Exploring Technology / Knowledge Transfer in the Netherlands

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Exploring Technology / Knowledge Transfer in the Netherlands

By Eleni Vasiliki Bampaliouta

The educational trip for innovation and entrepreneurship in the Netherlands, within the framework of the Entrepreneurial University program, with the participation of 6 Greek universities, organized by the Embassy of the Netherlands, was successfully completed.

On June 5-8, an educational visit with a series of intensive workshops and networking opportunities took place in the Netherlands for the members of Technology Transfer Offices from 6 Greek universities and research centres. The visit was organized by the Embassy of the Netherlands in Athens, Preneurz.Amsterdam and Orange Grove, as part of their “Entrepreneurial University” initiative for innovation and entrepreneurship.

With the theme “Exploring Technology / Knowledge Transfer in the Netherlands”, the program focused on the Dutch experience in Technology Transfer from laboratories to society and the ways in which entrepreneurial thinking is developed in academic communities, further strengthening the social footprint of Higher Education Institutions and Research Centers.

The program included, among others, visits to the Starthub of the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Amsterdam Science Park / Startup Village, the Humanities Venture Lab of the University of Amsterdam and the Leiden Bio Science Park, Leiden University. Each day focused on a different scientific field (technology transfer in the natural sciences, humanities and social sciences and biomedical sciences), looking in depth at the corresponding opportunities, challenges and specificities (such as the design of know-how transfer strategies, infrastructure development, policies and methodologies) with the aim of providing as much multidimensional knowledge as possible.

The representatives of the Greek Universities visited a series of initiatives and infrastructures and became familiar with programs and synergies between researchers, startups, universities, established companies, Municipalities and/or the wider State, with the aim of innovations and research results of the entire range of scientific fields reaching society , through the appropriate channels and infrastructures.

The Dutch Ambassador to Greece H.E. Ms. Susanna Terstal, who met the participants at the end of the program, commented: “In our relationship with Greece, the exchange of knowledge and know-how is important. The “Entrepreneurial University” program is a good example of cooperation between our countries. The Dutch Embassy connects the Higher Education of Greece and the Netherlands in matters of innovation and entrepreneurship. In the last two years, through the workshops organized, universities and centers of the two countries have started to cooperate more with each other, with very positive results!

The program was led by Erik Boer and Arjan Goudsblom, co-founders of Preneurz Amsterdam, a Dutch organization with long experience in entrepreneurship and technology transfer in Dutch Universities and international know-how exchange.
The “Entrepreneurial University” program started in 2021 with a series of workshops (masterclasses) aimed at the exchange of know-how between the Greek and Dutch university ecosystems. Speakers share their experience and offer advice and answers to the questions and challenges posed by the participants, based on real examples of their universities, tools, approaches and policies that they themselves have tried and adopted or rejected.

The “Entrepreneurial University” program will continue in the next period through targeted actions and further collaborations with the University Institutions and Research Centers of Greece.

Erdogan again at the helm of the government – The new reality of the third Erdogan decade

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Erdogan again at the helm of the government – The new reality of the third Erdogan decade

By Eleni Vasiliki Bampaliouta

The longest-lived leader who will ultimately remain in the History of Turkey. Masterfully “playing” the “card” of nationalism and anti-Western rhetoric, and allied with the solid conservative and religious electoral base that he brought out from the fringes and nurtured in two decades of his hegemony, Recep Tayyip Erdogan asserts and prolongs his absolute rule, having already held the fortunes of Turkey longer than Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, but even many Ottoman sultan.

Against opinion polls, but also assessments and analyzes that “saw” Erdogan in the west of his political path, the Turkish president “made” a new appointment with History in the presidential ballot on Sunday, ensuring a third presidential term, with which he comes to to seal Turkey’s passage into the “new century” he envisions, and to consolidate the “Islamic revolution” he opposed against Kemalism.

Identity, and not the economy, was the essential stake of the Turkish ballot box, as clearly reflected in the victory brought by Erdogan in a country that, after 21 years of his rule, is now divided into two “worlds”. The Turkish president prevailed with a percentage of 52.16% over Kemal Kilicdaroglu, who received 47.84%, with 99.85% of the votes counted. Turnout in the second round of the presidential election was 84.6%, up from nearly 88% on May 14.

It is a win-triumph in the sense that Erdogan may have had to wait for the second Sunday for his election for the first time, but he also for the first time faced a united opposition, from nationalists to Kurds, at a time when it was preliminarily favorable to him since citizens do suffer under the weight of punctuality, and just three months earlier the country had mourned tens of thousands of dead in devastating earthquakes.

But again, his percentage approached the 52.59% he had received in the 2018 presidential elections, when he prevailed in the first round against the then candidate of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) Muharrem Inje who had received 30.64%. with the other candidates, jailed leader of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democracy Party (HDP) Selahattin Demirtas and Meral Aksener of the nationalist Good Party (IYI) garnering 8.40% and 7.29%, respectively.

Recep Tayyip Erdogan, having served three times as prime minister since 2003 and winning a third consecutive presidential term on May 28, has come to confirm that this is a “political phenomenon”, with unique abilities to rally and recruit his voters, but also to cultivate the necessary conditions of division and polarization – as he did during the election campaign – in which he “triumphs”.

Kemal Kilicdaroglu has been powerless to counter Erdogan’s sense of power, and neither has the extreme nationalist rhetoric he slipped into in the run-off to woo the nationalist vote.

Instilling a sense of national pride and stimulating nationalist reflexes is Erdogan’s prerogative—along with the “papers” of religion and national security. On the latter, he took full advantage of the support that offered the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democracy Party (HDP) to Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu to continuously advance the well-known “argument” that the HDP is identified with the PKK, thereby identifying the Alevi himself in Kılıçdaroğlu’s doctrine not only with terrorism, but also with the Gulenists and the “conspirators” of the West who want his overthrow.


“In which direction will Turkey be led?


…is a question that will reverberate as Erdogan consolidates his omnipotence for a quarter of a century. “If this [the re-election] reassures those who might have seen change as an element of uncertainty, we should remember that continuity does not always go hand in hand with stability” Erdogan’s victory is anything but auspicious for the already crippled Rule of Law in Turkey, as another five years will allow the further consolidation of authoritarianism and the control of regime mechanisms.

