Official Ceremony of the Change of Command

On the picture, former CCOE Director Colonel Roel Been handing over the CCOE flag. By Viviana Knorr. After weeks of preparation once again a time-honored military tradition took place on Thursday 30 June at 11 o’clock in the morning: the Official Ceremony of the Change of Command happened at the Civil-Military Cooperation Centre of Excellence quarters in The Hague between Colonel Roel Been (NLD) and Colonel Wolfgang Paulik (GER). In an emotively ceremony with live music, attendees were welcome to the first Change of Command Ceremony taking place in the premises of the CIMIC Center of Excellence.
Old CCOE Director Colonel Roel Been saluting to the troops - Copy
Colonel Roel Been.
“Dear CCOE colleagues, dear CCOE friends, yes, I am very proud of what all of you achieved last years. We have made great progress together in developing the branding and the position of the CCOE within and beyond the core stakeholder community”, were Colonel Roel Been opening words. “Dear Colonel Wolfgang Paulik, today I am proudly handing over to you an organization and its multinational staff which is up to speed and up to the CIMIC challenges of our times,” were Colonel Been closing words before the band played his favorite song: “That is not the Artillery song… I’m sorry for that,” with a touch of humor he remarked to later cite the immortal lyrics of the Dire Straits My Brothers in Arms song.
New Director Colonel Wolfgang Paulik adressing the guests - Copy
Colonel Wolfgang Paulik.
In response to his new mission, Colonel Wolfgang Paulik stressed his commitment to “continue to promote what I call ‘CIMIC in 360 grades’. CIMIC is integral part in every kind of operation, in Stabilization Operations, in Article 3, 4 and 5 Operations, in Hybrid Warfare, in Humanitarian Support Operations, may it be in the strategic direction to the north-east or to the south”. The change of command ceremony is rooted in military history dating back to the 18th century when organizational flags were developed with color arrangements and symbols unique to each particular unit. When a change of command took place the flag was passed to the individual assuming the command. This gesture was accomplished in front of the unit so that all could see and witness their new leader assuming his dutiful position. He who held the flag also held the soldier’s allegiance. This symbolic tradition has survived throughout military history.  In 2001 CIMIC (Civil-Military Cooperation) Group North HQ (CGN HQ) was founded by establishing an operational CIMIC HQ between the Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, The Netherlands, Norway and Poland for a dedicated capacity for Civil-Military Co-operation as a response to the events in the Balkans by NATOs request.  Since then, the Group consisted of a deployable HQ with dedicated CIMIC units and functional specialists assigned from the nations. The Group was intended to function as a Theatre-Wide multinational CIMIC unit to be used primarily in international operations, including in NATO Collective Defence Operations.   Colonel Paulik, Brigade General Schönfeld, Brigade General De Jong, Colo... - Copy In 2003 the Group was formally activated in this function with several transformations happening during time. Although the CCOE is accredited as a NATO Centre of Excellence, its capacity and experience is also available to other international organizations like the European Union, Non Governmental Organizations and scientific institutions. The centre is financed and controlled by the Sponsoring Nations and is not part of the NATO command structure. It is the objective of the CCOE to have as many Sponsoring Nations participating as possible, because this will enlarge the knowledge and experience level of the CCOE, and will strengthen the position of the CCOE as a body for creating (future) doctrine of Civil – Military Interaction. Colleagues, family and visitors gathered indoors for a farewell lunch.  

ICC Prosecutor corrects The Telegraph

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Statement of the Prosecutor correcting assertions contained in article published by The Telegraph On Saturday, 2 July 2016, the British daily, The Telegraph, published an article erroneously asserting that my Office has “already ruled out putting Tony Blair on trial for war crimes.”  The article is being widely disseminated, aggravating the spread of inaccurate information concerning the ongoing preliminary examination carried out by my Office with respect to the Situation in Iraq.  As such, I am compelled to correct the public record by providing the following clarification. First, I reiterate that all the activities of my Office, including all our preliminary examination work, are conducted with full independence and impartiality.  These principles are non-negotiable in my Office. Second, it must be emphasised that my Office has not taken a position with respect to the Chilcot Report; the contents of which are yet to be released and are unknown to us at this stage. Third, my Office is currently conducting a preliminary examination with respect to the Situation in Iraq, not an investigation.  A preliminary examination is aimed at determining whether there is a reasonable basis to open an investigation on the basis of all reliable information that we have independently assessed in accordance with the Rome Statute legal criteria.  The Office will consider the Chilcot Report as part of its due diligence of assessing all relevant material that could provide further context to the allegations of war crimes by British troops in Iraq.  Additional details of this work are available in our latest preliminary examination report Fourth, while the International Criminal Court (“ICC” or the “Court”) currently has jurisdiction over war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, as explained to The Telegraph, the Court does not yet have jurisdiction over the crime of aggression.  Therefore, the specific question of the legality of the decision to resort to the use of force in Iraq in 2003 – or elsewhere – does not fall within the legal mandate of the Court, and hence, is not within the scope of its preliminary examination. An important distinction must be borne in mind between war crimes, which fall within the jurisdiction of the ICC, and the crime of aggression, which, at the present stage, does not.  These are two very distinct crimes with their own legal elements of criminality.  Suggesting, therefore, that the ICC has ruled out investigating the former British Prime Minister for war crimes but may prosecute soldiers is a misrepresentation of the facts, drawn from unfamiliarity with the Court’s jurisdictional parameters. These parameters also require the Court to exercise jurisdiction only when a state is unable or unwilling to genuinely investigate and prosecute the perpetrators. Once a decision is made to open an investigation in any given situation, my Office may investigate and prosecute any individual suspected of committing crimes within the Court’s jurisdiction, namely war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide.  We do this work without fear or favour and irrespective of the official capacity of the perpetrator(s).  In accordance with the scope of my Office’s policy, in fact, as a general rule, my Office will prosecute those most responsible for the commission of these serious crimes. The warrants of arrest issued to date by the Court have been line with this policy and principled approach. In short, the assertions about the ICC and my Office’s work contained in the said article published by The Telegraph are inaccurate.     

