actually subjects of the British Indian rule. Having said so, it also needs to be recognized that unifying a giant ethnic tribe into a nation-state is not an easy task either. In fact, after centuries of co-optation and separation that have been both accepted and enforced upon them, to get Pashtuns on both sides of the border to form a separate homeland is not realizable. The notion of a unified Pashtunistan has been predominantly symbolic, but which has been exploited by motivated political interests on both sides of the boundary. Trying to unite the fiercely independent and autonomous tribes into a cohesive whole is not only for how they have led their lives all along, but because they reject a higher authority over them to date. Their coming together can occur only under extreme duress or under the inspiration of a charismatic and compelling leader like the legendary Faqir of ippi who challenged the British administrative and military rule from the time he instigated a rebellion in Waziristan in 1936 until Britain’s departure in 1947. In the case of contemporary revival of the idea of Pashtunistan, the previous Afghan governments have used this desire for a ‘national homeland’ as a political instrument against Pakistan. Since its inception, almost every Kabul ruler has repudiated the Durand Line as an official border separating Afghanistan and Pakistan and has called it an “undefined border”. As both the countries dispute the claims pressed by the other, both at international forums and beyond its gaze, it is the Pashtun community as a whole that has been the biggest casualty of this political dodge-ball. While the denials mounted by both the governments have not had much impact on the movement of Pashtuns along the porous Durand Line, it has most certainly taken attention off the development of this forty-million strong community. Embroiled in a conflict that is getting stretched at the political convenience of the regimes on both sides of this contentious border, the Pashtun community is increasingly becoming a disenchanted lot that has already had a lot of extremism affecting and afflicting it.  In fact, sounding rather prophetic, the Pakistani ambassador, Mahmud Ali Durrani, had cautioned in March 2007 that, “I hope the Taliban and Pashtun nationalism don’t merge. If that happens, we’ve had it, and we’re on the verge of that.” It is important to recognize that no legal battle can comfort the serious grievances and wounds that have been inflicted on the Pashtun psyche ever since they were divided arbitrarily in 1893. The need of the hour is to assuage the community as a whole before it is too late. In doing so, it would be of much help to not only conduct independent, bipartisan scholarly assessments on the nature of the agreement and all treaties signed after 1893 considering history, legality and future pertaining to the Durand Line rather, but also make the community in concern a part of these discussions and negotiations and not just their target audience. Both the Afghan and Pakistani governments must address the longstanding conflicts over the frontier region in a way that arrests the rising disaffection among this community and not fan the flames of rivalry for petty political interests for this could result in a bigger catastrophe to unfold in the future otherwise. ——- About the author: Attaullah Waziri is the CEO of Waziri Human Development Organization, Kabul. He  can be reached at: wazirionscreen@yahoo.com / Attaullah Waziri’s article was also published in South Asia Monitor.

Nile Basin and South Sudan Diplomacy

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By Abraham Telar Kuc. For years tensions have been rising between the Nile river basin countries over the sharing and management of the Nile water, as Ethiopia, Uganda and many other countries questioning and refusing the water allocation percentages and the rights given to Egypt and Sudan in different agreements concerning Nile river water sharing, usage and management; saying that all the agreements governing the Nile water were signed between Great Britain and Egypt during the colonial era but former British colonies and current independent African nations are saying that all those agreements didn’t represent their interests and do not reflect their past and current needs because it allocate most of the Nile waters to two countries out of ten which are only Egypt and Sudan. As a continued disagreement between Nile basin countries in 2010 Uganda, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, and Kenya signed the Cooperative Framework Agreement known as Entebbe agreement in Kampala- Uganda while Eritrea and the Democratic Republic of Congo did not singe the Agreement; with Egypt and Sudan boycotted the negotiations sessions and decline the signing of Entebbe agreement as it not preserve Egypt historic rights. Adding more tensions Ethiopia uses its rights according to the provisions in CFA or Entebbe agreement; Ethiopia proceeded constructing its African largest dam under the name” the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD)” on the Nile which will have storage of around 74 billion cubic meters from Nile water. All stakeholders and countries in the Nile river basin should cooperate and use the diplomatic means to help addressing disagreement and rising tensions concerning Nile water allocation and management. The diplomacy as a practice of human interaction has been there from the beginning of the organized society of states, Diplomacy as an art and practice in conducting and management of international relations through negotiations and treaties between certain states (Hamilton and Langhorne, 1995). And since it’s exiting in international relation system, diplomacy has been always a way of settling political and international differences, religious and ideological conflicts, boundaries dispute and other territorial conflict. Regardless South Sudan is been protesting the Nile water distribution agreements signed between British, Egypt and Sudan in 1959, and considering it’s planning to sign and ratify 2010 Cooperative Framework Agreement of the Nile basin countries; but it did not join what know commonly as Entebbe Agreement and South Sudan maintain a very strong and strategic relations with all the Nile Basin countries specially Uganda, Ethiopia, Sudan, Egypt and others which could be great opportunity for South Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to initiate a diplomatic approaches to encourage the member states of the Nile Basin for diplomatic, political, socioeconomic, sports, arts and cultural engagements as cooperative means in the Nile Basin. With South Sudan being a member of East Africa Community which includes Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, Kenya, Burundi and South Sudan and all the mentioned countries make up six out of eleven members of the Nile Basin adding to that South Sudan, Ethiopia, Eretria and Democratic Republic of Congo some time face shaky and complexities relations but they have a stable diplomatic and cooperative relations; meanwhile South Sudan maintain stable and strategic bilateral relation with the Arab Republic of Egypt where their two government nearly agree on everything about their relations and cooperation. In the same regarding with the Republic of Sudan the two countries are been recently shifting their relations to a very fruitful stage of their cooperation; the Ministry Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation in collaboration with relevant cultural and public diplomacy institutions such as office of the President, Ministry of Water Resources, Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports, South Sudan Football Association, education and learning institution like the Institute for Peace, Development and Security Studies in the University of Juba, media houses and other related bodies which can help the Ministry Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to develop diplomacy farm work initiative by creating different projects in the field of enhancing cooperation practice between the member countries. A sit’s been stated clearly in the article 43 of the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan that Foreign policy of the Republic of South Sudan shall serve and promote the international cooperation between the United Nations members, African Union and the other regional bodies and organizations with respect to international laws establishing international order based human peace and security justice and common human destiny to achieve economic cooperation among worlds countries; South Sudan can be the middle ground for solving Nile Basin initiative. …………………………………………………. The author is Journalist, Blogger, TV Producer, Cultural, Political and Youth Activist, postgraduate student of Diplomacy and International Relation at the Institute of Peace, Development and Security Studies- University of Juba; and working currently with South Sudan Broadcasting Corporation and be contacted through E-mail : telar.abra@gmail.com or tell No : +211912577222        