In the field of foreign policy, analysts suggest that Erdoğan will stick to, and maybe up the ante, the constant “transactional logic” vis-a-vis the West. The faltering economy, however, is an area that he will now have to deal with post-election, and there he may show greater pragmatism as he will need the West. However, no one believes that the Turkish president will move away from the “gray zone” between East and West or change his attitude towards Russia and Vladimir Putin, who hastened to congratulate him on the election and the “independent foreign policy’.

First major crash test


The first important “crash test” for Erdoğan’s relations with the West and the US – through which the nexus of Greek-Turkish relations also passes – will be the NATO Summit in July in Vilnius, ahead of which he will come to negotiate, and with the air of his new victory, the lifting of the hostage regime in which he is holding Sweden.

Implications of Russia-Ukraine War on Middle East 

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Implications of Russia-Ukraine War on Middle East 

By the International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies  IFIMES

The Russia-Ukraine war, which has been going on for 16 months already, has generated significant implications of the political scene of the Middle East, where the war has exposed the complexities of the calculations with which the states of the region are faced as a result of the escalation of international relations and the siding of the countries world-wide with one of the two groups – the group of the US and its western allies on one side and the Russian and China–led group on the other. The war also had repercussions on the geopolitical orientation of the states, as well as bilateral relations between the countries of the region and global powers.

The response by Middle East countries to the Russia-Ukraine war was diametrically opposite to the US and Western position and their wishes. Namely, they avoided taking a strong stance against Russia, in order not to undermine their common interests with Moscow and rather strived to achieve a balance in their relations with the two sides, which was based on condemnation of the invasion and extension of support to sovereignty of Ukraine. At the same time, they avoided introducing sanctions against Russia, as well as providing military support or funding the war like other Western countries. Their assistance to Ukraine was limited to minimum humanitarian support, with the exception of Türkiye, which had already established military cooperation with Ukraine prior to the outbreak of the war. 

The Middle East countries supported the United Nations General Assembly resolution condemning the Russian invasion on Ukraine, with the exception of Syria, which voted against the Resolution, and Iran, Algeria and Iraq, which abstained from voting. They also supported the UN General Assembly resolution rejecting the annexation of parts of Ukraine to Russia.

However, while countries of the region, which are traditional allies of Washington, including Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Egypt, refrained from introducing sanctions and diplomatic isolation of Russia, they did not violate western sanctions related to delivery of specific components to Moscow. Furthermore, majority of countries in the region also refrained from supporting the initiative to suspend Russian’s membership in the UN Human Rights Council, with the exception of Libya, which supported the respective resolution. As the war developed, Türkiye and Gulf countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)[2] recorded a trend of outstanding growth of economic cooperation with Russia, while Iran and Algeria have fostered military cooperation as well.

One of the major repercussions of the war on the Middle East was the emergence of economic divisions among countries in the region. While due to the war majority of the Gulf countries achieved record profits from export of gas and oil, some countries in the region struggle with a serious economic crisis caused by high prices of energy and food. This particularly applies to Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia and Lebanon. Türkiye recorded record inflation despite the growth of export. The economic crisis in Iran is increasingly being linked to the increase of sanctions, not the war. 

Washington’s fears of expansion of Russian and Chinese influence on Middle East

The Russia-Ukraine war, in combination with the escalation of US-China relations over Taiwan, competitiveness and economic interests, have slowed down withdrawal of the US from its traditional security responsibility in the Middle East. At this time, a US foreign policy priority is reduction of expansion of Russia’s and China’s influence in the Middle East and ensuring that the relations between the region and Beijing and Moscow remain far from strategic, military and technological aspects. Currently Washington strives to create a peaceful geopolitical environment in the Middle East and avoid straining the relations with their allies in the region, so that it can focus on the Russia-Ukraine war and confrontation with China. 

In this context, within the framework of the US National Security Strategy[3], which was published in October 2022, it outlined its policy and obligations towards the Middle East. The document consists of five chapters and is focused on continuation of the US security role in the region, including promotion of regional integration (establishment of diplomatic relations of the Arab states with Israel), protection of its allies from regional threats, as well as strengthening of the partnership dating from World War II.

Relations between the US and GCC saw many ups and downs. The most important document are the official US obligations and commitments to security in the Gulf recorded in the doctrine of Presidency Jimmy Carter from 1980[4], which recognized the importance and the central role of the Arab gulf region for the US national security and interests, as well as the readiness to use military force for protect the US interests in the region. This sent a clear message to the Soviet Union following the occupation of Afghanistan in December 1979. 

Over the past two decades the US administrations lowered their interest in the Middle East and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, as a result of what the relations continuously oscillated. Some analysts believe that the reason lies in the US “war fatigue” from the two major wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. They withdrew from the first on 30 August 2020 without any special announcement and at a surprise to their allies that the US are ready in a moment to leave a country. In the case of Iraq, the Americans left the country to Iran after the invasion.  Hence the “Gulf oil in exchange for US protection” formula, which was the basis for the relations between the US and the Gulf in the past eight decades, is no longer applicable. 

Nowadays, there is an increasing number of disagreements and confrontations in the relations between the Gulf countries and Biden’s administration, particularly with Saudi Arabia regarding the increase of oil production within the OPEC Plus group, which includes Russia, and its refusal to increase oil production, as was requested by President Joseph Biden in order to weaken Russia. Saudi Arabia not only did not agree to increase the production, but drastically lowered its export quota. In fact, it did so in concert with Russia. Biden publicly threatened to reconsider the relations with Saudi Arabia, but could not do much. Namely, the leaked intelligence revealed that Saudi Arabia had warned the US that it would pay a high economic price if it does so. This was a precedent in the relations between two until recently allies.

In March 2023, Saudi Arabia accepted mediation by China in the normalization of the relations with its eternal rival Iran and restoration of diplomatic relations. This was a victory of Chinese diplomacy in the heart of the American zone of interests in the Persian Gulf. 