Southern Mediterranean region, tangible and intangible cultural heritage

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FONDEMA hosted a roundtable discussion, late May,  that sought to explore the state of tangible and intangible cultural heritage in the contemporary Southern Mediterranean region, promoting discussion on the topic of cultural heritage today as it impacts significantly on the future stability of communities and societies. The discussion was held in the context of the on-going conflict in parts of the Middle East and the Levant, posing a further threat on the preservation of cultural heritage in the affected areas.  The event was moderated by Ms. Antje Grebner (The Hague University), she moderated a multidisciplinary panel consisting of: Dr Claudio Cimino(Secretary General of WATCH), Ms Koosje Spitz (Netherlands Commission to UNESCO), Dr Marilena Vecco (Erasmus University Rotterdam), Dr Olivier Nieuwenhuijse (Leiden University/Centre for Global Heritage and Development) and Dr Simona Pinton (Ca’ Foscari University of Venice). Dr Marilena Vecco explained that although there is no rational justification in economic terms for arts/conservation financing, it creates positive externalities. She drew upon ‘Maybe it should be remembered that in any society Heritage is recognised by the fact that its loss is a sacrifice and its conservation entails sacrifices? This is the law of any sacredness’ (Castel) Ms Koosje Spitz (Netherlands Commission for UNESCO)   Ms Spitz stated that the destruction of cultural heritage in times of conflict or as an instrument in warfare is of all times and of all regions, it is a matter that should concern all parts of the world as culture is the record of humanity.  Dr Olivier Nieuwenhuijse talked about the strong dutch tradition of archaeological research in the region and the multiple threats to continued work.  Dr Claudio Cimino emphasised how intangible and tangible cultural heritage are intrinsically linked and that preservation efforts of one without the other are futile.  Dr Simona Pinton’s main point was that international law does have a role to play in preventing the destruction of tangible and intangible heritage and that the current legislation in place can be used as a suitable framework. Photography by FONDEMA.    

Jewel of Our Interior

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Jewel of Our Interior, a beautiful way to look at our own characteristics!
  By Henk Bruning, author and international expert on HRM What             Images of blown glass with steel stone and Polymer Artist              Angela Teunissen and Gerda Maas Where              Gallery Chris-Art, Noordeinde 160, The Hague When               June 5 – August 28, 2016 The exhibition is right in the international centre of The Hague. The subject is special because of its original combination of blown glass and a variety of other materials like stone, steel, nails, small bullets and pearls. Persistence Sculptress Angela Teunissen (Netherlands/Spain) sculpts with her blown glass and composes the glass art and other materials with precision and perfection to unique and unexpected sculptures of different sizes and figures. Interaction Special is the theme of the experience ‘Jewel of Our Interior’. The sculptures convey an original meaning about the beautiful, but often hidden, characteristics of human beings. Angela got these characteristics from people who she asked to send her a quality which they are proud of. Loving Angela transformed those in art as counterweight against negativism. Negativism that rules our live in a world of unrest with obligates high standards and a competitive spirit. The sculptures are dedicated to the splendour and spirit that we all possesses: The core from which the world can grow. Our characteristics are worth to be seen! The work of Angela Teunissen can be seen as an artsy social awareness that inspires the visitor and viewer and invites to reflect. Universe Gerda-UnicumXI Gerda Maas (Netherlands) is inspired by her journeys; recently to Japan. Impressions swirl through her head and hands to be reflected in pieces of art of polymer. She models polymer covering with a skin of 23-karat gold leaf. Mesmerized by the universe with its nebulae and black holes Gerda uses materials like yarn, needles and wire to create gorgeous wall objects. The combination of the work of Angela and Gerda makes the exhibition topical, special and worth to visit and to enjoy.