Cuba, the sense of safety

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Twelve  days in Cuba Text & Photography by Kim Vermaat Cuba, an internationally coveted destination for globetrotters, is enjoying a strong summer season in its tourism and hospitality industries this year, boasting over two million visitors thus far. These industries continue to grow in defiance of the realities brought on by the aftermath of Hurricane Irma and the US-blockade. In large part, this is thanks to the rise in visitors from Argentina, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Mexico, and Russia. The majority — 63 percent — of its hotels are rated four and five stars, and 74 percent are within close proximity of a beach. Cuba’s first new 5-star hotel, the Gran Hotel Manzana Kempinski, can be found in the heart of the UNESCO-protected Old Havana. Many other big European hotel chains can also be found housed in beautiful, historic buildings throughout the country. The island consists of 15 provinces and is 11 million people strong in its population. It is well known, of course, for the allure of its tepid, azure ocean waters, its white sand beaches, and its world-renowned cocktails and music. But perhaps its most understated quality is the sense of safety one may enjoy while exploring the country, as crime against tourists is virtually nonexistent. Cubans are a true mix of many ethnicities and cultures. Not only can you see it in its centuries-old cities’ architecture that still wears its charm with much pride and valor; it is representative also in the passion that is poured into its vibrant-colored arts and crafts that depict everyday life. It is even apparent in the rhythmic melody of its verbal communication. Getting around is pretty easy, as tour operators and their fleet of air-conditioned buses move regularly and swiftly. Tropicana Touristik planned everything for us in a very swift and smooth way.  The roads, while nearly always empty due to the scarcity of cars on the island, are well connected, making for easy movement from one city to another. Internet has been available since 2016 and is easiest to connect to at hotels and plazas/parks. Being unplugged from the otherwise ever-present internet of the West, offers an opportunity to truly be present in the now.
Trinidad, Cuba.
During our 12-day experience, we visited four cities in four separate provinces: Havana (La Habana in Spanish) in Cuidad de Habana, Viñales in Pinar del Rio, Cienfuegos in Cienfuegos, and Trinidad in Sancti Spiritus. La Habana is the country’s capital and largest city. It is also its own province and houses the nation’s largest port and the heart of its commerce. Over two million Cubans call it home, making it the fourth largest metropolitan area in the Caribbean region. Founded in the 16th century by Spanish Conquistadors because of its location, it served as a key post for their journey to and from the Americas. The city is rich in Spanish architecture and its streets are flooded with vintage American cars from the 1950s in myriad colors. Notably, since 1982, Old Havana has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Viñales is a quaint (would quaint be a better word here?), small town in the island’s countryside. It is the site of the most important natural reserve and is also where the majority of the nation’s tobacco is produced, due to its climate. Housing in Viñales consists mostly of colorful, one-story, wooden houses with porches and matching rocking chairs out front. Many are known as ‘casas particulares’, which are private homes that offer private lodging to foreigners, very much like a bed-and-breakfast – a unique opportunity to experience life as the locals see it. Its breathtaking landscape makes it a winner for nature lovers and horseback trekkers, alike. Viñales Valley is also a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Cienfuegos (one hundred fires in Spanish) is on the southern coast in the heart of the former sugar plantations. Originally home to the Taino indigenous people, the city was settled by the Spanish and later by French immigrants from Bordeaux – many of the street names in Old Town still reflect French origins. Its affluent European history is still visible by its countless prestigious buildings harkening to a bygone heyday. Visiting this city is like taking a step back in time. Some of the casas particulares in Cienfuegos are Italian Baroque designed palaces that allow one to experience life in all the glamor of that era. Trinidad is described by many as La Perla del Sur (the Pearl of the South), because it is one of the best-preserved cities in the Caribbean from the time when sugar trade was the main industry in the region – today the main industry is tobacco processing. It lays in central Cuba and has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1988. Modern day life influences have not yet visibly tarnished this special place. Small houses line the streets and cobble stone roads lead you to visual treasures upon treasures to discover. It’s as if the Spanish Conquistadors had just left, certainly when locals pass by on horse and carriage. Fun Facts: –       School enrollment is mandatory and free from the ages of 6 to 15. Grades 10-12 are considered pre-college for university bound students. University students receive stipends while enrolled in any of the 47 universities on the island. –       Enviable literacy rate – 99.8% amongst its adult population. –       The national healthcare system, available only to locals, has an impressive 170 patients to every doctor ratio (compared to over 300 in other places). Nearly all medical procedures are covered, including some cosmetic surgery that would be considered optional in the vast majority of other countries. –       The lack of fast food restaurant chains that litter seemingly every street in nearly every other land is refreshing. In their stead you will find hundreds of restaurants and street vendors ready to serve. –   The streets tend to be relatively empty between 11-18:00 due to unbearable heat. Folks get their errands done quickly during the cooler morning hours, and then stay indoors until sunset. The streets then come alive with a vengeance in the evenings. Everyone from babies in strollers to the elderly in wheelchairs are carted out to the town squares for playtime, mingling and, of course, to ignore one another as we do nowadays while seemingly everyone logs onto the web. –       Approximately 200 varieties of palm trees exist on our planet – 90 of them can be found in Cuba. –    Ernest Hemingway lived on the island for more than 20 years, on-and-off. Before purchasing his home off the beaten path (now a museum) he lived in the Hotel Ambos Mundos in Havana. El Floridita and La Bodeguita del Medio in Havana’s Old Town are considered to be bars Hemingway patronized and, as such, are still tourist hotspots. –    The fruit – my Orishas! – avocados are the size of a rugby ball, mangoes are that of a volley ball, while the coconuts are at least that of a football… and the taste is incomparable! ———————————- For more pictures related to this article, please visit: www.kimvermaat.com/l/cuba   Tour operator: Tropicana Touristik in Berlin – www.tropicana-touristik.de

