Forgiveness in International Relations

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By Israel Rafalovich.

The argument about war and justice is still a political and moral issue.
Decisionmakers and victims alike have to examine the moral issues of warfare and at the same time, with the growing awareness of religion, pay attention to the status of religion on the subject of forgiveness in international relations. The questions that arise are: what is the role of forgiveness and religion in international relations? And, how can we deal with tough issues in international relations through forgiveness? In today’s world it is more and more clear that war and peace do not present a simple dichotomy. Countries do not say to each other “I forgive you”. In international politics asking for forgiveness is not something that happens spontaneously, but is a rational decision that comes after a long process and sometimes an emotional motive drives the request for forgiveness as well as political pragmatism. More than anything else, forgiveness is a conscious choice. In politics it is never about forgetting but about remembering in a certain way. This is also the significance of image. A country that has committed a moral wrong in the past would ask for forgiveness because it wants to show its citizens and the world a different image and therefore will also engage in the ethics of forgiveness. Forgiveness has hardly been a traditional value in world affairs, as there is a kind of resistance in linking politics with forgiveness. Forgiveness as a political strategy has rarely appeared, until lately, on the diplomatic scene. The concept is foreign to most secular philosophies, not only because forgiveness is mostly consigned to personal matters, but also because of our geopolitical times. Let’s make it clear, forgiveness cannot be imposed, it is a process as justice plays a large role in the political forgiveness process for there is no real justice without forgiveness. Public confessions of wrongdoing and the request for forgiveness have been rare in modern history. But, at the same time, never before has there been an era of public contrition for mistakes and atrocities of the 20th century. The Pope has declared that the Holocaust was an “indelible stain” on the 20th century. The fact that his statement was delivered in Israel shows how remorse can be a function of politics. Forgiveness has a marked effect and can open doors to remarkable instances of reconciliation and has the potential of being enormously influential in international relations of the 21st century. In several of the world’s centre-stage conflicts, forgiveness has made an entrance, helping repair broken relationships in fractious societies. Many conflicts of the past decade are rooted less in the intangible thing of religion, ethnicity and group identity. Forgiveness has a spiritual component and involves acknowledgment, contrition and forgiveness. It cannot be imposed and depends on our acknowledgment of the power and depth of God’s love. This is the aspect which connects us with a higher mind, our spiritual essence of who we truly are. It requires from politicians inner strength, maturity and the willingness to see a situation from a different angle. They have to be able to develop empathy for their enemies and not invest themselves in dehumanising their enemies. Forgiveness has to be possible in politics if there is to be any hope of former enemies being able to co-exist as members of the international community. We learn the need to forgive and be forgiven from our experience of living together with others. In forgiveness we affirm our readiness to act anew and to establish new relationships. When we do achieve the goal of being neighbours to people who were once our enemies, then we will see forgiveness in politics in action. In order to see things from a different angle we have to accept the belief that there is a spiritual basic goodness in each of us and this gives us the ability to love and recognise our connection with humanity. This inner spiritual touch is the one that makes it possible for us to view the world we live in in a different way. The spiritual will to forgive frees us to do the emotional work of forgiving for it has to do with uniting people through practical politics. The behind-the scenes efforts of religious organisations are aimed at not just reaching agreement but at healing the wounds that are the root of any conflict. Forms of informal diplomacy had involved religious or spiritually motivated organisations such as the Quakers in Nigeria, the Mennonites in Central America and Catholics in Zimbabwe. The challenges we face in the 21st century are severe and societies will have to undergo changes if we want to be able to face the challenges that lie ahead of us. Forgiveness is an important factor if we want to achieve a lasting peace. Otherwise, we will hear only the voices of scepticism. The readiness to forgive will create possibilities for truth-telling and the courage to take political responsibility. ———— About the author: Israel Rafalovich, is a journalist now based in Brussels who has 51 years of experience with international in Tel-Aviv, Brussels, Bonn and Washington, DC. He covers the Europe and the European institutions and writes a weekly column on international Relations. Israel Rafalovich, is currently writing a book on the subject of forgiveness in international relations.