It would not be realistic to expect to see the end of the “Gulf oil in exchange for US protection” equation, because for the time being it has no alternative. One should also not expect that in the foreseeable future China and Russia will become an alternative in the region in which the US have dozens of their military bases ranging from Kuwait to Oman with around 40,000 soldiers. The Gulf weapons are predominantly of US descent.  As a consequence, this reality will continue in the foreseeable future, whereas GCC countries, led by Saudi Arabia, will increasingly pursue a multipolar approach in their relations with the major powers. Therefore, decrease and end of US unipolar era and monopoly over the security of the Gulf can be expected. 

Geopolitical influence of China in Middle East 

China is trying to strengthen its geopolitical influence in the Middle East region. It remains interested in two things: one, strengthening its relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran, as the two largest and richest countries in the Gulf. Beijing achieved a major milestone with its mediation of the agreement on normalization of Saudi Arabia-Iran relations. The second thing is that this does not change the regional security formula in the Middle East, which is still based on the US role. Namely, Beijing benefits from the role Washington has in the region as the guarantor of security and stability, because it allows China to pursue its economic interests without engaging in the costly and dangerous security arrangements. 

Saudi Arabia and China have strong economic relations, particularly in the area of energy, because the Kingdom is the largest partner of Beijing in the Middle East and is the number one exporter of oil to China, leaving behind even Russia, a strategic partner of Beijing. 

The trade exchange between China and Arab states has raised to a record level in 2022 and totaled 431.4 billion dollars, which in comparison to 330.3 billion dollars in 2021 is an increase of 31% (101 billion dollars). China and Iran have a strategic agreement named “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between I.R. Iran and P.R. China[5]” from 2020. China will invest 400 billion US dollars in Iranian economy over the next 25 years, that is during the agreement period, in exchange for steady oil supply from Iran with a major discount. 

Encouraged by the results of its mediation between Saudi Arabia and Iran, China launched its peace initiative for the Russia-Ukraine war. There is also the latest peace initiative for the Israel-Palestine dispute. China has invited the President of Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas to visit Beijing on 13 June 2023. This high-level visit is a state visit. It is not about peace making but strengthening of the position of China in the world. Namely, China wants to demonstrate its power and show that the United States are “already weakened.” 

The last diplomatic effort by Washington concerning the Israelis and Palestinians was made in 2013 and ended unsuccessfully. The massive expansion of settlements on the occupied West Bank over the past 10 years renders the continuation of peace talks and achievement of an agreement-based lasting solution, according to which two states would live one next to another – “the two-state solution”[6] – impossible. The Israeli policy is becoming increasingly pro-right-wing, while the Palestinian authority is losing its legitimacy, as no elections have been held since 2006, and the level of corruption and repression by its security bodies is high. Palestinian observers believe that this visit and the high-level attention given to Abbas is directed at improvement of the position of Chinese President Xi Jinping and it portrays him as a global statesman. Therefore, no diplomatic steps forward are expected. 

Currently, the relations between China and Israel are cold, as Israel is very concerned over China’s relations with Iran. In its foreign policy Israel is still linked to the US, as a result of what Israel had condemned China’s policy towards Uyghurs. Beijing responded by condemning the Tel Aviv’s policy on the occupied Palestinian areas, military operations and the siege of the Gaza Strip. There are no prerequisites or basis for peace to become a reality in the foreseeable future and Beijing is aware of this. However, this is a matter of position of China as a global friend of Islam and the Arabs, despite of what is happening to the Muslim Uyghurs in China. 

Israel’s balancing between West and Russia 

Israel has strived to keep a balance in its relations with Russia and the West, as a result of what it had to make some difficult choices. It avoided taking strong stances against Russia, despite the declarative condemnation of the Russian invasion on Ukraine in the UN. Furthermore, Israel also avoided joining the Western sanctions against Russia and provides modest diplomatic and humanitarian support to Ukraine- only at the request and insisting of the US. 

Israel wants to maintain a strong security understanding with Moscow in Syria, and further coordination with Russia, which controls the Syrian air space. For Israel this issue is a security priority, as it gives Israel the freedom to launch air strikes against Iranian targets in Syria, thus restricting growing Iranian military threats to Israel from Syria. 

The level of tensions between the Russia and Israel will continue to be linked to the two main factors in the war:

  1. Level of development of Russia-Iran relations, as strengthening of relations between the two countries could lead Moscow to set certain restrictions to Israeli activities in Syria and prevent it from targeting Iranian infrastructure in Syria. Furthermore, deepening of military cooperation between Moscow and Teheran. Specifically, if Russia had already supplied a part of the agreed 73 Su-35 (Su-35 Flanker M) fighters and V-generation rocket technology, it would mean an upgrade of Iranian offensive capabilities, which would increase the risk and Iranian threats to the security of Israel.
  2. Level of military and technical support that Israel can provide to Kiev. In February 2023, Israel’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Eli Cohen announced during his visit to Kiev, that Israel will assist Ukraine in development of smart early warning systems for detection of missiles. Truth be told, this system does not stand comparison with the Israel’s state of art Iron Dome system, on which Ukraine has been insisting since the outbreak of the war, while Israel in no way wishes to supply Ukraine with such systems.

In the early days of the war in 2022, then Israel’s Prime Minister Naftali Bennett led, in parallel to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a somewhat successful peace mission between Moscow and Kiev. However, as confirmed by the then Israel’s Prime Minister in February 2023, western powers had blocked the peace initiative[7].

Türkiye strengthens its geopolitical position at international level 

The Turkish policy to the war in Ukraine has managed to achieve a difficult formula of balancing between the wishes of the two belligerent parties. Türkiye reaffirmed the important geopolitical position it has for the West as an important NATO member country on one side, as well as the maintenance of beneficial economic and friendly relations with Russia on the other. International diplomatic efforts undertaken by Ankara during the war have also fostered the position of Türkiye as a powerful mediator between the West and Russia, because it had managed to persuade Russia regarding the benefits of the agreement on export of grain in July 2022, which was predominantly mediated by Ankara. Türkiye also hosted a rare meeting of directors of the US and Russian intelligence services in November 2022, prior to what Türkiye also assisted in the exchange of 270 prisoners between Russia and Ukraine. 