Why You Should Visit Uzbekistan

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By Dr. Eugenio Matos G. When you are next deciding where to spend your holidays, consider Uzbekistan. This exquisitely beautiful nation brings together East and West, and offers an abundance of delightful new discoveries for any traveller visiting for the first time The major cities of Uzbekistan are known as the pearls of the “Great Silk Road”, travel destinations and cities that have absorbed all the singularity and unique beauty of the East. Visiting these cities allows one to be transported back to the atmosphere of a medieval city, to an era in which the Uzbek people made history. The territory that comprises modern-day Uzbekistan has formed part of the world’s oldest and most prominent civilizations and empires, such as the Khorezm, the Sogdiana, the Greco-Bactrian, Kushan Kingdom, the Empire of Alexander the Great and Tamerlane. Tashkent, the capital city, is called the “Star of the East”, combining modernity and antiquity that goes back more than two millenniums.It is now the foremost business and cultural center in the region. The most well known historical monument in Tashkent is KukerdashMadrassh, built in the 16th century during the rule of the UabekShaybanid sultans Barak Khan and Dervish Khan. The Savitsky Museum in Nakus has more than 90,000 exhibits with the world’s second largest collection of Russian avant-garde pieces and art from across Uzbekistan. But there is a particular venue that visitors cannot miss. Go to a bazaar (public market) to feel the real heartbeat of Uzbek life, and to truly understand the nation’s customs and traditions, including its many unique national products. An oriental bazaar serves many functions: as a modern supermarket, a social club for communication amongst locals and foreigners, a source for the latest news, a business hub and an entertainment centre. Chief among the bazaars in Tashkent Chorsu bazaar, which is both the largest and oldest in the city. Bazaars have been popular since the time of the Great Silk Road that passed through Tashkent. Chorsu bazaar is located in the heart of the Old City. Walking inside the turquoise dome, you encounter a wide variety of spices, fruits, vegetables, traditional carpets, arts and crafts, as well as an impressive fish and meat market and many traditional style restaurants. A taxi can take you the bazaar to any of the main hotels in Tashkent for as little as three Euros, and there is also a convenient Metro network. If you go to the City of Samarkand you will also encounter an unforgettable and unique oriental bazaar. If you are part of an organised excursion, ask your guide to include the Samarkand bazaar, for a truly memorable experience. The oriental market is a special place which has retained its original character from centuries ago. Even though few people speak English in Uzbekistan, locals are friendly and helpful towards foreigners and are sure to make your visit enjoyable. And don’t forget: Uzbekistan is also in the top 10 safest countries in the world! ————– About the author: Dr. Eugenio Matos is a Hon. Associate Publisher Diplomat Magazine and a Senior specialist in Public Diplomacy. drembassy1@gmail.com  