On-call employees

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By Jan Dop. Many enterprises work with on-call employees. It is advantageous for employers because they can adapt their business operations to the developments in the market. But there are also benefits for on-call employees: they are free to work more or fewer hours and it can also be a step towards a permanent contract. What kind of contracts are there for on-call employees? What are the rights of on-call employees and which obligations do employers have to meet? There are three types of on-call contracts, zero-hours contracts, min.-max. contracts, and pre-agreements. However, since the introduction of the chain rule the latter hardly exist anymore and will not be dealt with in this blog. Zero-hours contracts A zero-hours contract is an employment contract and therefore there are obligations for both employers and employees. Employers must, for instance, call upon employees when there is work and workers are in principle required to perform work when called upon. In principle, employers are required to continue to pay salary even if there is no work or if no work can be performed due to other reasons at the risk of the employer. In addition, the following requirements apply: The obligation to continue to pay wages in the event of sickness is only applicable if the on call employee gets sick during the on-call period. If the on-call worker gets sick outside the on-call period, the obligation does not apply. After three months of having been called upon regularly, the employee can make a “legal presumption of the scope of work”. This means that a contract of employment exists which is based on the average hours of work performed per month. It is up to the employer to prove the contrary. Min.-max. contract In this contract a minimum and maximum number of hours are agreed upon between employer and employee. The minimum hours are also referred to as “guaranteed number of hours”. With regard to a min.-max. contract the following requirements apply: On-call employees have to be paid for the guaranteed number of hours, even if the hours were not worked. If an on-call worker is not able to perform work due to sickness, the obligation to continue to pay wages during sickness is applicable for at least the guaranteed number of hours. After three months, the employee can make a “legal presumption of the scope of work”. This means that a contract of employment exists based on the average hours of work performed per month. It is up to the employer to prove the contrary. Minimum on-call period Regarding all on-call contracts, each time the employees are called upon they are entitled to a salary for at least three hours of work. Even if the employees have worked for a period of less than three hours. This requires however that the employment contract does not contain a clear scope of work, or that the scope of work is less than 15 hours per week. Min.-max. contracts are subject to the condition that the guaranteed number of hours is less than 15 hours per week. This may have been deviated from in a collective agreement. Obligation to continue to pay wages excluded In principle, the employer is required to continue to pay wages if the employee is unable to perform work due to reasons at the risk of the employer, such as cancellation of an order, technical problems, or if a company is snowed in. In an on-call contract the obligation to continue to pay wages also applies if the employer can provide work but does not make a call upon the employees. The employer can exclude this obligation to continue to pay wages in the contract. For zero-hours contracts this means, for instance, that the employer is not required to continue to pay wages if there is no more work, regarding min. max. contracts, this means that the guaranteed number of hours don’t have to be paid, only the hours worked have to be paid. The rule that three hours per call have to be paid will remain in effect. The obligation to continue to pay wages can be excluded for a maximum period of six months, but in collective agreements may be laid down the possibility of extension. This is only possible if the activities are carried out occasionally and not restricted in scope. For instance, if employees are only called upon in peak periods or to substitute employees that are temporarily absent. Temporary contracts On-call contracts, in whatever form, are usually temporary contracts. Since the introduction of the Work and Security Act, stricter rules have been applied regarding the probationary period, notice period, chain rule, and non-solicitation clause. Future Despite a tightening of the employers’ obligations in the Work and Security Act, according to the cabinet, on-call employees are still in a precarious position. The Labour Market in Balance Bill therefore contains a number of measures meant to ensure a strengthening of the position of the on-call worker: Employees must be called upon at least 4 days in advance by the employer and are not required to be constantly available. In collective agreements, the on-call period may be restricted to 1 day. On-call employees are entitled to wages if the call is cancelled. After 12 months, on-call employees must be offered a contract for a fixed number of hours.
Jan Dop
About the author: Jan Dop,  LL.M. Jan is Head of our Embassy Desk, that serves Embassies, Consulates, diplomats and expats. He has been a lawyer at Russell since 1995, and became a partner in 2011.  Jan Dop assists national and international enterprises in all facets of their day-to-day business operations. He specializes in personnel, real estate and issues involving public authorities. @: jan.dop@russell.nl t: +31 20 301 55 55

Time is on the side of the remainers

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By Barend ter Haar. Two years have passed since the United Kingdom decided to leave the EU, but it remains unclear what that means because the UK tries to have its cake and eat it. It seems unlikely that on this basis a stable and long-lasting divorce agreement can be build. Nevertheless all political attention is now focussed on reaching agreement, because a no deal exit would be even more damaging. However, there is a third and better option: play for time. According to Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty the European Council might “in agreement with the Member State concerned” decide to extend the period before final withdrawal. It would be wise to do so to give the UK time to get its act together. As several political and demographic trends work together, this could very well, sooner or later, lead to a reversal of the UK ‘s decision to leave the EU. 1. First of all, it becomes more obvious, almost every day, that the promised advantages of Brexit are mainly cosmetic, and that all the options have severe drawbacks. The Canada option could work if the UK moved a few thousand miles to the West and became part of North America, but it would jeopardize the Good Friday Agreement. The Norway option does not require a border through Ireland, but would in practice mean that London will lose control in Brussels rather than take it back. 2. Secondly, year after year the evidence is growing that an effective approach of major problems such as climate change, Russian misbehaviour and proliferation of nuclear weapons requires more, not less European cooperation and commitment. 3. The central position that the UK once had in the world is continuously eroding further, inter alia because of the rise of China and India. If the UK wants to have a global impact, it will have to work through the EU. The proponents of Brexit might ignore those facts, but sooner or later they will be confronted by two related demographic trends. 4. About 70% of the voters with an academic degree voted for Remain and the number of British people with an academic degree is rising quickly. 5. A majority of the voters under 45 voted for remain, as did more than 60% of the voters between 25 and 34 and more than 70% of the voters younger than 25. All this makes it likely that it is only a question of time before a majority of British voters will want to remain in the EU or get back in. Therefore, instead of rushing into a hasty compromise, the EU and the UK would be well advised to take the necessary time to consider all options, to refrain as much as possible from taking costly measures that prejudge the final out come and give the UK the time to reconsider its position.