Before the outbreak of the war, Turkish policy aimed to ensure economic benefits in the form of continuous inflow of not just Russian tourists, but also Russian businessmen and investors, who could find in Türkiye a suitable business environment given the current situation in which Western sanctions have caused damage to Russian citizens as well. On the other hand, in lieu of the Western sanctions against Russia, the Turkish approach is an opportunity for Russia to maintain some important friendships in Europe, which is a useful channel for management of its tactical interests and an alternative to the closing of the European market. Furthermore, Türkiye is also an important hub for Russian export of energy. 

In general, Turkish policy of “balanced approach” to the war in Ukraine should be viewed in the context of efforts by Ankara to establish a foreign policy that is independent of the West, but at the same time also not hostile towards it. In the process Türkiye has no plans to withdraw from its strategic military alliance with the West. In fact, even the Turkish conditioning of its agreement to the integration of Sweden into NATO can be understood within the framework of Ankara’s aspirations that all NATO members take a positive stance on its national security. 

Ankara also does not intend to limit its elaborate economic relations with the West. In fact, Türkiye is already actively working on strengthening its security and economic relations with the Western partners, but also strives to diversify its relations in order to reduce the possibilities of being exposed to the pressures of its allies and adversaries equally. 

American (self)isolation

The United States made serious mistakes in the Middle East to the extent that they unwittingly undermined their hegemony and opted for isolation. This threatens to further reduce US influence, particularly in the Arab states in the Gulf, due to what the task of gaining trust of the region has been rendered more difficult. 

American (self)isolation has enormous consequences for the US leading role in the Middle East. This led to a vast vacuum of power. While Russia is striving to fill the vacuum in the countries such as Syria, Libya, Sudan, etc., regional powers such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Türkiye are aiming to achieve bigger influence within the former US interest zone. 

If countries in the region do not see an active role of the United States in security guarantees and are not reassured regarding the duration of US support (so that the chaotic withdrawal from Kabul in 2020 does not repeat), they will naturally have to seek other potential partners and allies. 

Special insight into the heart of democracy

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Special insight into the heart of democracy
During the Construction Day, the public was able to visit the renovation construction site of the Binnenhof in The Hague for the first time. A large part of the rooms that are normally not accessible to the ‘privileged’, including historical period rooms such as the Acts Chamber, the plenary room of the Senate and the Old Hall of the House of Representatives, were open to visitors of all ages.
There was even a real sandpit on the Opperhof for the young diggers and they could also let loose in the wood workshop, which was set up in the Statenhal of the House of Representatives.
The public had the unique opportunity to walk through the virtually deserted Binnenhof. Walking through the buildings of the Senate, the House of Representatives and the Council of State, visitors were given an explanation about the various building parts, the 800-year history of the Binnenhof and a small insight into what the Binnenhof will look like after the renovation to see.

The stained glass ceiling of the central hall of the Senate, designed by Herman Veldhuis (1878-1954) and executed in 1914 by glass workshop ‘t Prinsenhof in Delft, under the supervision of glazier Jan Schouten (1852-1937).

The ooh’s and the ah’s were not from the sky when seeing the splendor of the ancient building complex.The Central Government Real Estate Agency, the archeology department of the municipality of The Hague and the construction companies Heijmans, BURGY Bouwbedrijf, JP van Eesteren, Croonwolter&dros, Nico de Bont, Bouwpositie de Kroon (Homij and Koninklijke Woudenberg) and Van Hattum en Blankevoort proudly showed their commitment, expertise and ensure the preservation of more than 800 years of cultural heritage.

Tashkent International Investment Forum: History of creation and significance for the implementation of Uzbekistan’s Investment Policy

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Tashkent International Investment Forum: History of creation and significance for the implementation of Uzbekistan’s Investment Policy

By Oybek Khamrayev, Deputy Minister of Investment, Industry and Trade of the Republic of Uzbekistan

Since 2017, amid a wave of structural reforms affecting all areas of state and society without exception, the international community has unanimously called Uzbekistan a driving force in the region. During this time, the country has gone through an accelerated transformation of the economy and is increasingly appearing in the international community as one of the symbols of openness, innovation and determination in removing various barriers to business and investments.

The liberalization and modernization of the national economy has been carried out, the multiplicity of exchange rates has been eliminated, and the opportunity for unhindered currency conversion has been created. Investment activity is stimulated through the development of public-private partnership instruments and project financing. These measures are necessary to ensure accelerated growth of investments in infrastructure, which is a key factor in increasing investment attractiveness and sustainable economic growth.

The recognition of the country, its openness, aspirations for integration into the world trade, financial, and industrial circles finds positive responses and support from the global business community, including through the holding of new major international events in the country. The Tashkent International Investment Forum (TIIF) is one of such landmark events that allowed Uzbekistan to declare itself as a reliable, self–confident, promising partner in the international arena.

In order to further promote Uzbekistan as one of the promising countries for investment and business development in 2019, the issue of organizing the first TIIF was worked out. However, the COVID-19 pandemic and the related aspirations of various states to ensure stable health and safety of the population have made some adjustments to the international agenda of Tashkent, as a result of which the first TIIF was held in 2022, bringing together more than 1.5 thousand distinguished guests on its site. As a result, a package of contracts and investment agreements worth $7.8 billion was signed and preliminary agreements were reached on the implementation of projects worth $3.5 billion. Significant results and breakthrough agreements on the sidelines of the Forum steadily held the top positions in the international media for almost 2 weeks after the event.

In April 2023, the capital of Uzbekistan hosted the guests of the 2nd Tashkent International Investment Forum. This year it was attended by more than 2.5 thousand leading investors, officials, heads of large companies and holdings, financiers and experts in the field of economics from 70 countries, including the USA, Great Britain, Turkey, China, India, Egypt, the EU, CIS, Southeast Asia, the Middle East.

For comparison: last year, 1.5 thousand guests from 50 countries gathered in Tashkent at the TMIF-2022. This suggests that the interest of the international financial and business community in Uzbekistan has grown significantly and strengthened over the past year.

More than 30 events of various formats were held on the sidelines of the Forum: a plenary session attended by President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev, dozens of panel sessions and round tables, business breakfasts and B2B meetings. 