Working together for a world free of chemical weapons

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By H.E. Mr Fernando Arias, Director-General of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons   At the end of July, I took office as the Director-General of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). As the implementing body for the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), the OPCW not only oversees the global endeavour to permanently and verifiably eliminate chemical weapons but also works to prevent the proliferation of dangerous chemicals and to improve the safety and security of the management of such chemicals. We must take into account the fact that we live surrounded by chemicals (used in e.g. agriculture, medicine, pharmaceuticals, industry, etc) and the OPCW has the responsibility to contribute to the peaceful uses of such chemicals while protecting the public and the environment. Since entering into force in 1997, the CWC remains the foundation of global efforts to eliminate and prevent the spread and use of chemical weapons. Indeed, it is arguably the most successful treaty of its kind, banning a wholecategory of weapons of mass destruction under a strict and effective global verification regime. One remarkable achievement of the Convention is that it has yielded concreteand measurable disarmament progress. Today, over 96 percent of all declared chemical weapon stockpiles have been irreversiblydestroyed under the watchful eye of OPCW inspectors. One hundred percent of declared stockpiles will be eliminated once the United States completes its chemical demilitarisation process, planned to happen by 2023. When this occurs, the OPCW will have overseen the destruction of some 72,000 metric tonnes ofthe most lethal substances ever created by humankind.Our ability to monitor these destruction activities and industrial production has been central tobuilding confidence in the Convention and reinforcing trust between the States Parties. Chemical industry has been an essential partner in ensuring that verification is conductedsmoothly and thoroughly. So far, more than 3,500 inspections of industrial facilities have beenconducted in 82 countries since the CWC came into force. Universality is also well within our grasp. At present, 193 countries have joined theConvention – the highest level of adherence of any disarmament treaty. Only four countries have yet to become members of the CWC: Egypt, Israel, North Korea, and South Sudan. We are making every effort to convince them to join the overwhelming majority of the world in ourendeavour to permanently eradicate chemical weapons. Undeniably, we are all safer today because of the Chemical Weapons Convention. Much ofthe OPCW’s activities have occurred out of the spotlight and off thefront page of the news. But the international community did recognise the importance of ourwork when, in 2013, the OPCW was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for its extensive efforts toeliminate global stocks of chemical weapons.At the same time that the OPCW has made progress in its disarmament mission, it has had tocontend with the on-going use of chemical weapons. Syria has been the biggest challenge in this regard. After the Syrian Arab Republic joined the CWC in 2013, the OPCW worked swiftly incooperation with the United Nations and more than 30 partner states to dismantle its declared chemical weapons programme. However, chemical attacks have persisted in that country. In response to ongoing and crediblereports of chemical weapons use, a Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) was established in April 2014 to examine the allegations on the ground. The FFM’s work has been indispensable in determining that chemicals were used asweapons. Regrettably, other incidents have arisen around the world. In the past few years we have also witnessed sophisticated nerve agents employed to assassinate individuals in Malaysia and the United Kingdom, resulting in the tragic loss of life.
H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General.
The use of chemical weapons should and must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. Statements of condemnation by themselves are not nearly enough to stem the audacious and continuing use of these inhumane weapons. Action speaks louder than words. And the States Parties to the CWC have acted. In June this year, the Conference of the States Parties adopted an important decision requesting the Secretariat to put in place arrangements to identify the perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons in the Syrian Arab Republic. This is a crucial new power for the Organisation. Previously, we had only been able to say ifchemical weapons had been used. Now we should be able to identify the perpetrators. Nonetheless, we are not judge and jury; that role is for other institutions to assume. Our contribution will be to attribute responsibility in an impartial, independent, andeffective manner. Implementing the new missionwill require additional resources (human and financial) and appropriate structures. Attributing responsibility for violations of the Convention’s basic prohibitionextends to non-state actors as well. This reflects the concern over the real threat of chemical terrorism.In recent years, the threat has grown. For instance, in 2015 and 2016, the so-called Islamic Stateof Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) used mustard gas In Iraq and Syria. In response, in 2017, the OPCW’s Executive Council adopted a landmark decision that addresses the threat posed by non-State actors and reiterates the key role of States Parties in implementing the Convention through their legislation, especially by imposing penal sanctions for violations of its prohibitions. Finding synergies with other international organisations is also important. As such, we haveestablished a partnership with the United Nations Counter Terrorism Implementation Task Force. The OPCW has taken a proactive role within this initiative that includes 37 otherinternational entities. At the same time, the OPCW has developed the capabilities to aid States Parties that are dealingwith chemical incidents, including acts of terrorism. Coping with the rapid pace of discoveries in science and technology will pose a unique challengeto the Organisation in addition to offering vast opportunities. The evolution of science requires us to adapt and improve our capabilities.Therefore, we aretransforming our current OPCW Laboratory into a Centre for Science and Technology that will allow theOPCW to remain fit for purpose. Over the next couple of months, this very subject of the future will be at the forefront of theOPCW’s collective mind, as we engage in a once every five year review of the Convention.States Parties will address current challenges and determine the priorities and plansto guide the Organisation for the next five years, and provide the Secretariat with the appropriate means and resources to address these priorities. Twenty-one years after its entry-into-force, the CWC has reached another critical turning point.Respect for the norm against chemical weapons is under strain, and we risk normalising the use of such weapons.This should serve as a warning. Continual progress requires vigilance else we also risk real reversals.My hope is that nations are prepared to work together to protect and enhance the gains achieved by the CWC. No doubt, the Chemical Weapons Convention and the OPCW are facing serious challenges. I will do my best to steward the Organisation and to ensure the integrity of the Convention. In the meantime, I am pleased to remain a member of The Hague community as we all make our contributions to the City of Peace and Justice.