Turkey–an unavoidable player in the Middle East

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By Corneliu Pivariu. On July 9th, 2018, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan inaugurated his second mandate which marked, at the same time, turning the parliamentary system, in place since almost 100 years, into one where the political power is more concentrated at the presidency level. The change takes place under the circumstances of the complex developments in the Middle East and particularly in Syria, as well as within the geopolitical global context of great powers’ repositioning, of their shifting spheres of influence and the acerbic economic competition for energy sources and markets. We will see how beneficial this context will be for Turkey’s political and economic developments in the coming years. The developments of the international situation, too, will represent a challenge for the team the president Erdogan has at his disposal and where the loyalty to the president is considered an at least as important factor as it is the competence if not even more important, given the circumstances. Turkish foreign policy should find the best solution between the anti-Western fluctuations and the neo-Ottoman dream of regional hegemony on the one hand, and the need of better relations with the European Union and the United States, on the other hand. These relations are, for the time being, extremely important when the economic growth begun to dwindle and foreign investments are not at the wished for level, something that could have an undesirable impact for the current Turkish leadership at the next local elections in March, 2019. The situation got more complicated following the hike in inflation and, on August the 1st, the Turkish Lira decreased to under 5Liras for 1US dollar. Moreover, the 10th of August President Donald Trump’s announcement on doubling the tariffs for Turkish exports of steel (+50%) and aluminum (+20%), triggered a new devaluation of Turkish Lira by about 25% while a slight recovery was registered lately (Note also the Qatar financial aid for 15 billion $). Having in mind Turkey’s economic integration in the world’s economy that lead to deepening its dependency on the latter especially as Turkey has no important energy resources and depends on imports, president Erdogan announced, on August the 3rd a 100 days program and appealed to all citizens to release” the foreign currencies and the gold kept under the pillow” and turn their savings into Turkish Liras, an appeal that did not seem to have the expected effects. On the other hand, Erdogan said that Turkey will not accept being dependent on the West and will change its focus on the Chinese market for loans (including the issuance of Yuan government bonds), without explaining why the Chinese would treat Turkey differently from the European or American lenders. Moreover, president Trump’s decision of increasing the custom duties on steel and aluminum was assessed by the Turkish president as an economic war and addressed a message to his American counterpart: “At a time when Evil continues to haunt around the world, unilateral actions against Turkey by the USA, our ally of decades, would do nothing but harm the USA’s interests and security”. President Erdogan added: “if this current of unilateralism and lack of respect is not reversed, we will have to look for new friends and allies”, and said that president Trump would do well to seriously consider this “before it is too late”. President Trump himself acknowledged that the USA-Turkey relations are not in good shape currently. In all likelihood, he will wait some time in order to adapt and reconsider his position towards this important ally which cannot be circumvented in case of finding a solution in the Middle East and in other geopolitical issues. And now here on this background, the Caspian Sea Treaty, which has been negotiated for decades, was abruptly signed, offering Russia a relevant position in this area. Russia took expediently the opportunity and Serghei Lavrov, the Foreign Affairs Minister, declared that in the near future a four-countries summit (Turkey, Russia, Germany, France) on Syria will take place in Ankara with other countries invited, too, including international organizations (UN, OSCE, etc.). Turkish sources say the summit could take place on 7th of September. The significances of these developments are complex and indicate that Germany and France could return to more important positions in the Middle East, wishing to invest in the major joint Russia-Turkey projects. It would be possible that a new Middle East emerges where Turkey keeps an unavoidable place. ——————— About the author: Corneliu Pivariu, former first deputy for military intelligence (two stars general) in the Romanian MoD, retired 2003. Member of IISS – London, alumni of Harvard – Kennedy School Executive Education and others international organizations. Founder of INGEPO Consulting, and bimonthly Bulletin, Geostrategic Pulse”. Main areas of expertise – geopolitics, intelligence and security. ——————– Corneliu Pivariu, Ingepo Consulting / Photographer Ionus Paraschiv  

War correspondent Rudi Vranckx awarded Carnegie Wateler Peace Prize

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The Hague – Belgian war correspondent Rudi Vranckx will receive the 2018 Carnegie Wateler Peace Prize. The board of the Carnegie Foundation Peace Palace will award Vranckx for his outstanding courage and commitment to reporting from conflict areas, giving people affected by conflict a face and a voice. In addition to his work as a journalist, Vranckx showed exceptional commitment by personally transporting musical instruments to a destroyed music school in the Iraqi city of Mosul. The laureate As a journalist for the Belgian public broadcaster VRT, Rudi Vranckx (1959) has shown the effect of conflict on daily life with personal reports. The board of the Carnegie Foundation recognizes his courage to travel to the most dangerous conflict areas in the world. He started his career as a war correspondent in 1989 reporting on the uprising against Ceausescu in Romania. Over the past decades he has reported on wars and conflicts around the world, including in the former Yugoslavia, the Middle East and North Africa, to draw attention to suffering and injustice in conflict situations. Vranckx was one of the last European journalists to leave Egypt during the violence of the Arab Spring and he lived through an attack in Syria that killed his French colleague. Apart from showing the world the drama and injustice of conflicts as a journalist, Vranckx has shown exceptional personal engagement with the inhabitants of conflict areas. When he came across a music school in the Iraqi city of Mosul that was deliberately and completely destroyed by IS in 2017, Vranckx started a collection of musical instruments in his home country Belgium. He finally delivered the 120 collected instruments to the music school himself. His documentary about this project, ‘Imagine Mosul’, managed to touch many. Back home, he followed up on the project by raising money for an organisation that provides music lessons to young refugees in Belgium. Carnegie Wateler Peace Prize The Carnegie Wateler Peace Prize is awarded every two years to a person or an institution furthering the cause of international peace, ‘ in whatever way, by word or deed in the form of international action, in literature, or the arts’. The award is named after the Dutch banker Johan Wateler who decided more than 100 years ago – amid the horrors of the First World War – to donate almost his entire capital for peace. Following the example of Alfred Nobel, Wateler drew up a testament for the establishment of a Peace Prize. The Peace Prize was awarded for the first time in 1931. In 2016 the prize was awarded to top Dutch diplomat Sigrid Kaag, who is now the Dutch Minister of Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation. In the years before that the prize was awarded to UN diplomat Lakhdar Brahimi (2014) and War Child (2012). Award Ceremony The Carnegie Wateler Peace Prize 2018 will be awarded to Rudi Vranckx on Wednesday 26 September 2018 in the Great Hall of Justice of the Peace Palace in The Hague. He will receive the prize from Bernard Bot, Chairman of the Board of the Carnegie Foundation and Former minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. The award consists of 35,000 EUR in prize money. and an official certificate. During the ceremony also the first Youth Carnegie Peace Prize will be awarded. This prize goes to a youth initiative that is committed to a more peaceful world.  