The experts had the opportunity to share their views and experience on various issues of the global and regional economic and investment agenda. In particular, the focus was on the development of e-commerce, the “green economy”, digital banking, the investment potential of the regions, the steps taken to industrialize the country and orient the industry to produce products with high added value, as well as the transformation of corporate governance in companies with state participation, energy sector projects, water resources management and other relevant topics.

According to experts, holding such a grandiose event in Uzbekistan is the result of consistent and comprehensive reforms implemented in the New Uzbekistan in recent years.

By the way, the topic of qualitative structural changes in the country was a red line both on the official agenda of the Forum and on the discussions on its sidelines. Significant steps were noted to radically improve the investment climate, create comfortable conditions for business, and deep institutional reforms that completely renewed the country’s image in the international arena. For 6 years, child labor has been completely eradicated in Uzbekistan, zero tolerance to corruption has been introduced, freedom of speech and religion has been guaranteed, private property has been protected, legality, interethnic peace and stability have been strengthened.

The speeches emphasized the country’s desire to become the best place for investment. To achieve this, a colossal work aimed at practical results has been carried out and continues.

All bureaucratic barriers that hindered the free activity of investors have been eliminated, a business-friendly fiscal system has been created, the total number of taxes has been reduced from 13 to 9, the value-added tax rate has been reduced from 20 to 12 percent. 

Foreign investors are exempt from taxes for a period of three years on dividends received from their shares, as well as from paying customs duties on raw materials and goods for more than 7 thousand items.

The processes of privatization of large banks, industrial and infrastructure facilities have been launched in the country, bringing the share of private financial organizations in the banking sector to at least 60%. Work is underway on the privatization of large state-owned companies in the mining, chemical, financial and telecommunications industries. Mechanisms of public-private partnership are being actively implemented.

In the course of the Administrative Reform initiated this year, the number of ministries was reduced from 61 to 28, more than 500 state functions for business regulation were canceled and transferred to the private sector.

At the Constitutional level, the State’s obligations to protect the rights of investors, ensure a favorable investment and business climate, the inviolability of property, the development of market relations, the creation of conditions for fair competition and the independence of the judicial system are enshrined. The State has assumed the obligation to ensure the rights of investors and guarantee their protection in court. From now on, investors do not need to prove the legality of their claims in court. On the contrary, now government agencies are obliged to prove the legality of their decisions. Administrative courts have been set up to ensure that any legal ambiguities that may arise between public institutions and private investors are interpreted in favor of investors.

Moreover, a completely new approach of working with foreign investors on the principle of “one window” has been introduced.

Uzbekistan is moving by leaps and bounds towards the “green economy”. Over the past three years, more than $8 billion has been attracted to the renewable energy sector. In particular, the world’s most influential companies, such as ACWA POWER, MASDAR, TOTAL EREN, are implementing large-scale solar and wind power projects in the country. In 2023, more than 2,000 MW will be commissioned, next year — 8000 MW. “Green Economy” creates new areas of industry, in particular, for the production of solar panels, wind turbines, inverters and other electrical products.

Small and medium-sized businesses are developing, where special attention is paid to supporting women’s entrepreneurship.

The Tashkent International Arbitration Court is being created, which will provide an additional level of protection for foreign investors in Uzbekistan.

The Council of Foreign Investors under the President of Uzbekistan has been established – the most important platform for the development of direct dialogue between foreign investors and the government aimed at continuously improving the investment and business climate. 

Negotiations on joining the World Trade Organization are actively underway. Import duties have already been reduced, and the harmonization of national legislation with international norms and standards is in full swing.

A visa-free regime has been introduced for citizens of almost 100 countries.

The effect of the reforms is obvious, and it was repeatedly voiced during the 2nd Tashkent International Investment Forum. Uzbekistan has firmly secured its status as the country with the most diversified economy in the region. In total, about 100,000 new enterprises were created in a year. The annual volume of foreign investments exceeded $11 billion, which is 3 times more than in 2017. About 1 million people have been lifted out of poverty, and the poverty level has been reduced from 17% to 14%. Just five years ago, this figure was above 30 percent.

Private investment boldly penetrates into previously purely state-owned industries. For example, in aviation, where 5 private companies have been created and the number of flights has increased 2.5 times. The Samarkand Airport has been transferred to external management. The airports of Andijan, Namangan, Bukhara and Urgench are next in line.

Reforms and openness inspire the confidence of major foreign partners. For example, the Islamic Development Bank is actively working on public-private partnership projects worth $1.5 billion without government guarantees. For the third year in a row, Uzbekistan is the largest recipient of the EBRD in Central Asia. The joint portfolio with the Bank today amounts to 3.3 billion euros and consists of 88 projects.

Here are some more facts. As a result of the reforms to create a favorable investment climate over the past 5 years, the volume of foreign investment in our economy has increased 10-fold and amounted to about $40 billion. The goal has been set to attract investments in the amount of at least $120 billion in the next 4 years.

Bold plans of Uzbekistan have been announced, made possible thanks to the trust of international investment circles. This includes, in particular, the introduction of separate programs in the amount of $14 billion in the framework of public-private partnerships in the fields of transport, housing and utilities, water management, and healthcare in 2023 alone.

The “thousand, thousand, forty” program for the privatization of state property will also be implemented, which means that state shares in 1,000 enterprises and another 1,000 state-owned real estate objects will be put up for public auction, and 40 enterprises of strategic importance for the economy – for gold and copper mining, telecommunications and insurance companies, banks will be put up for IPO.

Industrial development is being brought to a completely new level, especially in the production of building materials, textile, leather and footwear, electrical engineering, and machine-building industries. All of them have sufficient potential for a “huge breakthrough” and a doubling of production and exports.

Development is impossible without good neighbors. This was also discussed at the Forum. The speakers emphasized the deeply thought-out policy of Uzbekistan to strengthen good neighborliness in Central Asia for the further development of economic cooperation. At the initiative of Tashkent, joint investment funds are being organized, major regional projects are being implemented in the fields of industry, energy, transport and water management. The country is consistently increasing industrial and agricultural cooperation with its neighbors on the basis of the “complementarity” of national economies.

As experts noted during the Forum, our country has a number of unique advantages that turn the country into an attractive “investment hub”. First of all, this is a high human resource potential – 36 million people, over 60% of the educated youth under 30 years of age.