Uzbekistan Airways, fostering National Tourism Development

By Dr. Eugenio Matos G. Traveling with Uzbekistan Airways is a truly memorable experience, thanks to the personal touch of its flight crew members and the extraordinary level of service that is reminiscent of “la belle epoch” of the airline transportation industry. The flag carrier is headquartered at Tashkent International Airport and serves destinations in Asia, Europe and North America. The company was founded in 1992 and builds on the legacy of the Uzbekistan division of the former Aeroflot which existed before the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Uzbekistan Airways acquired its first Airbus A310-300 in 1993. In late 2008, the company ordered four Boeing 767 in a US$597 million deal. The company acquired its first Boeing 787-8 in 2016. The Business Class on the 787 features the first fully flat seats of the carrier. In 2017 alone, more than three million passengers used Uzbekistan Airways’ services, contributing to Uzbekistan’s ongoing economic development alongside the carrier’s cargo business. Uzbekistan Airways has devised a development strategy and special business program aimed at modernizing and unifying its air fleet. The Uzbek national air carrier will soon be putting into service two new Airbus A320 Neos. The newest A320 Neo aircraft have been ordered in a two-class layout, each featuring 150 seats of which 12 will be business class and 138 economy class. They will be 20% more fuel efficient than their predecessors thanks to improved engine and fuselage design. In 2019, the air carrier’s fleet will receive two new Boeing 787 Dreamliners and with a sixth Dreamliner to follow in early 2020, allowing the carrier to become the leading airline operator in the region. During the very successful First International Investment Forum in Tourism Sphere which took place in the Uzbeks’ Capital of Tashkent from 19-21 November 2018, Deputy Prime Minister Aziz Aabdukhakimov announced more than 500 infrastructure tourism projects all over the country in order to cope with the increasing number of visitors to Uzbekistan. The country has received more than 5.1 million visitors in 2018 and the number looks set to grow. These infrastructure projects will be intertwined with the high-speed train connections that are in place in Samarkand (the Pearl of the East), Shakhrisabz, Bukhara, Khiva and other cities. Main course menu for business class passengers aboard Uzbekistan Airways: • Meat snack (includes three kinds of meat products); • Cheese assortment (includes two types of cheese); • Fish snack (includes two types of fish); • Vegetable snack (includes seasonal vegetables); • Dessert (cakes, fresh fruits, dry fruits); • Bread and baked goods; • Spices and flavorings; • Main course (variety of meat, chicken and fish courses); • Hot drinks(black and green tea, black and white coffee); • Juices and soft drinks; • Alcoholic drinks (cognac, vodka, champagne, white or red wine, beer). Main course menu foreconomy class passengers aboard Uzbekistan Airways: •Cold snack (includes meat products and cheese); •Vegetable snack (includes seasonal vegetables); •Dessert (cakes, fresh fruits, dry fruits); •Bread and baked goods; •Spices and flavorings; •Main course (meat or chicken); •Hot drinks(black and green tea, black and white coffee); •Soft drinks (mineral water, still water, carbonate beverages, juices); •Alcoholic drinks (wine) served depending on flight route.

Australia and the Netherlands: 400 years of shared history

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Ambassador Neuhaus attended the Invictus Family & Friends Day in Doorn for the Dutch athletes representing the Netherlands at the 2018 Invictus Games in October in Sydney, Australia. Australia’s new Ambassador to the Netherlands, H.E. Mr.  Matthew Ernest Keith Neuhaus, comes to The Hague with a background in international law, multilateralism and Africa (he grew up in East Africa and has served as Ambassador in Zimbabwe and Nigeria). “My career anchors” he calls them. As a Masters student at Cambridge University he first visited the International Court of Justice in The Hague in 1986 for a mock court case – or moot. Later in his career he worked on Australia’s international court cases. So it was particularly fitting to commence his posting in The Hague as the head of the Australian delegation in the recent Chagos Islands Case. Ambassador Neuhaus also came to The Hague in the early 1990s while Legal Adviser at Australia’s Mission to the United Nations as part of the Australian delegation finalising the Chemical Weapons Convention and its implementation. “It is exciting to see the growth of organisations such as the OPCW and ICC since those days” he says. He is saddened by the controversies and divisions now surrounding their work. “Australia is a strong supporter of the international rules based order and the institutions that underpin this. We need to ensure a shared commitment as nations to the total elimination of chemical weapons and to bring to justice those who commit serious international crimes” he emphasises.
HM King Willem-Alexander of the Netherlands, the Ambassador of Australia, H.E. Matthew Neuhaus, Ms. Indra McCormick, Deputy Head of Mission, Mr. Tony Pobjie, First Secretary and Consul, Ms. Michelle McKendry, First Secretary.
While he has a deep interest and commitment to the multilateral work, most of his time is taken up with an increasingly important bilateral relationship with the Netherlands. “We have over 400 years of shared history” he notes, as a result of the Dutch being the first Europeans to sail to Australia’s shores, in 1606, which they named “New Holland”.   The name didn’t stick but the relationship did, with the Dutch active in Asia to this day. More than 300,000 Australians claim Dutch heritage. Formal diplomatic relations were entered into during World War 2 when Australia’s High Commissioner in London became the first accredited Ambassador to the then Government in Exile in London. The Embassy in The Hague was opened with the liberation of the Netherlands, in which many young Australians lost their lives.
12 October 2018: Ambassador Neuhaus opened the exhibitionby Arkeria Rose Armstrong at the Aboriginal Art Gallery Rotterdam
In the picture: Mr. Michel Arends and Ms. Danielle van Dam- owners of the Aboriginal Art Gallery Rotterdam, Ms. Arkeria Rose Armstrong – artist, Ambassador Matthew Neuhaus and Mrs. Angela Neuhaus
“Few people know that the Netherlands is now Australia’s fourth largest foreign director investor” Ambassador Neuhaus reveals, with only USA, UK and Japan ahead. “While we have an important and growing economic and political relationship with the countries of our Indo-Pacific region, Europe remains crucial. This even more so as we begin negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement with Europe, and the Netherlands is a particularly important partner in Europe” he notes. We also share values and approaches with the Netherlands, including a commitment to global free trade and innovation and promoting the rule of law, free expression and democracy. This makes us important allies internationally. We have worked and fought together against terrorism and injustice, most recently in Afghanistan and Iraq in countering ISIL. We are cooperating closely to pursue truth and justice for the victims and families of the MH17 tragedy in which many of our nationals died. In the aftermath of the successful Invictus Games in Sydney led by Prince Harry, which support and celebrate injured servicemen and women, Ambassador Neuhaus is looking forward to the next Games in 2020 in The Hague. Finally as a gender champion he is determined to support increasing gender equality and women in leadership positions in international institutions during his time in The Hague. “It is not only the right thing to do but the smart thing to do and I look forward to promoting more positive change during my posting here”, he notes.  