Indonesian’s policy at the 73rd Independency Celebration

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By Anton Lutter. The 17th of August commemorates the proclamation of Indonesia’s independency, and in 1945 signaled the beginning of the fight for freedom against the Dutch. Now 73 years later friendship between the two countries is stronger than ever. Symbolized by the opening words of the speech of ambassador I Gusti Agung Wesaka Puja, “Dear Veterans …” referring to the veterans who once where the adversaries of the Indonesian freedom fighters. Continuing a tradition started by the late ambassador Junus Effendie Habibie, inviting veterans to the Independence Day flag hosting ceremony at Wassenaar. Clearly a sign of Indonesia’s policy of looking forward in relation towards the Dutch, which is greatly appreciated by the attending veterans enjoying the ceremony on this sunny day. In his speech Ambassador Puja expressed his thanks to all Indonesians, Indonesian Diaspora, and the people of The Netherlands for their sympathies and attentions to the victims and their families of the recent earthquake which took place on the beautiful island of Lombok (eastern part of Indonesia). Concerning the relations between The Netherlands and Indonesia, the ambassador mentioned the following: In the economic field, the Netherlands is one of our most important partners in Europe. in 2017, for the first time in the last 5 years, the trade value between our two countries reached USD 5.06 billion, or a growth of 27% compared to 2016. With a continuing growth in January-May 2018, the bilateral trade value increased with 7% compared to the same period in 2017. In the field of investment, The Netherlands, for several years in a row is still the largest benefactor of foreign investment from Europe to Indonesia. Also a positive trend is a growth in the tourism sector, seeing Dutch tourist arrivals to Indonesia in 2017 grown with 5.3% compared with 2016, reaching 205.000 persons.
The Ambassador of Indonesia, HIs Excellency I Gusti Agung Wesaka Puja.
Furthermore, the Indonesian government has accelerated its national development, be it in the form of physical infrastructure development (sea tolls, airports, railways, toll roads) or social infrastructures. The government has been working to create a just and economic equitability for the whole Indonesian people, accelerating the development of Indonesian human resource as the man priority of the national development. With a population of 260 million, the fourth largest in the world, and third largest democracy Indonesia’s capacity and reputation is respected by the world. This was recognized by the fact that on 8 June 2018, Indonesia was elected as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for 2019-2020. Also the European Commission has lifted the ban on all Indonesian airlines. Ambassador Puja said: “Indonesia has contributed its views on the importance of promoting Indo-Pacific relations. Indonesia’s concept is to prioritize ASEAN centrality, cooperation, habit of dialog, and respect to the international laws.” Next to flag hoisting and exclamation of the independence speech from president Sukarno of 17 august 1945, the celebration was a showcase of cultural expressions from the different parts of Indonesia. Ambassador I Gusti Agung Wesaka Puja highlighted this day by performing the so called Tumpeng Ceremony, celebrating the 73rd year of Independence of the Republic Indonesia.