ICTY President Carmel Agius Reflects on How the Tribunal is Preparing to Close Down

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By Carmel Agius, ICTY President. As the last President of the Tribunal I am ultimately responsible for two major tasks before the closing of the Tribunal: concluding the judicial work by the end of next year, and ensuring that the legacy of the Tribunal is preserved beyond 2017. In closing any institution, and especially an international criminal tribunal, which determines the criminal responsibility of individuals and deprives accused and convicted persons of their liberty, it is important to do so with competence, efficiency, and adherence to the institution’s founding principles. I believe that the successful completion of the Tribunal’s work can only be achieved if it is realized in a manner that maintains the highest standards of due process and fairness. I will do my utmost to ensure that the closing down of the Tribunal does not detract from its basic purposes, and that principles of fairness remain paramount. Since the beginning of my presidency the Tribunal has made strong progress towards completing its mandate, delivering judgements in the appeal case of Prosecutor v. Jovica Stani{ić & Franko Simatović and both the trial cases of Prosecutor v. Radovan Karadžić and Prosecutor v. Vojislav Šešelj. The Tribunal is now left with two trial cases and two appeals cases. This is a significant and exciting time in the Tribunal’s history: not only is the Tribunal in its final biennium, it is also concluding some of its biggest, most important trials and its largest ever appeal case. I feel privileged to be overseeing the completion of this work in my capacity as President. During this critical period, the biggest challenge faced by the Tribunal is staff attrition, as well as its effect on staff morale. My predecessors and I have cautioned the United Nations Security Council about this issue on several occasions. As our mandate draws to a close, highly qualified staff members are leaving to take up more secure employment opportunities, which is of course understandable. However the loss of experienced staff members, who have institutional and case-specific knowledge, will be particularly damaging in the second half of 2017 if the Tribunal is left with insufficient staff to complete all judicial work on time. As the Tribunal continues to downsize, I am doing everything in my power to ensure that ongoing trials and appeals are fully supported. I regret to say, however, that this is becoming an increasingly difficult task.
Photography by Allen Borrelli - Copy
Judge Carmel Agius, President of the ICTY.
With regard to the second major task, as President I am determined to strengthen and consolidate the image of the Tribunal, particularly throughout the former Yugoslavia. To achieve this, it is important to understand that the Tribunal’s legacy is not limited only to its jurisprudence, the cases of those persons it has convicted and acquitted, or the stories that can now be authoritatively told about the events that unfolded in the former Yugoslavia. Its legacy includes many more components, most important of which are the existence and operation of domestic courts in the region to deal with these same crimes, and the affirmation that the outside world cares about what happened during the conflict. I firmly believe that the work started by the Tribunal, which is now being taken up in domestic war crimes proceedings, enhances the prospects for justice and greater reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia and assists in deterring future atrocities. However, in order to ensure that the Tribunal has a truly lasting impact, its work must be complemented by education and outreach efforts to increase local communities’ access to information about its achievements, and to promote a greater understanding of the Tribunal’s work and its contribution to peace and justice in the region. It is my intention to highlight and increase these efforts during the Tribunal’s final biennium, through a series of legacy-related events both here in The Hague and in the region. The Tribunal has brought some of the most notorious figures of the late twentieth century to justice. Indeed, there are significant achievements to reflect upon as we near the end of the Tribunal’s lifespan. At the same time, it is important to remember that the Tribunal is not perfect: no institution is or can be, and particularly no institution which has had to break new ground in international justice like the Tribunal. In addition to praise, the Tribunal has received its share of criticism along the way, particularly in relation to the costs involved and the slow pace of proceedings. While some criticism may be warranted to an extent, there are also politically-motivated misconceptions about the Tribunal amongst the different ethnic groups. This is where outreach and education efforts become particularly crucial. It must be emphasised that there is a great deal to be proud of, and a general sense that the Tribunal has done the job that was assigned to it. There are no outstanding ICTY fugitives, and 94% of the Tribunal’s proceedings have been concluded. The impact of the ICTY will continue to be felt for many years to come, and it will take a long time to fully evaluate its work. Regardless, I genuinely believe in that work and I am proud to have been part of such an important ‘experiment’ in international justice. I look forward to continuing to lead the Tribunal during its final chapter with the support of my colleagues, the other Principals and the international community. Photography by Allen Borrelli.  