Coordinated crackdown on ‘Ndrangheta mafia in Europe

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Unique joint investigation by judiciary and police forces in the Netherlands, Italy, Germany and Belgium culminates in the largest coordinated joint action against an organised criminal group to date in Europe During a joint action day starting today in the early hours, judicial and law enforcement authorities in the Netherlands, Italy, Germany, Belgium and Luxembourg have taken coordinated and decisive action against the ‘Ndrangheta. This aggressive, mafia-style organised criminal group is one of the most powerful criminal networks in the world, and controls much of Europe’s cocaine trade, combined with systematic money laundering, bribery and violent acts. The operation, code-named ‘Pollino’, is the biggest of its kind to date in Europe. Several hundred police, including special intervention units, were engaged in today’s action, together with prosecutors and investigative officers. The judicial authorities and law enforcement agencies involved have been working intensively together since 2016, including in a joint investigation team (JIT) supported by Eurojust, the EU’s Judicial Cooperation Unit, and Europol in The Hague, to prepare the action.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) and Eurojust headquarters.
As a result of close cooperation, almost 4 000 kg of cocaine and hundreds of kilos of other drugs have been detected across Europe during the course of the investigation. By 12:00 on the action day, 84 suspects have been reported arrested, including high-ranking members of the mafia network. An estimated EUR 2 million in criminal assets are expected to be seized, and many witness hearings and house searches will be conducted, securing important evidence to be used at trial. Actions are also taking place in Suriname. The case originated in 2014, when the Dutch Fiscal, Information and investigation Service (FIOD) referred an investigation of possible money laundering to Eurojust. The investigation looked into partners of Italian restaurants in Horst and Venray in the Netherlands and showed connections to the Nordrhein-Westfalen region in Germany as well as to criminal activity in Reggio Calabria in southern Italy. The Dutch Desk at Eurojust then proactively encouraged the other countries concerned to look into the case. The ‘Ndrangheta mafia network, which has its base in southern Italy, is known to operate by starting legitimate businesses in other countries as a cover to expand overseas, smuggling drugs, laundering illicit profits and claiming new territories as areas under their control. By splitting the activities per country, the mafia network aims to exploit legal differences between criminal jurisdictions and to escape attention, since each crime, if only investigated separately, may appear as an isolated act rather than part of an international operation. The creation of a JIT by the Netherlands, Italy and Germany for Operation Pollino in October 2016 had a catalytic effect on the scale and intensity of the investigation. Essentially a legal framework, a JIT is a platform for judiciary and police from different countries to work directly together in a specific case and systematically exchange operational information. Step by step, the authorities involved in Operation Pollino, including investigative judges, worked very intensively together to fit together the pieces, and pooled their knowledge and creativity in order to establish a joint strategy and uncover the actual magnitude and complexity of the criminal activity of the ‘Ndrangheta. The exchange of evidence, which is essential to build solid prosecution cases, has been an important element in preparing today’s action. It was the first JIT with the participation of Italy. The practical support through EU agencies such as Eurojust and Europol has played a crucial role in Operation Pollino. The JIT has been facilitated and financed by Eurojust, which also organised of a series coordination meetings to regularly bring the actors together, support the development of a joint strategy and facilitate the mutual understanding of the different judicial systems at critical juncures of the investigation. Europol has contributed through extensive data analysis in the context of Analysis Project ITOC, which supports cases investigating the criminal activities of mafia-structured OCGs originating in Italy and impacting other Member States. During the joint action day, prosecutors from the judicial authorities followed the action in real time from the coordination centre at Eurojust, which allows for swift analysis of new data as it is being collected during the action and makes it possible to adapt the strategy as required. Europol has also assisted the Italian police in the field with a mobile office. Filippo Spiezia, Vice-President of Eurojust and National Member for Italy, said: ‘Today, we send a clear message to organised crime groups across Europe. They are not the only ones able to operate across borders; so are Europe’s judiciary and law enforcement communities. By working together and using the unique tools at our disposal in the EU, such as the possibility to form a joint investigation team and with the practical support through EU agencies such as Eurojust and Europol, we are able to detect, investigate and prosecute this kind of serious organised crime.’ As of 11:00 today, the following actions and results have been reported: •Netherlands: 5 arrests. Seizures of almost 4 000 kg of cocaine and 140 kg XTC pills. Dutch investigators from FIOD and the Dutch police have also helped to search in Italy and Germany. Authorities involved: Fiscal, Information and Investigation Service (FIOD) Police National Unit, Dutch National Prosecution Service •Italy: The main focus has been in the regions of Calabria and Catanzaro in southern Italy. There have been 41 arrests. Authorities involved: Office of the Public Prosecutor of Reggio Calabria Central Operative Service of the State Police (SCO) State Police Investigative Department of Reggio Calabria Central Service of Investigation of the Guardia di Finanza (SCICO) Police Command for financial investigation of Guardia di Finanza (Valutaria GdF) Operational anti-drug department of the Guardia di Finanza of Reggio Calabria (GOA) •Germany: The main focus has been in the western parts of the Nordrhein-Westfalen region due to its proximity to the ARA harbours. There have been 15 arrests (+ 6 in a related operation). Authorities involved: Staatsanwaltschaft Duisburg Staatsanwaltschaft Aachen Bundeskriminalamt (BKA) There has also been close cooperation with other German organised crime investigations, with the Organised Crime Units of the Landeskriminalamt NRW as well as the Office of the Public Prosecutor and the Police in Cologne, where coordinated arrests and searches have been executed today. •Belgium: The main focus has been in Maasmechelen in Limburg. There have been 4 arrests (+ 10 in a related operation). Authorities involved: Public Prosecutor’s Office Limburg Federal Judicial Police, Limburg Local Police of Lanaken-Maasmechelen, Limburg Luxembourg: Two suspects have been arrested and the national investigation is ongoing. Authorities involved: Police Lëtzebuerg Parquet de Luxembourg Cabinet d’instruction Luxembourg Eurojust Q&A (DE, EN, FR, IT and NL): ◦Eurojust: Zentrale Anlaufstelle für den Kampf gegen grenzübergreifendes Verbrechen in der EU und darüber hinaus ◦Eurojust: a one-stop shop for fighting serious cross-border crime in the EU and beyond ◦Eurojust : un « guichet unique » pour lutter contre la forte criminalité transfrontalière dans l’Union européenne et au-delà ◦Eurojust: Un’ unica interfaccia per la lotta contro la criminalità transfrontaliera grave nell’UE e oltre i confini nazionali ◦Eurojust: een ‘onestopshop’ voor de bestrijding van ernstige grensoverschrijdende criminaliteit binnen en buiten de EU