La Francophonie au rythme du monde

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SE Michaëlle Jean, Secrétaire générale de la Francophonie et António Guterres, Secrétaire général des Nations unies. Par SE la Très Honorable Michaëlle Jean, III Secrétaire générale de la Francophonie. Alors que nous nous préparons à tenir le XVIIe Sommet de la Francophonie à Erevan, en Arménie, les 11 et 12 octobre prochain, les mots prononcés par le Président sénégalais Léopold Sédar Senghor, à quelques mois du tout premier Sommet des chefs d’État et de gouvernement de la Francophonie, à Versailles en 1986, me reviennent et s’imposent plus que jamais comme une évidence : « Notre Francophonie n’est ni une tour ni une cathédrale. Elle s’enfonce dans la chair ardente de notre temps et ses exigences ». C’est pour répondre aux exigences sans cesse renouvelées d’un monde en perpétuel mouvement, que l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), à la demande de ses pays membres, se mobilise comme jamais, pour la paix, la démocratie, les droits et les libertés. Depuis ma prise de fonctions, le 5 janvier 2015, notre espace a connu, par exemple, un nombre record d’élections, principalement en Afrique. En à peine 4 ans, l’OIF constamment sollicitée, aura déployé, dans une trentaine de pays, plus d’une centaine de missions d’appui technique, politique et d’accompagnement des processus électoraux, en plus d’une cinquantaine d’autres missions de facilitation et de médiation, bien adossées aux expertises de nos nombreux réseaux institutionnels. Agir en faveur de la paix, de la démocratie, des droits et des libertés, c’est aider tous ces pays à maîtriser leur destin politique. L’Organisation a ainsi dû élaborer des stratégies de soutien adaptées à un contexte nouveau, marqué par des aléas dans l’évolution politique de plusieurs de ces États de l’espace francophone qui, pour la plupart, sortent de crise. Dans un système démocratique, les élections constituent le fondement de la légitimité des autorités politiques et l’un des critères pertinents de leur classification, elles revêtent un enjeu particulier en raison du sens qu’elles donnent au politique. Cependant, eu égard aux spécificités de chaque contexte, il apparaît qu’elles constituent parfois une épreuve difficile de la démocratie, voire une source potentielle de tensions, de crises, de conflits. L’expérience a révélé que l’évolution progressive des États vers un pluralisme démocratique se heurte, dans certains cas, à l’absence d’un cadre idéal pour l’organisation d’élections libres, démocratiques et transparentes dans un espace pacifié. Les conflits électoraux ou post électoraux changent de nature et échappent à leurs protagonistes initiaux. En partant d’une localité déterminée, la contestation des conditions matérielles d’organisation d’un scrutin peut, en effet, prendre rapidement un caractère national. La crise politique qui en découle devient sécuritaire, puis se transforme en catastrophe humanitaire. Du fait de ses spécificités et de sa connaissance du terrain, je me félicite que l’OIF s’impose désormais comme un acteur incontournable des relations internationales, reconnu par toutes les organisations multilatérales partenaires, au premier rang desquelles l’ONU. C’est ainsi que notre Organisation a pris, depuis 2015, une part encore plus active à la mission universelle de construction de la paix et de la sécurité, non seulement parce que près de la moitié des opérations de maintien de la paix déployées par les Nations unies le sont dans ses pays membres, mais aussi parce que les destins des nations sont aujourd’hui étroitement et irrémédiablement liés.
SE Michaëlle Jean, III Secrétaire générale de la Francophonie.
Oui, notre Francophonie, plus que jamais « s’enfonce dans la chair ardente de notre temps et ses exigences ». Au nom des valeurs qui la guident et de ses fondamentaux, elle est aux côtés des pays qu’elle rassemble, aujourd’hui 84 États et gouvernements sur les 5 continents, et des populations accablées par toutes ces menaces transnationales que sont le terrorisme, l’extrémisme, la radicalisation violente, la criminalité organisée, tous ces trafics qui favorisent la corruption, fragilisent l’État de droit, exacerbent les fractures sociales, minent les structures économiques, mettant à mal tous les efforts consacrés au développement humain. Nous savons aussi, à l’heure où le monde et l’espace francophone font face à un environnement toujours plus instable, combien l’approche préventive, tant structurelle qu’opérationnelle, privilégiée par la Francophonie, reste toujours la plus pertinente. Nous pouvons nous enorgueillir de la mise en place d’un Réseau francophone de prévention de la radicalisation et de l’extrémisme violent pouvant conduire au terrorisme. Travailler dans l’urgence, mais aussi en amont et sur le long terme, sans jamais nous disperser, forts de notre plus-value, nous amène à contribuer, aux côtés de nos partenaires régionaux et internationaux, à l’élaboration de réponses pluridisciplinaires, concertées, coordonnées, intégrées, inscrites dans une démarche multilatérale plus efficace. C’est du reste l’un des messages que j’ai portés, lors de la Retraite de haut-niveau organisée par le Secrétaire général de l’ONU, António Guterres, en juin 2018. Et le bénéfice de cette approche inclusive n’est plus à démontrer. Au rang des exigences de notre temps, il y a l’insertion harmonieuse de nos pays les plus fragiles dans l’économie mondiale en proie à de profondes mutations. Conscients de la nécessité de réagir face à tous les bouleversements, les chefs d’État et de gouvernement ont voulu que l’économie et l’innovation fassent plus résolument irruption dans notre Organisation, en la dotant, en 2012, d’une Stratégie numérique, en 2014, d’une Stratégie économique et d’une Stratégie jeunesse, auxquelles vient s’ajouter la Stratégie pour l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes réclamée au dernier Sommet d’Antananarivo en 2016 pour être adoptée au prochain rendez-vous à Erevan. Le temps presse. La réduction des fractures économiques, la lutte contre la pauvreté et le réchauffement climatique nécessitent une mobilisation sans précédent et une inclusion de toutes les forces vives, au premier rang desquelles les femmes, qui en 2050 seront 350 millions dans l’espace francophone, et les jeunes, qui, dans nombre de nos pays, représentent déjà plus de 60 % de la population. Il nous faut investir massivement dans ce capital humain, briser le cycle du chômage chronique des jeunes, faire sauter les verrous qui cadenassent l’apport économique des femmes.
Michaelle Jean, Secretaire Generale de la Francophonie en visite à Bangui et Bambari, avril 2017.