Education in emergencies priority for the future

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Education in emergencies must be a priority to improve children’s prospects for the future   By Christos Stylianides, EU Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid and Crisis Management Education is crucial for the development and protection of children during emergencies. It is as vital as shelter, health, food or water. Without education, there’s a real risk that children do not learn to cope in a crisis and are more exposed to risks and dangers. Out of school, they are more vulnerable to be recruited by armed groups or criminal gangs. But most importantly, they are not able to contribute to the recovery of their countries. For these reasons I believe investing in education should be a priority. As part of my mandate, I’m proud to say that we have committed to step up EU’s financing for education in emergencies from 1% to 4%; from €11 million in 2015, to €52 in 2016. this promise is now already a reality. This means that the EU has quadrupled its support for education in emergencies to enable children to continue learning during and in the immediate aftermath of crises. And this is possible thanks to the outstanding work of EU’s humanitarian partner organisations on the ground. Together, we improve access to quality education and psychosocial support for pre-school, primary and secondary children; distribute school materials and uniforms; arrange transport to educational centres for those who need it; and rehabilitate and build schools and learning spaces. The good news is that by the end of 2016, EU humanitarian aid will have enabled access to education for over 3 800 000 children living in emergencies in 46 countries around the world. However, our efforts need to continue as 37 million children caught up in emergencies do not have access to education. The international community needs to give education in emergencies the importance it deserves. It can be lifesaving. Besides providing learning opportunities, schools are places where girls and boys in emergencies can have access to clean water, food and medicines. These are also safe spaces for children to play and interact with their peers. During my recent field visits to Ukraine, Turkey or Lebanon I saw the determination of children to go back to school. But also the challenges they face: girls and boys who cannot attend a course because the classroom is overcrowded or who cannot follow a lesson because they have no books. Education is a fundamental right of every child. Children who today suffer from the effects of emergencies need education to grow and thrive. To become doctors, engineers or teachers. To create a brighter future in their countries when stability returns. The EU stands firmly on their side and is leading the way to ensure that they receive quality education and psycho-social support in safe places. But the challenge goes beyond the capacity of one organisation, or by humanitarian community alone. The international community has a joint responsibility. Development agencies need to work closely with humanitarians and intervene at an earlier stage. The future of these children and their countries depends on it. We must invest in education for a better future. Photography by EU.    

Mexican Tallship Cuauhtémoc, now at the port of Amsterdam

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Mexican Navy’s training Tallship Cuauhtémoc, now at the port of Amsterdam, is on its 4th month of instructional cruise “Ibero Atlantic 2016”. As for the name of the 2016 edition of the training cruise: Ibero refers to Spain and Portugal, countries sharing language and roots with Latin America. Atlantic refers to the ocean where the training trip is done. The Cuauhtémoc ship was named after the last Aztec Emperor who was captured in 1525. This beautiful Tallship is also known as “Ambassador and Knight of the Seas”. The ship’s crew is composed by 8 senior officers, 32 junior officers, 84 cadets and 110 enlisted men and women.
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Captain Pedro Mata Cervantes, Ship´s Commanding Officer, Ms Maja Christina Steenwijk – Groot and Thomas Friis Konst, Economic Affairs at the EU.
Its visit to The Netherlands takes place during the sail training of Mexico’s Navy cruise “Ibero Atlantic 2016”. Prior to its arrival to Amsterdam, the Cuauhtémoc docked the ports of London, United Kingdom, and Hamburg and Bremenhaven in Germany, and will continue its route to Antwerp, Belgium; Brest, France; Lisbon, Portugal and Cadiz and Las Palmas in Spain. The Embassy of Mexico in the Netherlands informed the arrival of the Training Tallship ‘Cuauhtémoc’ of the Mexican Navy on Friday 1st July 2016, at 10:00 hrs, at the Passenger Terminal Amsterdam, Jollemanhof 9, 1019 GW, in Amsterdam.image002 During its stay in the Netherlands, the ship was open for free visits to the public from 2nd to 4th July, 2016, from 09:00 to 21:00 hrs, departing on Tuesday 5th July, 2016, at 10:00 hrs.   The Mexico’s Navy Tall Ship Cuauhtémoc is a Brick Bara sailing ship that serves as a training ship for cadets of the Mexican Navy. Since its enrolment in 1982, the ship has conducted 33 training trips around the world. In this occasion, the Cuauhtémoc departed from the port of Acapulco, Mexico, on 12th March, 2016, on its instructional cruise “Ibero Atlantic 2016”, in route to visit 18 ports in 14 countries, ending on 3rd October, 2016. As a sailing ambassador, the Cuauhtémoc delivers a message of peace and goodwill from Mexico Technical information:
Name and numeral: ARM Cuauhtémoc BE-01
Built in: Astilleros Celaya, S.A., Bilbao, Spain
Commissioned: 29 de julio de 1982
Displacement: 1,800 ton
Maximum lenght (bowsprit included): 90.5m
Length at the water line: 67.22m
Maximum Neam: 12.0m
Maximum Depth: 7.4m
Draft: 5.4m
Auxiliary Propulsion: 1 motor of 1,125hp
Main Motor Generator: 3 of 260kw
         