Bleak See on the Black Sea

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By Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarević. Following the latest events in and around the Black Sea, two old questions are reappearing. Both are inviting us for a repeated elaboration: If a Monroe doctrine (about the hemispheric security exclusivity) is recognised at one corner of the globe, do we have a moral right or legal ground to negate it at the other corner? This irrespectively from the fact that Gorbachev-Yeltsin Russia unilaterally renounced the similar explication – the Brezhnev doctrine about irreversibility of communist gains. Clearly, the ‘might-makes-right’ as a conduct in international relations cannot be selectively accepted. Either it is acknowledged to all who can effectively self-prescribe and maintain such a monopoly of coercion, or it is absolutely (revoked and) condemned as contrary to behaviour among the civilised nations. Next to the first question is a right of pre-emption. It is apparent that within the Black Sea theatre, Russia acts in an unwilling, pre-emptive and rather defensive mode. That is not a regime change action on the other continent following the rational of extra security demand by the exclusive few. Fairly, it is an equalising reactive attempt within the near abroad. For the last 25 years, all the NATO military interventions were well beyond its membership zone; none of the few Russian interventions over the same period was outside the parameter of former USSR. Before closing, let us take a closer look on the problem from a larger historical perspective. Una hysteria Importante Historically speaking, the process of Christianization of Europe that was used as the justification tool to (either intimidate or corrupt, so to say to) pacify the invading tribes, which demolished the Roman Empire and brought to an end the Antique age, was running parallel on two tracks. The Roman Curia/Vatican conducted one of them by its hammer: the Holy Roman Empire. The second was run by the cluster of Rusophone Slavic Kaganates, who receiving (the orthodox or true/authentic, so-called Eastern version of) Christianity from Byzantium, and past its collapse, have taken over a mission of Christianization, while forming its first state of Kiev Russia (and thereafter, its first historic empire). Thus, to the eastern edge of Europe, Russophones have lived in an intact, nearly a hermetic world of universalism for centuries: one empire, one Tsar, one religion and one language. Everything in between Central Europe and Russia is Eastern Europe, rather a historic novelty on the political map of Europe. Very formation of the Atlantic Europe’s present shape dates back to 14th–15th century, of Central Europe to the mid-late 19th century, while a contemporary Eastern Europe only started emerging between the end of WWI and the collapse of the Soviet Union – meaning, less than 100 years at best, slightly over two decades in the most cases. No wonder that the dominant political culture of the Eastern Europeans resonates residual fears and reflects deeply insecure small nations. Captive and restive, they are short in territorial depth, in demographic projection, in natural resources and in a direct access to open (warm) seas. After all, these are short in historio-cultural verticals, and in the bigger picture-driven long-term policies. Eastern Europeans are exercising the nationhood and sovereignty from quite a recently, thus, too often uncertain over the side and page of history. Therefore, they are often dismissive, hectic and suspectful, nearly neuralgic and xenophobic, with frequent overtones. Years of Useful Idiot The latest loss of Russophone Europe in its geopolitical and ideological confrontation with the West meant colossal changes in Eastern Europe. One may look into geopolitical surrounding of at the-time largest eastern European state, Poland, as an illustration of how dramatic was it. All three land neighbors of Poland; Eastern Germany (as the only country to join the EU without any accession procedure, but by pure act of Anschluss), Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union have disappeared overnight. At present, Polish border countries are a two-decade-old novelty on the European political map. Further on, if we wish to compare the number of dissolutions of states worldwide over the last 50 years, the Old continent suffered as many as all other continents combined: American continent – none, Asia – one (Indonesia/ East Timor), Africa – two (Sudan/South Sudan and Ethiopia/Eritrea), and Europe – three. Interestingly, each and every dissolution in Europe was primarily related to Slavs (Slavic peo-ples) living in multiethnic and multi-linguistic (not in the Atlantic Europe’s conscripted pure single-nation) state. Additionally, all three European fragmentations – meaning, every second dissolution in the world – were situated exclusively and only in Eastern Europe. That region has witnessed a total dissolution of Czechoslovakia (western Slavs) and Yugoslavia (southern Slavs, in 3 waves), while one state disappeared from Eastern Europe (DDR) as to strengthen and enlarge the front of Central Europe (Western Germany). Finally, countless centripetal turbulences severely affected Eastern Europe following the dissolution of the Soviet Union (eastern Slavs) on its frontiers. Irredentism in the UK, Spain, Belgium, France and Italy, or Denmark (over Faroe Islands and Greenland) is far elder, stronger and deeper. However, all dissolutions in Eastern Europe took place irreversibly and