Secondly, the country occupies a strategic geographical position as a bridge connecting the West with the East, North with the South by main transit corridors. Broad trade and economic opportunities were also noted, in particular, the free trade regime with the CIS countries with a population of 300 million.

Broad trade and economic opportunities were also noted, in particular, the free trade regime with the CIS countries with a population of 300 million people, established trade mechanisms with South and Southeast Asia, the status of the beneficiary of the EU GSP+ system of preferences.

Moreover, Uzbekistan is among the top 20 countries in the world with huge reserves of many minerals. This is the 2nd place in the world in reserves of gold, 7th – copper, 8th – tungsten, 9th – silver, 12th – uranium.

But all these riches will not be useful if there is no responsible approach to their use for the benefit of development, if there is no targeted work with each investor, support and protection.

A high level of organization, mutually beneficial proposals, working cases – all that has already proved itself during the first TIIF, brilliantly showed its effectiveness this year. If 105 documents totaling $7.8 billion were signed on the sidelines of the first Forum, this year 164 agreements and contracts were signed during the TIIF-2023. Their total amount is estimated at $11 billion.

Among the large companies with which agreements have been concluded: Gezhouba investment (PRC), Cengiz Energy (Türkiye), AL Bawani Company and SAJCO (Saudi Arabia), LASSELSBERGER Group (Austria), DEWAN CEMENT (Pakistan), Mareven Food (Vietnam), Commerzbank AG, KfW IPEX-Bank, Landesbank (Germany), Cadila Pharmaceuticals (India) and others.

TIIF, having declared itself as a large-scale communication platform for strengthening and developing interregional and international ties, at the same time became a powerful catalyst for inter-country and interregional investment and foreign economic cooperation. The Forum has become a permanent platform for attracting foreign investment and modern technologies to the economy of both Uzbekistan and the entire Central Asian region, as well as identifying areas of mutual interest for establishing direct ties between entrepreneurs of the region and foreign business circles. All this is a reflection of Uzbekistan’s main aspirations: to continue the course of constructive reforms and achieve new heights.

10th Ibero-American Week of International Justice

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10th Ibero-American Week of International Justice

On 7 June 2023, the Opening Ceremony of the 10th Ibero-American Week of International Justice in The Hague (“the Week”) co-organized by the Ibero-American Institute of The Hague (IIH) and the International Criminal Court (ICC or Court) was held at ICC headquarters. The Week is an annual academic event that has consolidated itself as a benchmark event in Spanish in the field of international law. Due to the pandemic, the Week had not been held in person since 2019.  

The Opening Ceremony, which in previous editions was held at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) took place in Spanish in its entirety. The event, enlivened with live music financed by the Embassy of Spain, was attended by about 150 persons: representatives of States, international organizations, Latin American students, professors, judges and prosecutors, and members of civil society committed to the importance of both the influence of Spanish and the Ibero-American tradition in international justice.

ICC Registrar Osvaldo Zavala Giler. On 7 June 2023, the 10th edition of the Ibero-American Week of International Justice and Human Rights opened with a ceremony held at the Seat of the ICC in The Hague.

As the host, the ICC Registrar, H.E. Mr. Osvaldo Zavala Giler, opened the Ceremony: “As the first Latin American Registrar of the ICC, it is an honor and a pride to host the Opening Ceremony of the 10th Ibero-American Week of International Justice for the first time at the ICC.” The Registrar recalled that the Court has been supporting the activities of the week consistently during 10 years and highlighted the role of Latin American academia in the development, implementation and support of the system created by the Rome Statute. 

Attendees also listened to the words of Dr. Hector Olasolo, President of the IIH and Professor at the Universidad del Rosario (Colombia) who promoted and has coordinated the activities of the Week throughout this decade. “There are many people that have made it possible for the Ibero-American Week to have acquired the form and content that it presents today,” said Professor Olasolo, thanking, among others, the host state and the embassies of the Ibero-American countries for their support. “Their support, and provision of their facilities, has allowed us to consolidate, in this magnificent City of The Hague, a multicultural project such as Ibero-American Week, which is the best proof of the universal scope of international justice, and of the City of The Hague as its epicenter.”

This intervention was followed by that of Dr. Cristina Hoss, Legal Officer of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), who represented H.E. Mr. Philippe Gautier, Registrar of the ICJ and conveyed his remarks. In her speech, she recalled “the legacy of Ibero-American thought and legal traditions not only in international law, but also within the International Court of Justice” and reflected on “the future of Ibero-American legal thought and culture in today’s world – tormented by several international challenges”.

H.E. Ms. Silvia Fernández de Gurmendi, President of the Assembly of States Parties to the ICC on 7 June 2023, at the 10th edition of the Ibero-American Week of International Justice and Human Rights.

H.E. Ms. Silvia Fernández de Gurmendi, President of the Assembly of States Parties to the ICC, stressed in her speech: “This week, which consistently brings together Ibero-American states, is very important to strengthen the underlying values of the International Criminal Court. The universal aspiration of the Rome Statute system rests on respect for the diversity of regions and legal systems. Ibero-American countries have come together to promote their traditions, values and interests and, in doing so, they have contributed to furthering the global objectives of the Court and strengthening cooperation with its activities”.

This was followed by the intervention of H.E. Henk Cor van der Kwast, Ambassador of the Netherlands to the ICC and OPCW, who stated: “The Kingdom of the Netherlands firmly believes in promoting respect for international law and strengthening the rules-based international order (…). Your region and our Kingdom already have a strong record of cooperation in multilateral forums, and we continue to work on the development of the international legal order.”

H.E. Jaime Moscoso Valenzuela, Ambassador of Chile to the Netherlands . On 7 June 2023, the 10th edition of the Ibero-American Week of International Justice and Human Rights opened with a ceremony held at the Seat of the ICC in The Hague.

For his part, H.E. Jaime Moscoso Valenzuela, Ambassador of Chile to the Netherlands and current Coordinator of the Latin American and Caribbean Group (GRULAC), highlighted “the vitality of the Spanish language in the international legal context and the collective strength of Spanish-speaking countries in making its use visible and generalized”. Ambassador Moscoso reminded the crucial contribution of the countries of the region to the field of international Law, Human Rights and transitional Justice. “This reality encourages us to continue proposing that the use of Spanish be considered as a valid language for the pursuit of international justice and, therefore, that it be recognized in the statutes of the courts and tribunals,” he added.