Government of the people, by the people, for the people

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By Barend ter Haar. The words of Abraham Lincoln to honour the soldiers that sacrificed their lives in order “that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth” were spoken at Gettysburg, but these words apply as well to the countless soldiers that died for the cause of democracy in the following 150 years. Democracy has become such a sacrosanct concept that even the harshest dictatorships, such as the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, call themselves a democracy. But what is democracy? Was it democracy to give the British people the opportunity to vote about membership of the European Union after providing them with contradictory information about the consequences of leaving? Was it democracy to ask the opinion of the Dutch people about an Association Agreement with Ukraine for improper reasons? (The committee that took the initiative admitted that it did not care at all about Ukraine but wanted to use the referendum to destroy the European Union or drive the Netherlands out of the EU.) Is it democracy when Dutch ministers shy away from telling the people that the Netherlands is giving up (for very good reasons) part of its sovereignty to the European Union because that would incite people to vote for anti-European parties? (See my column Who dares to be honest? [1]) Obviously, if politicians believe that voters cannot be trusted with the truth, democracy is seriously at risk. For a democracy to function it is essential that a government respects the people and takes them seriously, not only those that have voted for that government, but all people. Furthermore, in order to exercise their democratic rights properly, people should be informed as fully as possible. Democracy is a form of conflict management within states, just as diplomacy is a form of conflict management between states. Both therefore usually lead to a compromise between different views and different perceived interests. That is certainly the case when a decision requires both agreement between and within states. Democracy is a living system of government that can only prosper by being reinvented again and again. It can be strengthened by a referendum if a question can be answered by a simple yes or no. However, democracy is undermined when people are made to believe that a complicated question that involves the interests of different countries can be satisfactorily answered by a referendum in one of these countries. Neither the future of the relation between the EU and Ukraine, nor the future relation between the United Kingdom and the EU can be based on a simplistic yes or no. [1] https://www.clingendael.nl/publication/who-dares-be-honest