overnight, while Atlantic Europe remained intact, with Central Europe even enlarging territorially and expanding economically. Deindustrialized, incapacitated, demoralized, over-indebted, re-feudalized, rarified and de-Slavicized Finally, East is sharply aged and depopulated –the worst of its kind ever– which in return will make any future prospect of a full and decisive generational interval simply impossible. Honduras-ization of Eastern Europe is full and complete. Hence, is it safe to say that if the post-WWII Soviet occupation of Eastern Europe was overt and brutal, this one is subtle but subversive and deeply corrosive? The key (nonintentional) consequence of the Soviet occupation was that the Eastern European states –as a sort of their tacit, firm but low-tempered rebellion – preserved their sense of nationhood. However, they had essential means at disposal to do so: the right to work was highly illuminated in and protected by the national constitutions, so were other socio-economic rights such as the right to culture, language, arts and similar segments of collective nation’s memory. Today’s East, deprived and deceived, silently witnesses the progressive metastasis of its national tissue. Ergo, euphemisms such as countries in transition or new Europe cannot hide a disconsolate fact that Eastern Europe has been treated for 25 years as defeated belligerent, as spoils of war which the West won in its war against communist Russia. It concludes that (self-)fragmented, deindustrialized and re-feudalized, rapidly aged rarified and depopulated, (and de-Slavicized) Eastern Europe is probably the least influential region of the world – one of the very few underachievers. Obediently submissive and therefore, rigid in dynamic environment of the promising 21st century, Eastern Europeans are among last remaining passive downloaders and slow-receivers on the otherwise blossoming stage of the world’s creativity, politics and economy. Seems, Europe still despises its own victims… Terra nullius Admittedly, by the early 1990s, the ‘security hole’– Eastern Europe, has been approached in multifold fashion: Besides the (pre-Maastricht EC and post-Maastricht) EU and NATO, there was the Council of Europe, the CSCE (after the 1993 Budapest summit, OSCE), the EBRD and EIB. All of them were sending the political, economic, human dimension, commercial signals, assistance and expertise. These moves were making both sides very nervous; Russia becoming assertive (on its former peripheries) and Eastern Europe defiantly dismissive. Until this very day, each of them is portraying the NATO enterprise as the central security consideration: One as a must-go, and another as a no-go. No wonder that the absolute pivot of Eastern Europe, and the second largest of all Slavic states – Ukraine, is a grand hostage of that very dilemma: Between the eastern pan-Slavic hegemony and western ‘imperialism of free market’. Additionally, the country suffers from the consolidated Klepto-corporate takeover as well as the rapid re-Nazification. For Ukraine, Russia is a geographic, socio-historic, cultural and linguistic reality. Presently, this reality is far less reflected upon than the seducing, but rather distant Euro-Atlantic club. Ukraine for Russia; it represents more than a lame western-flank’ geopolitical pivot, or to say, the first collateral in the infamous policy of containment that the West had continuously pursued against Russia ever since the 18th century. For Moscow, Kiev is an emotional place – an indispensable bond of historio-civilizational attachment – something that makes and sustains Russia both Christian and European. Putin clearly redlined it: Sudden annexation of Crimea (return to its pre-1954 status) was an unpleasant and humiliating surprise that brought a lot of foreign policy hangover for both the NATO and EU. Nevertheless, for the Atlantist alarmists (incl. the Partition studies participants and those working for the Hate industry), military lobbyists and other cold-war mentality ‘deep-state’ structures on all sides, this situation offers a perfect raison d’etre. Thus drifting chopped off and away, a failed state beyond rehabilitation, Ukraine itself is a prisoner of this domesticated security drama. Yet again, the false dilemma so tragically imploded within this blue state, of a 50:50 polarized and deterritorialized population, over the question where the country belongs – in space, time and side of history. Conclusively, Eastern Europe is further twisting, while gradually combusted between Ukrainization and Pakistanization. The rest of Europe is already shifting the costs of its own foreign policy journey by ‘fracking’ its households with a considerably (politically) higher energy bills. — About the author:  Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarević, chairperson and professor in international law and global political studies, Vienna, Austria. He has authored six books (for American and European publishers) and numerous articles on, mainly, geopolitics energy and technology. For the past decades, he has over 1,200 hours of teaching on the subject International Law and Relations (including lecturing in both Kiev and Moscow universities and Diplomatic Academy). Professor is editor of the NY-based GHIR (Geopolitics, History and Intl. Relations) journal, and editorial board member of several similar specialized magazines on three continents. His 7th book, ‘From WWI to www. – Europe and the World 1918-2018’ is to be realised in December. Earlier version of the text was published by the Vision & Global Trends