On 7 June 2023, the 10th edition of the Ibero-American Week of International Justice and Human Rights opened with a ceremony held at the Seat of the ICC in The Hague.

H.E. Judge Luz Ibáñez Carranza, ICC’s First Vice-President, was the keynote speaker with her speech on the centrality of human rights in the field of international criminal justice : “The international criminal justice system of this Court is increasingly committed to the centrality of human rights. This task has never been easy and initially faced considerable resistance, as it was believed that only criminal or public international law criteria should be applied. Fortunately, this situation is changing and evolving, with an increasing consideration of human rights at stake. That is why it is important, that you young people, who have attended this great meeting and come from different parts of Latin America and the Iberian Peninsula, internalize the great battle that international justice has to fight and your great responsibility in the face of the values that sustain us as humanity that are consolidated in the current human rights.”

The 10th Ibero-American Week of International Justice provided a unique and enriching atmosphere for Spanish speakers with different academic activities, presentations of publications, seminars and discussions that took place at the headquarters of several Embassies, the ICC and the Hague University for Applied Sciences.

During the Week, in addition to the 8th Seminar on Ibero-American Thought, the preliminary hearings of the 10th Edition Spanish version of the ICC Moot Court Competition were held. These took place for the first time in person after the pandemic. They gathered 58 students from 11 Latin American countries. The final round took place on 7 June 2023 in the afternoon, also at the ICC headquarters. On the judge’s bench for this competition were ICC Vice-President Luz del Carmen Ibáñez Carranza, Judge Socorro Flores Liera and Judge Sergio Ugalde Godínez.

The National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) won the competition. The University of Buenos Aires (Argentina) and the University of Nariño (Colombia) won, respectively, second and third places. The award for the Best Speaker went to Julieta Valentina Ricagno of the University of Buenos Aires. 

ODIHR opens election observation mission to Uzbekistan

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ODIHR opens election observation mission to Uzbekistan

The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) today opened an election observation mission for the 9 July early presidential election in Uzbekistan, following an official invitation from the national authorities.

The mission is headed by Ambassador Urszula Gacek and consists of a core team of 11 international experts based in Tashkent and 24 long-term observers, who will be deployed throughout the country from 14 June. ODIHR will request 250 short-term observers, to arrive several days before election day.

The mission will assess the conduct of the election for its compliance with OSCE commitments and other international obligations and standards for democratic elections, as well as with national legislation.

Observers will closely monitor all aspects of the election, including pre- and post-election developments. Specific areas of focus include the implementation of the legal framework, the conduct of the campaign, including on social networks, the work of the election administration at all levels, election dispute resolution and media coverage. The observers will also assess the implementation of previous ODIHR election recommendations.

Meetings with representatives of state authorities, political parties, civil society, the media and the international community form an integral part of the observation.

An interim report will be published some two weeks prior to the election to update the public and the media on the observation mission’s activities. The day after the election, the mission’s preliminary findings and conclusions will be presented at a press conference. A final report with an assessment of the entire election process and containing recommendations will be published some months after the election.

His Majesty the King’s Address at the Annual Gala Dinner

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His Majesty the King’s Address at the Annual Gala Dinner

On Wednesday, June 14, 2023, the Royal Palace in Amsterdam witnessed the grandeur of the Annual Gala Dinner hosted by Their Majesties the King and Queen of the Netherlands. The distinguished gathering included Heads of Diplomatic Mission accredited to the Court of His Majesty and eminent Dutch Scientists and scholars.

The highlight of the event was the King’s speech, where the King’s address touched upon pressing global issues, celebrated collective achievements, and underscored the significance of dialogue and cooperation.

H.E. Mr. Roberto Calzadilla Sarmiento, Ambassador of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, the Ambassador of Estonia, H.E. Mr. Lauri Kuusing, Ms. Tanja Röling, Deputy Director Western Hemisphere – Minbuza, the Ambassador of Brazil, H.E. Mr. Paulo Roberto França. Caminha, H.E. Mr. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero, Ambassador of Uruguay, H.E. Mr. Mario Oyarzabal, Ambassador of Argentina, H.E. Ms. Anet Pino Rivero, Ambassador of Cuba, H.E. Mr. Juan Bautista Duran, Ambassador of the Dominican Republic, H.E. Mr. Rajendre Khargi, Ambassador of Suriname, Mr. Wilhen Diaz Lara, Charge d’affairs of Venezuela, H.E. Ms. Elizabeth Ward Neiman, Ambassador of Panama, Mr. Lesther Antonio Ortega Lemus, Charge d’affaires of Guatemala and H.E. Ms. Carolina Olarte Bácares, Ambassador of Colombia.

His Majesty highlighted the annual dinner as a gesture of appreciation for the vital role diplomats play in fostering understanding and cooperation. Acknowledging the importance of openness and dialogue, the King emphasized the necessity of knowing and listening to each other’s stories to prevent the world from becoming a threatening and desolate place.

Empathy for Global Concerns

The monarch exhibited a deep understanding of the challenges faced by the international community, especially in regions grappling with crises. “I’m thinking, for example, of the humanitarian crisis in the Sahel region, especially Sudan and neighbouring countries. Millions of people are fleeing the violence, living in fear and suffering from hunger. He declared.  

The King also reiterated unwavering support for the people of Ukraine, emphasizing the importance of upholding international law.

Facing Crises and Finding Solutions

While recognizing the myriad global crises, His Majesty shifted the focus to the positive aspects, highlighting instances where collective action overcame adversity. The King referenced the global response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the recent agreement on the High Seas Treaty as examples of international unity. He encouraged a similar collaborative approach to combat climate change. “I hope that we can also find the ability to bring momentum to the fight against climate change. The rapid rise of sustainable energy sources is encouraging.

Please allow me this small expression of national pride: the Netherlands is second only to Australia in its per capita generation of solar energy. Anyone who knows how changeable the weather is we have in this country may find that hard to believe. But it’s true.”