Europe – the letzte Mensch or Übermensch, the new Byzantium or declining Rome

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By Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic. A freshly released IMF’s World Economic Outlook brings (yet again, for the sixth year in a row, and for the third time this year only) no comforting picture to anyone within the G-7, especially in the US and EU. Will the passionately US-pushed cross-Atlantic Free Trade Area save the day? Or, would that Pact-push drag the things over the edge and mark an end of the unionistic Europe? Is the extended EU conflict with Russia actually a beginning of the Atlantic-Central Europe’s conflict over Russia, an internalization of mega geopolitical and geo-economic dilemma – who accommodates with whom, in and out of the Union? Finally, does more Ukrainian (and Eastern Europe) calamities pave the road for a new cross-continental grand accommodation, of either austerity-tired France or über-performing Germany with Russia, therefore the end of the EU? For whose sake Eastern Europe has been barred of all important debates such as that of Slavism, identity, social cohesion (eroded by the plunder called ‘privatization’), secularism and antifascism? Why do we suddenly wonder that all around Germany-led Central Europe, the neo-Nazism gains ground while only Russia insists on antifascism and (pan-)Slavism? Before answering that, let us examine what is (the meaning and size of) our Europe? Where, how and – very importantly – when is our Europe? For example, is the non-EU Europe the existent but invisible world, sort of the dark side of the moon? Or, is that something more? Beyond the ancient Maastricht and Schengen: the Roman Hadrian Wall and Limes Line there was no world at all. There was only (an instrument of) the Silk Road – that antique WTO, isn’t it? Hence, is this unionistic condominium the best of Europe, or Europe itself? Is the EU an authentic post-Westphalian conglomerate and the only logical post-Metternich concert of different Europes, the world’s last cosmopolitan enjoying its postmodern holiday from history?[1] Is that possibly the lost Atlántida or mythical Arcadia– a Hegelian end of history world? Thus, should this OZ be a mix of the endemically domesticated Marx-Engels grand utopia and Kennedy’s dream-world “where the weak are safe and the strong are just”? Or, is it maybe as Charles Kupchan calls it a ‘postmodern imperium’? Something that exhorts its well-off status quo by notoriously exporting its transformative powers of free trade dogma and human rights stigma[2]–a modified continuation of colonial legacy when the European conquerors, with fire and sword, spread commerce,[3] Christianity and civilization overseas – a kind of ‘new Byzantium’, or is that more of a Richard Young’s declining, unreformed and rigid Rome? Hence, is this a post-Hobbesian (yet, not quite a Kantian) world, in which the letzte Mensch expelled Übermensch? Could it be as one old graffiti in Prague implies: EU=SU²? Does the EU-ization of Europe equals to a restoration of the universalistic world of Rome’s Papacy, to a restaging of the Roman-Catholic Caliphate? Is this Union a Leonard’s runner of the 21st century, or is it perhaps Kagan’s ‘Venus’– gloomy and opaque world, warmer but equally distant and unforeseen like ‘Mars’?[4] Is this Brussels-headquartered construct, the 20th century’s version of Zollverein with standardized tariffs and trade, but of an autonomous fiscal policy and politics? Thus, is the EU a political and economic re-approachment of sovereign states or maybe just an(other) enterprise of the borderless financial capital? Ergo, would that be a pure construct of financial oligarchy whose invisible hand tacitly corrupted the Maastricht Treaty as to web-up a borderless, limitless, wireless and careless power hub, while at the same time entrenching, silencing and rarefying labour within each nation state? Is this a supersized Switzerland (ruled by the cacophony of many languages and enveloped in economic egotism of its self-centered people), with the cantons (MS, Council of EU) still far more powerful than the central government (the EU Parliament, Brussels’ Commission, ECJ), while Swiss themselves –although in the geographic heart of that Union – stubbornly continue to defy any membership. Does it really matter (and if so, to what extent) that Niall Ferguson wonders: “…the EU lacks a common language, a common postal system, a common soccer team (Britain as well, rem. A.B.) even a standard electric socket…“? Kissinger himself was allegedly looking for a phone number of Europe, too. Baron Ridley portrayed the Union as a Fourth Reich, not only dominated by Germany, but also institutionally Germanized. Another conservative Briton, Larry Siedentop, remarked in his Democracy in Europe that it is actually France who is running the EU ‘show’, in the typical French way – less than accountable bureaucracy that prevents any evolution of the European into an American-style United States. Thus, Siedentop’s EU is more of a Third Bonapartistic Empire than possibly a Fourth German Reich. The Heartland or Rimland? After all, is the Union yet another virtue out of necessity, as Brzezinski claimed, that after centuries of colonial overstretch and of mutual destructions (between protagonists in close geographic proximity), Europe irreversibly lost its demographic, economic and politico-military importance, and that the early EU was more of an attempt to rescue a nation state than it was the quest for a true enterprise of the European Community building? Despite different names and categorizations attached, historical analogies and descriptions used, most scholars would agree upon the very geopolitical definition of the EU: Grand re-approachment of France and Germany after WWII, culminating in the Elysée accords of 1961. An interpretation of this instrument is rather simple: a bilateral peace treaty through achieved consensus by which Germany accepted a predominant French say in political affairs of EU/Europe, and France – in return – accepted a more dominant German say in economic matters of EU/Europe. All that tacitly blessed by a perfect balancer– Britain, attempting to conveniently return to its splendid isolation from the Continent in the post-WWII years. Consequently, nearly all scholars would agree that the Franco-German alliance actually represents a geopolitical axis, a backbone of the Union. However, the inner unionistic equilibrium will be maintained only if the Atlantic-Central Europe skillfully calibrates and balances its own equidistance from both assertive Russia and the omnipresent US. Any alternative to the current Union is a grand accommodation of either France or Germany with Russia. This means a return to Europe of the 18th, 19th and early 20th centuries – namely, direct confrontations over the Continent’s core sectors, perpetual animosities wars and destructions. Both Russia and the US has demonstrated ability for a skillful and persistent conduct of international affairs, passions and visions to fight for their agendas. It is time for Brussels to live up to its very idea, and to show the same. Biology and geopolitics share one basic rule: comply or die.   Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic,  is professor in international law and global political studies, based in Austria. Vienna, 08 JUN 2016 / Contact: anis@bajrektarevic.eu   [1] One of the greatest historians of our age, Sir Toynbee, gives an interesting account of our civilizational vertical. He clas-sifies as many as nineteen major civilizations: Egyptian, Andean, Sinic, Minoan, Sumerian, Mayan, Indic, Hittite, Hellenic, Western, Orthodox Christian/Russian, Far Eastern, Orthodox Christian/main body, Persian, Arabic, Hindu, Mexican, Yucatec, and Babylonic. Further on, there are – as he calls them – four abortive civilizations (Far Western Christian, Far Eastern Christian, Scandinavian, Syriac) and five arrested civilizations (Polynesian, Eskimo, Nomadic, Ottoman, Spartan). Like to no other continent, majority of them are related (originating from or linked) to European proper. [2] Lately, it looks like a Gay-rights Jihad at many places. The non-selective, but massive push without premeditation on the key issue here: whether homosexuality should be either tolerated behavior or promoted life-style, has to be urgently revisited and (re-)calibrated. As it stands now, this Gay-rights Jihad serves neither the human/behavioristic rights nor a worrying birth-rates decline. The European demographics is far more of a serious and urgent socio-economic problem. Why? It is closely related to the emotional-charge inflammable triangular issues – identity, migration and integration, and by it triggered (to say: justified) right-wing anti-politics. [3] Is globalization the natural doctrine of global hegemony? Well, its main instrument, commerce –as we know – brings people into contact, not necessarily to an agreement, even less to mutual benefits and harmony…Or, “If goods cannot cross borders, armies will” is the famous saying of the XIX century French economist Frederic Bastiat, so often quoted by the longest-ever serving US Secretary of State Cordell Hull. [4] ”No venue has been created in which an EU-wide public opinion might be formed… European Parliament elections are not truly European because they are 27 different elections with different electoral systems after campaigns in which national issues predominate… Under present procedures, both the President of the European Commission and the President of the European Council are selected in private meetings of heads of governments..”, says former Irish Prime Minister John Bruton. Bruton, J. (2013), How real is the danger of an EU collapse?, EU Journal Europe’s World 23(13) 2013, Brussels    