J’en ai fait clairement l’une des priorités de mon mandat. Le Programme de promotion de l’entrepreneuriat des femmes et des jeunes déployé, pour commencer, dans 13 pays d’Afrique subsaharienne et de l’océan Indien, aligne déjà ses premiers résultats : nous avons, en deux ans, créé ou consolidé 93 Structures d’accompagnement à l’entrepreneuriat innovant, soutenu plus de 20500 femmes et jeunes entrepreneurs et porteurs de projets, qui ont généré à leur tour quantité d’emplois, impulsé vigoureusement des chaînes de valeur et sont des moteurs de croissance. Nous avons construit des plates-formes d’échanges, d’interfaces et de réseautage. La dernière en date, opérationnelle et performante, est celle des femmes entrepreneures qui ont souhaité qu’elle soit aussi ouverte aux hommes et aux jeunes. Cela étant, rien ne peut remplacer la possibilité pour les entrepreneurs de se rencontrer. La mobilité demeure un enjeu. Il est urgent d’en finir avec tous les blocages, les préjugés ou les amalgames qui, au XXIe siècle encore, entravent la libre-circulation de ces jeunes, ces femmes et ces hommes du Sud, actifs dans des secteurs clés de l’économie, de la création, de l’innovation, ces talents, ces forces vives, qui ne demandent qu’à se révéler et à se dépasser dans l’excellence. Les tenir à l’écart est une réelle injustice qui nous dessert tous et génère un énorme déficit. Dans le secteur du numérique, nous avons multiplié les actions pour que se concrétise la volonté de la jeunesse francophone d’entreprendre, d’innover, dans les domaines les plus variés, et pour faciliter l’appropriation des nouvelles technologies par tous nos pays en développement qui aspirent à l’émergence.
Michaelle Jean, Princess Sophie de Roumanie. Sheikh Rashid Al Khalifa, Princess Ede Saphieha-Rozanska, exposition “Les Roses de Bagatelle” Sheikh Rashid Al Khalifa. Guerlain. 05/2018 © david atlan
En appui à la mise en œuvre de cette stratégie, nous lancerons à Erevan, à l’initiative du Bénin, le premier « Réseau francophone des ministres chargés du numérique ». Ce Réseau renforce la coopération active et diversifiée qui nous caractérise. À l’ère de la révolution technologique, nous ne saurons que mieux nous mobiliser, contribuer à la réflexion menée dans ce domaine dans les instances diplomatiques multilatérales et lors des grands rendez-vous sur ce sujet crucial inscrits à l’agenda international. L’expérience nous a montré l’utilité de nos concertations régulières et stratégiques : celles du Réseau des ministres des Affaires étrangères lors de l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies ; ou encore, celles du Réseau des ministres chargés du statut de la femme, chaque mois de mars, à New York; celles des Réseaux des ministres des Finances, du Commerce et de l’Industrie lors des assemblées annuelles de la Banque mondiale et du Fonds monétaire international ou des conférences ministérielles de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce. Avec, dans ses rangs, près de la moitié des États membres de l’ONU, l’OIF s’impose aussi désormais comme une véritable force de coalition et de proposition dans les grandes négociations internationales, comme lors des conférences de Paris, de Marrakech et de Bonn sur le climat. Notre Organisation y a joué un rôle de premier plan, grâce à l’Institut de la Francophonie pour le développement durable (IFDD), qui fête cette année ses 30 ans d’expertise au service de nos populations. Toutes nos actions, nous les menons de manière intégrée, en co-construction avec les secteurs publics et privés, la société civile, les femmes et les jeunes qui ne cessent de réclamer plus de compétences et de capacités, l’accès à une éducation de qualité tout au long de la vie, à une formation professionnelle, technique et technologique adaptée aux réalités socio-économiques de nos pays et qui facilite leur insertion dans le monde du travail.
Concertation de l’UNESCO avec l’OIF en faveur du Partenariat mondial pour l’Education New-York, siège des Nations unies, 22 septembre 2017.
C’est pour répondre à cet appel pressant que j’ai fait en sorte que la Francophonie, qui a une longue tradition en matière de coopération éducative, franchisse une étape déterminante avec la mise en place, en octobre 2017, à Dakar, de l’Institut de la Francophonie pour l’éducation et la formation (IFEF), qui rassemble tout ce qui se pense, se produit, s’accomplit dans l’espace francophone en matière d’éducation, de formation et d’innovation. Son mandat est d’accompagner les pays dans l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre de politiques et de programmes novateurs et performants. La langue française est résolument un formidable trait d’union pour agir sur tous les fronts. Nous l’affirmons, fièrement et sans complexes. Elle est bien cette grande langue de communication internationale, de création et d’innovation, de l’économie, des sciences et de la société de l’information, langue juridique, d’enseignement, de partage de connaissances et de recherche. C‘est ce qui explique que nous nous mobilisions autant en faveur du multilinguisme dans les organisations internationales, pour le respect du droit fondamental de s’exprimer, de s’informer, de travailler, de négocier dans la langue que l’on maîtrise le mieux. S’il ne viendrait à personne l’idée que démocratie nationale et parti unique sont compatibles, alors, comment prétendre que la démocratie internationale puisse être fondée sur l’usage d’une langue unique ? Nous voyons le nombre de francophone augmenter, nous sommes maintenant 300 millions sur la planète, et la langue française s’épanouir sur les cinq continents, imbriquée dans une formidable mosaïque de cultures et dans un foisonnement d’autres langues – plus du quart des 6 000 langues encore parlées sur la planète le sont dans les pays de la Francophonie. Préserver cette diversité linguistique et culturelle nous importe, et c’est aussi une impérieuse exigence de notre temps à l’heure où certains mettent violemment en cause, au nom de particularismes confessionnels ou culturels, l’universalité des valeurs voire des principes de la Déclaration des droits de l’Homme dont nous marquerons le 70e anniversaire le 10 décembre prochain. Nous ne sommes aucunement en présence d’un choc ou d’une guerre des civilisations, mais d’un combat entre deux projets : l’un fondé sur la destruction, la régression, l’obscurantisme, la haine et la négation; l’autre sur le progrès, l’esprit des Lumières, de toutes nos lumières, l’esprit de fraternité partagé par des milliards d’individus dans le monde, cet humanisme intégral qui nous définit. C’est de ce projet qu’est née la Francophonie, portée au quotidien par des équipes d’hommes et de femmes convaincus et engagés, qui œuvrent avec savoir-faire en déployant toutes nos armes de construction massive. C’est cette « Francophonie au rythme du monde » que nous nous réjouissons de célébrer avec fierté à Erevan, en Arménie, à l’occasion de notre XVIIe Sommet.