H.E. Ms. Susannah Hayden Gordon, Ambassador of New Zealand, H.E. Ms. Kateřina Sequensová, Ambassador of Czech Republic, H.E. Mr. Arnoldo Brenes Castro, Ambassador of Costa Rica and H.E. Ms. Beti Jacheva, Ambassador of North Macedonia.

Celebrating Academic Freedom and Innovation

In a unique twist, the King extended the discussion beyond diplomacy. “Wouldn’t it be wonderful if this evening made a small contribution to solutions? To help bring that about, we invited a special group of people to join us: Scientists and scholars in fields that are of great international importance. Climate, health, water, agriculture, nature and economics, but also law and philosophy.”

Emphasizing the importance of academic freedom and independence, the monarch paid tribute to the responsibility borne by scholars in guiding society towards a better future.

A Toast to Understanding and Cooperation

Concluding his address, His Majesty invited the guests to raise their glasses in a toast. The toast was dedicated “To understanding among nations and to our cooperation.” The sentiment encapsulated the essence of the evening — an acknowledgment of shared challenges, a celebration of collective achievements, and a commitment to fostering understanding and collaboration among nations.

The Ambassador of Estonia, H.E. Mr. Lauri Kuusing and the Ambassador of Panama, H.E. Ms. Elizabeth Ward Neiman.

Prosecutor Serge Brammertz Addresses the United Nations Security Council

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Prosecutor Serge Brammertz Addresses the United Nations Security Council

Arusha, The Hague, 12 June 2023 – Serge Brammertz, Prosecutor of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (Mechanism), today addressed the United Nations Security Council about the work of the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP).

Prosecutor Brammertz focused his remarks on recent developments following the submission of his written report on 15 May 2023.

He began by briefing the Security Council on the successful arrest of Rwandan fugitive Fulgence Kayishema on 23 May in Paarl, South Africa. The Prosecutor stated, “Kayishema’s arrest is a signal moment in the global effort to punish perpetrators of genocide.”

He noted that an arrest of a fugitive “renews faith in international justice,” as for the victims and survivors of Kayishema’s crimes, “[t]he wrongs they suffered thirty years ago can begin to now be put right.” In addition, this arrest demonstrated again the international community’s “determination to ensure that genocide is repressed and punished.”

Prosecutor Brammertz further highlighted the critical role played by United Nations Member States in the investigation and arrest. He informed the Security Council that the OTP “enjoyed the full and unreserved support of South African authorities, who established an operational task force to assist our investigations.” He also commended the support provided by Eswatini, whose authorities demonstrated exceptional dedication and cooperation, as well as Mozambique, whose Attorney General offered the full support of her office. He noted that as always, Rwandan authorities “made enormous contributions to our success.”

On behalf of the OTP, Prosecutor Brammertz extended “our deepest gratitude to these countries and others who cooperated with our investigation. The challenges were immense, and it was only by working so closely together that Kayishema was finally located and arrested.”

Prosecutor Brammertz then updated the Security Council on the recent appeal judgement in the final ICTY case, Stanišić and Simatović. He noted that the Appeals Chamber accepted the OTP’s arguments and found that both accused were criminally responsible as members of a joint criminal enterprise for a larger number of crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Stanišić and Simatović shared the intention with other Serbian, Croatian Serb and Bosnian Serb leaders to ethnically cleanse non-Serbs from large areas of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. They further contributed to the implementation of the joint criminal enterprise in important ways, particularly by supporting notorious paramilitary groups.

Reflecting on this result, Prosecutor Brammertz stated, “This judgement is a fitting final chapter in the work of the ICTY. Over thirty years of work, we were able to successfully prosecute senior political, military and police officials from all sides of the conflicts. We demonstrated that accountability for the most serious international crimes is possible, while also leaving as our legacy a record of what occurred.”

Prosecutor Brammertz also noted the recent decision in the Kabuga case. While explaining that the decision is not yet final and will likely be appealed, he stated, “What I can say at this point is that my Office believes the trial against Kabuga can and should be completed in a manner that is consistent with the rights of the accused.”

Looking forward, Prosecutor Brammertz informed the Security Council that “the Mechanism is actively planning its future as a true residual institution.” In this regard, he explained that for the OTP, in the coming years “our focus will in particular be on our mandate under Article 28(3) to assist national jurisdictions to continue the accountability process for international crimes committed in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia.” He noted that “there can be no question that much more justice still needs to be achieved at the national level”, highlighting that in Rwanda, “there are more than 1,000 fugitives to be prosecuted”, while in the former Yugoslavia, “national prosecutors still must deal with several thousand cases.” The OTP, he said, “plays a critical role in supporting this continued accountability process”, by which “Member States themselves take the lead in securing further justice and promoting peace.”

In conclusion, Prosecutor Brammertz reminded the Security Council that genocide denial and the glorification of war criminals remain significant concerns. He said, “The international community is determined to bring war criminals to trial. It should be equally committed to promoting the truth after those trials are completed.”

Berlin reception for 19 chefs de mission 

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Berlin reception for 19 chefs de mission 

Friday, 29 May 2023, Berlin, Germany: In the iconic Red City Hall of the City-State of Berlin, Governing Mayor Kai Wegner hosted nineteen recently accredited ambassadors in Germany for a reception meant to become acquainted with the foreign envoys.  

Kai Wegner (b. 1972) took office as governing mayor on 27 April 2023, and hence this reception was of particular importance for him; being the first Christian Democrat to helm the city-state of Berlin since Eberhard Diepgen left the same office in 2001. Previously Governing Mayor Wegner had served as a member of the German federal parliament from 2005 to 2021. In 2019, he became the chairman of the CDU in Berlin, and leader of the opposition in the Chamber of Deputies. 

Dariusz Pawłoś (Republic of Poland); Ilham Ahmed (Republic of Sudan); Jean-Paul Senninger (Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg); Lanka Muthukumarana (Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka); Dr. Nurlan Onzhanov (Republic of Kazakhstan).

In total 158 foreign powers are currently represented through diplomatic missions in Berlin, Germany. 

For further information:
The Governing Mayor of Berlin: https://www.berlin.de/rbmskzl/

Picture by Landesarchiv / Wunstorf

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