Diplomatic Immunity and how it is applied in The Netherlands

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By Jan Dop. Introduction Embassies and Consulates have to deal with the Dutch when they represent their country in the Netherlands. Embassies and Consulates, however, enjoy a special status because they are considered to rule under their own flag and not under that of the country of residency. Nevertheless, on occasion they do have to deal with Dutch law, for example with regard to their locally hired personnel working in the Netherlands, when buying or selling property (residence, Embassy) or concluding any other commercial contract. This chapter will discuss the limits of diplomatic immunity and how said limits are defined, the consequences of the diplomatic status and the situations in which Dutch law will apply. Definitions Embassy An Embassy is the representation of a particular state in another state. Most states have their Embassy in the Netherlands located in The Hague, where the Dutch government is seated. The Ambassador The Ambassador is a diplomatic official, assigned (and recognized) to serve as the official representative of a particular state in a foreign state or an international organization. He holds the highest rank in the diplomatic hierarchy. A diplomatic mission headed by an Ambassador is known as an Embassy. Consulate A Consulate (or Consular Office) is predominantly in charge of issues relating to individual people and businesses, in other words, issues outside the scope of inter-governmental diplomacy. A country may have several Consulates or Consulates General in major economic centres to support their economic interests. Diplomatic corps The collective body of all diplomats residing in a particular country is called a diplomatic corps. State immunity Scope of immunity The independent character of a sovereign state conflicts with being subjected to the laws and jurisdiction of another state. For this reason, but also in order to enable states to carry out their public functions effectively, states have (state) immunity. State immunity refers to the right or privilege of being exempted from the existing power or jurisdiction of another state. National courts do not have jurisdiction over claims against a foreign state, its diplomats and/or diplomatic services. There is no uniform law on state immunity, but there are several conventions, such as the European Convention on State Immunity (ECSI 1972). Immunity of jurisdiction only applies to activities of governmental or public nature, the so-called acta iure imperii. It is not applicable to activities of a private or commercial nature, the so-called acta iure gestionis. This distinction is widely accepted. When immunity cannot be invoked, this does not necessarily mean that a judgement can be executed or property can be seized in full. According to the ECSI for example, a convicted member state will have to comply with the judgement by choice. However, it is not possible to seize property meant for public services. It is not permitted either to attach any goods or financial assets of the foreign state that are intended for public services. It is not clear however, whether bank accounts of diplomatic missions and consular posts can be attached. From numerous court decisions it can be concluded that, in case the bank account only serves the purpose of allowing the diplomatic mission or consular post to function, it cannot be attached. Waiving immunity Immunity from jurisdiction is not absolute. Therefore, the question of immunity only arises when the foreign state refuses to submit to the jurisdiction of the local court. A state is considered to waive its immunity when it appears in court, when it acts as plaintiff or starts a counterclaim, unless, of course, it appears in court to invoke immunity. Foreign states can waive their immunity voluntarily (in advance), both explicitly and silently. When immunity is waived or not applicable, the substantial rules of law applicable by the local or territorial court are fully effective. Immunity of jurisdiction with regard to employment law Almost all employment law issues are considered as acta iure gestionis of the Embassy if the work is performed in the receiving state and the employee has the nationality of the receiving state. Therefore, in most employment matters, state immunity cannot be invoked. This might be different with regard to diplomatic staff or personnel employed directly with the Ambassador. With regard to a state that is not a party to the ECSI, the court will apply international customary law, which considers the conclusion of an employment agreement an actus iure gestionis. Case law shows that the employing state cannot invoke its immunity if the employee has the nationality of the receiving state, if he has permanent residency in the receiving state, and/or if there are convincing connections between the employment and the receiving state. Dutch employment law can therefore also apply to diplomatic missions. The exception with regard to the legal obligation of Dutch employers to obtain a UWV (Employee Insurance Agency) permit in case they want to dismiss an employee, has lapsed since 1 July 2015. Thus, in the event of dismissal of an employee, depending on the reason for the dismissal, either the UWV or the Subdistrict Court will have to be addressed. For more information on Dutch employment law see Chapter 3. Finally, a state can invoke immunity in legal proceedings with regard to the termination of a private (employment) contract if these proceedings interfere with state security. Immunity of jurisdiction with regard to social security Locally hired staff will not be exempt from national insurance and employee insurance, such as state pension (AOW), incapacity for work benefits (WIA), sickness benefits and unemployment benefits (WW). Social security is also compulsory for technical staff, administrative staff and operating staff