Is our world made up of black and white certitudes?

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By Dario Poli and Mara Lemanis. “How would you like your coffee, sir?” The words recently spoken by a London waitress to Kennie, our friend of longstanding from South Africa. “Just black, thank you,” he replied without a second thought, gazing at his daily newspaper in a London coffee shop. “Sorry sir, you can’t say that here”. Kennie looked up, surprised by the words he heard ringing in his ears, their reprimanding tone, delivered to him with a considerable righteousness, distracting him from his interesting read. “I would like a black coffee,” he replied again, mildly annoyed…Once again the waitress addressed him. “Sir, you can only ask for coffee without milk, not black coffee.” Shocked by this problem of simply ordering a coffee, he demanded to speak to the manager, who dutifully arrived, heard the story, and without further ado, ordered the waitress to deliver Kennie,“a cup of coffee without milk”. Kennie sipped his coffee without milk (black coffee), pondering the social changes that are taking place in the Western nations, ushering in a new world order of political correctness.
Dario Poli
Then he realised that this very evening, he would be playing his favourite game of chess on a board where each square is coloured black and white…problems ahead, he wondered? Looking up, he noticed at the far end of the shop was an ethnic African man, who had just seated himself. Suddenly, a wry smile spreading across his face, Kennie wondered if he would ask for a white coffee, and if he too would be reprimanded by the same waitress? Or, spotlighting the point, what if this man ordered a black coffee and refused to use the milk word?
Mara Lemanis.
Would he resort to sign language? Stick his finger to his forehead, ask the waitress if she noticed that his head is black, and tell her he wants coffee in the same colour? Since this kind of event has also been reported east of London, in the community of Southend-on-Sea, where the Borough Council is prohibiting requests for black coffee, we noticed a curious feature there: Among 173 thousand residents only 3 thousand of them are black. Could implementing this censorship be an attempt to colonize white residents’ minds with milk less images of blacks? –Could it be a way to still fears by inducing white people to feel that if they never mention the black word, black uprisings will never happen in their midst? Or could this just be an ingenious way to ensure white supremacy? But whatever may be the motive for the fiat on black coffee, it could easily expand and affect businesses down the street. The photography studio, for instance. Suppose instead of a colour print we wanted a black-and-white photo. Would we be told it was not allowed? Would we only be able to ask for a white-and-non white picture? But non white can carry the connotation of off-white, beige, or grey, so we might not at all be able to get a plain back-and-white print. And we would have to remember when visiting a haberdashery that ordering an outfit for a black-tie affair would be out of the question. Only a Without Milk Tie, if you please. Considering the implications from Kennie’s account, we then pondered on the direction of our social world and its future, now enmeshed in political correctness that in some cases have become legally instituted. Would it become illegal for black persons to carry placards stating, “Black is Beautiful,” in celebration of Nelson Mandela’s birthday, and would people in the Black Lives Matter movement have their posters struck away by an official from the sensitivity patrol? At once, the great bard’s prophetic words effortlessly jumped into our heads. “When we are born we cry that we are come to this great stage of fools”…William Shakespeare                    

Two years as German Ambassador to The Netherlands

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By His Excellency Mr.  Dirk Brengelmann, Ambassador of Germany in the Netherlands. Over 30 years ago, my wife Brigitte and I visited The Hague (and the German Embassy and Huis Schuylenburch, the German Ambassador’s Residence in the city centre), as part of the training programme of our Foreign Service Academy. The late Ambassador Otto von der Gablentz, a beacon of Dutch-German relations, received us and the other participants in the programme. He described the challenges of his job, given many people’s memories of World War II, but also the wonderful experience of working with the people of the Netherlands to foster relations between our two countries. It was his dream job, he said. My wife and I concluded that this could be a future posting for us…It just took a little time. And it is still a dream job for any German Ambassador today. German-Dutch relations cover every aspect of international cooperation, but go beyond that to include the regional and local level, in particular cross-border cooperation/Euregios, etc. One aspect of the work of Otto von der Gablentz has changed: the shadows and tensions in the aftermath of World War II have largely faded away. However, it is still part of my work to attend important herdenking events, to make sure we remember and give testimony. As I mentioned, German-Dutch relations touch every aspect, and some facts are hardly known to either the Germans or Dutch:
  • In 2017, goods worth 177 billion euros were traded between Germany and the Netherlands. German imports from the Netherlands amounted to 91.2 billion, while German exports to the Netherlands totalled 85.7 billion. The Netherlands was thus Germany’s second most important trading partner, right after China. Germany has been the main holiday destination for the Dutch for the past eleven years– and the Dutch are very much no. 1 in terms of foreign visitors to Germany.
  • The Dutch and German armies are integrating on many levels, well beyond the 1 (German-Netherlands) Corps in Münster. New projects are being planned. In most of our missions abroad we are teaming up with the Netherlands and this cooperation is very important to us.
  • In foreign policy and in the European Union our two countries are far more often than not “like-minded” and work closely together. This is true from the top level right to the very practical cooperation between our capitals, across the border and abroad.
  • The Dutch very much like this to take place at Augenhöhe, that is, on an equal footing. And given their status as a strong economic and political player, they have every reason for this.
  • At the Frankfurter Buchmesse in 2016 the Netherlands and Flanders were the Guest of Honour. I was amazed to see how many Dutch books appeal to a German audience. We are interested in the literature, history and politics of the Netherlands – some even say the country is a bellwether state for upcoming developments.
Ambassador Brengelmann.
Are there aspects which I think could be better? Yes, indeed, I believe it would be very good if Dutch school children learned more German (again). Language skills are important for communication, better mutual understanding, business, travel etc. We also strive for more Dutch language education in Germany – and it works well, mainly in the western border areas. I have often been asked what I like most about the Netherlands. My answers would include:
  • the open and professional way of doing business in the Netherlands. The country’spolitical system is very transparent. The Kamerbrief instrument is indicative of the relationship between the executive and the legislative. And it is a treasure for the reporting needs of any diplomat!
  • the good mix of old Dutch towns and remarkable modern architecture, even next to the motorway
  • the beaches in Scheveningen and Wassenaar (as I write it is 38 °C outside…) and biking in the dunes.
I am also asked if there is anything I do not like or where I disagree. As Ambassador one is naturally cautious, but let me try:
  • I have not become the greatest fan of broodjes lunch, but there are excellent restaurants here, no doubt.
  • Some Dutch argue they are basically free of hierarchical structures. However, I can quickly sense a certain hierarchical order, but it is more informal than in other countries.
Many observers say that it is always a good idea to mix German and Dutch colleagues, talents etc. After two years in The Hague, I can only agree.