staying permanently (for longer than ten years) in the Netherlands. Diplomatic staff and staff that don’t have the Dutch nationality and are already insured in the country of origin are exempt from the insurance requirement. The social security requirement also includes the employer’s obligation to comply with the Dutch regulations regarding guidance and reintegration of sick employees. This includes regular contact with the occupational health and safety physician. Failing this, the paying institution, the UWV, may decide that the employer has acted inadequately and thus has to pay the wages of the sick employee not only during the first two years of sickness but also during the third year. Immunity of jurisdiction with regard to commercial contracts A state’s conclusion of a commercial contract is, in principle, an actus iure gestionis and therefore not subject to state immunity. Such contracts may be so closely linked to the interests of a state that they nevertheless fall under state immunity, which is not very common, however. Thus, for instance, an agreement for the supply of computer equipment for the Embassy will, in principle, not fall under state immunity. One exception is, in particular, state security, as a result of which immunity may indeed be applicable to a security software agreement. Immunity of jurisdiction with regard to real estate Embassies and the premises of Ambassadors are inviolable, even if they are not yet utilized. They are on Dutch territory however, and thus Dutch law is applicable to these premises, including real estate law. This is all the more so if the Embassy owns real estate which is not used for diplomatic services. Therefore, it is important to verify in advance whether your intended use of the premises corresponds with the zoning plan (not all villas in Wassenaar may be used as an office) and whether municipal permits are required. Changes to the building that have an effect on the appearance of the premises (cleaning/painting the facade or changing single glazing into double glazing!) require a permit, especially if the premises are a registered monument or part of a conservation area, as is the case with most Embassies. Security measures for Embassies, such as alarms, cameras, fences and/or roll-down shutters, often require a permit. If premises are leased, the owner has to agree to changes before they can be made. The same rules as to other commercial contracts apply to real estate contracts. Disputes with lessees, sellers, contractors and maintenance companies will be examined by a Dutch court according to Dutch law, unless specifically agreed otherwise. Diplomatic immunity Diplomatic immunity is a form of legal immunity to ensure that diplomats are given safe passage and are considered exempt from lawsuit or prosecution under the laws of the receiving state. The rules concerning diplomatic relations are laid down in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR 1961), which also applies in the Netherlands. The VCDR is an international treaty on diplomatic relations and the privileges and immunities of a diplomatic mission. According to the Convention diplomatic relations between states and permanent diplomatic missions are determined by mutual consent. The functions of a diplomatic mission include:
  • Representing the sending state in the receiving state
  • protecting the interests of the sending state and of its nationals in the receiving state
  • promoting friendly relations between the sending state and the receiving state
  • developing economic, cultural and scientific relations.In general, diplomatic missions and their members and families must respect the principles of Dutch law because their immunity does not extend to legislation itself. Diplomatic immunity only restricts the Dutch authorities in exercising their power with regard to the diplomats’ compliance with Dutch legislation.In addition, according to the VCDR, the territory of the diplomatic mission is inviolable and immune from investigation or taxes (extraterritoriality). Representatives of the receiving state can only enter the diplomatic mission’s territory with consent from the head of the diplomatic mission.The diplomat is also inviolable. The private residence of a diplomat receives the same protection as the premises of the diplomatic mission. In addition, a diplomat is immune from the criminal, civil and administrative jurisdiction (not relating to private immovable property or succession) of the receiving state. Immunity does not apply to the diplomat’s professional and commercial activities outside his official functions. The sending state can waive the diplomat’s immunity.Finally, even members of the administrative and technical staff and family members of the diplomatic mission enjoy some immunity, if they are not nationals of or residing permanently in the receiving state.Consular immunity Although Embassies and Consulates, and especially diplomats, enjoy immunity in the Netherlands, there are several situations in which they have to deal with Dutch law. The scope of their immunity depends on the diplomatic nature of their work and the nationality of their employees. Dutch employees are more likely to be subject to Dutch law than foreigners. In general, employees of diplomatic missions enjoy immunity with regard to their official acts, but not with regard to their personal conduct.
Conclusion The VCDR is not applicable to foreign Consuls and members of their staff. The consular mission falls within the scope of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (VCCR 1963), which confirms that Consuls and their staff enjoy immunity with regard to their official acts, but not with regard to their private acts.   About the author: Jan Dop is partner and Head of the Embassy Desk at Russell Advocaten. He advises and represents corporations, entrepreneurs and HR departments in corporate and commercial matters. Jan Dop, LL.M. (jan.dop@russell.nl).