Prioritising on Kenya’s developmental agenda

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 By His Excellency Laurence Lenayapa, Ambassador of the Republic of Kenya. Since arriving in the Netherlands in August, I have been very pleased to enjoy the Dutch hospitality and I look forward to making this my home for the next few years. I also look forward to visiting various parts of the country in the course of my duty as well as to simply enjoy the beauty the country has to offer. The Hague, where the Embassy is situated presents the opportunity to work in a very international environment with the presence of several other embassies, international organisations and various nationalities of people who work here. In my new role as Ambassador, I intend to prioritise my focus on Kenya’s developmental agenda that is guided by H.E. Uhuru Kenyatta, President of the Republic of Kenya. The Agenda, commonly known as the Big Four Agenda, will focus on moving Kenya forward in the areas of Manufacturing, Universal Healthcare, Housing and Food security. Manufacturing The government plans to increase manufacturing from 9.2 per cent to 20 per cent by 2022. The major focus is put on among others cotton production and textile industry. The country will then realize greater value from export by controlling the value chain and making something of the raw materials that are produced. It is anticipated that the bigger the economy, the increased employment opportunity and wider shared prosperity. Universal healthcare Our government appreciates that a healthy people ensures effective production and hence increase in wealth by reducing pressure. The government therefore will seek to deal with preventable diseases like malaria which will ensure a healthy nation, apart from reducing pressure in hospitals. The government also puts emphasis on tracking medicine from manufacturing to consumption by patients, conducting census and getting the National Hospital Insurance Fund (NHIF) functioning at its optimum. The Big Four Agenda lists five innovative initiatives which are purposed to drive NHIF scale up. These include activating community health worker network, legalizing reforms to align NHIF to universal healthcare, redefining NHIF to include Multi-Tier benefit packages and digitizing NHIF.
H.E. Mr. Lawrence Ntoye Lenayapa, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Kenya to the OPCW, presented his credentials to the Director-General H. E. Ambassador Fernando Arias on 30 August 2018.
Food security The country plans to invest in infrastructure which will allow for distribution of food from one part of the country to others, being open to producing food for other countries and producing cost effective foods as well as addressing mismatch in food production. Affordable housing Plans are underway to set up a Kenya Mortgage Refinancing Company (KMRC) to manage low cost liquidity for mortgages. The government plans to build affordable homes through mechanisms including partnerships with other agencies. The Big Four Agenda will closely follow the implementation of Kenya’s Vision 2030. The two important agendas with their correlating pillars are considered the long-term development blueprint for Kenya, which is motivated by a collective aspiration for a better society by the year 2030. Their main objective is to create a globally competitive and prosperous country with a high quality of life by 2030.
H.E. Laurence Lenayapa, Ambassador of Kenya.
With this in mind, I will capitalise on the already existing good bilateral relations between Kenya and the Netherlands. I will seek to maximise on the opportunities available through the Aid-to-Trade policy of the Netherlands by actively seeking out Dutch investors for direct investments or to work through public private partnerships (PPP). The Dutch Companies can take advantage of the favourable conditions in Kenya such as a solid infrastructure, ideal climate, and a deep pool of educated and skilled manpower amongst others. Also, Kenya’s fully liberalised economy has no restrictions on domestic and foreign borrowing by residents and non-residents. Kenya’s strategic location allows investors to easily access the countries in the region. In addition to focusing on Kenya’s development agenda, I am committed to ensure Kenya fulfils its obligations emanating from its membership to international organisations based in the Netherlands. Kenya’s robust participation in these organisations will demonstrate the commitment to invest in programs aimed at promoting the rule of law, international peace and stability and innovative diplomacy to contribute to a just and peaceful world. I will therefore ensure that Kenya continues taking part in conversations of a complex nature that will always be guided by law, state practice and multilateralism.