Coronavirus crisis: extension of temporary lease is possible

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Coronavirus crisis: extension of temporary lease is possible

By Reinier W.L. Russell, LL.M.

The corona crisis can make it extra difficult to find a new home or a new tenant after the expiry of a temporary lease. In this context one must think, for example, of quarantine, extra shifts for health care workers and redundancy as a result of which people have no time or money for removal. However, when a temporary lease is extended, this will result in a lease for an indefinite period. Many landlords do not want this. As a temporary emergency measure, the temporary law for the extension of temporary leases allows an extension for a limited period of time. What does this law entail?
 

Which leases fall under the Emergency Act?

The scheme applies to leases ending after 31 March 2020 and before 1 July 2020. Both the tenant and the landlord can make a proposal to extend the lease by one, two or three months. The extension may last until 1 September 2020 at the latest. The tenant has to make a proposal for extension within one week after the landlord has notified the tenant of the end date of the lease.
Please note: If the landlord does not report the end date on time, the lease will be extended for an indefinite period of time by operation of law. This notification obligation does also apply to the extended lease.

Did the landlord give notice of the end of the lease before the law entered into force? In that case, the tenant may still submit a request of extension within one week of the entry into force of the law. The parties may also decide by mutual agreement to extend the lease for a few months, without causing a lease for an indefinite period.

If the corona crisis continues, the law provides for the possibility of extending this measure. In that case, also leases that end before 1 October 2020 may fall under the law. Temporary leases that had already been extended under the law may then be extended again.
 

When may the landlord refuse an extension?

If the tenant makes a proposal, the landlord may refuse for one of the following grounds:

  1. The property has been sold to a third party and needs to be delivered empty.
  2. The property has already been re-let and the new lease will take effect before the requested term for extension.
  3. The landlord wants to live in the property and does not have any other residential property.
  4. The landlord wants to renovate the property and has made arrangements with third parties to deliver the property empty before the expiry of the requested term for extension.
  5. The landlord has arranged with third parties that the property will be delivered empty in connection with demolition at a date before the expiry of the requested term for extension.
  6. The landlord may also refuse extension if the tenant has not behaved like a good tenant.

For the first five grounds, the landlord must have made arrangements before 1 April 2020. The sixth reason explicitly includes the abuse of the corona crisis by the tenant, when the tenant pays less or no rent and there is not inability to pay. The landlord must notify the tenant of the refusal in writing within one week.
 

What to do if the landlord refuses extension?

If the landlord invokes one of the six grounds for refusal, the tenant may request the court to extend the lease. If the landlord refuses to extend the lease by the period of time requested by the tenant on a different ground than the six grounds mentioned, the landlord must take the matter to court. The landlord must demonstrate that he/she has a substantial interest in an earlier termination of the lease. As long as the court has not decided on the extension, the lease continues to exist. It is not possible to lodge an appeal against the decision of the court.
 

More information?

Do you have any questions about the emergency law on temporary leasing? Would you like to learn more about how to limit the impact of the corona crisis on your real estate? Please contact Reinier W.L. Russell, LL.M. (reinier.russell@russell.nl)

A Ministry of Common Affairs?

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A Ministry of Common Affairs?

By Barend ter Haar.

In the late 1800s, almost all issues that governments had to deal with were internal affairs. Foreign affairs were little more than trade and international security.

Since then, the world has fundamentally changed. In 1900, only about 250 million people earned more than the bare minimum. That number has now grown to almost 7 billion.[1] But this enormous economic progress has given rise to new challenges of a comparable magnitude.  

Scientific and technological progress have made it possible to increase the average real per capita income of the world population by 500%.[2] The use of advanced technologies, however, is not necessarily always in our best interest. Biotechnology and artificial intelligence, for example, present mankind with unprecedented ethical dilemmas. 

Even more difficult are the challenges posed by our environment because we are using natural resources at an unprecedented scale with little or no attention to the long-term consequences for the environment, nature and climate.

What all these challenges have in common is that they have a direct impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. Therefore, they are “internal” affairs, not “foreign” affairs. What they also have in common, however, is that addressing them effectively requires close cooperation at international level. Dealing with them as “internal” affairs on a national base will not suffice.[3]

Governments are thus confronted with major problems that neither fit in the concept of “internal” affairs, nor in the concept of “foreign” affairs. However, like many other governments, the Dutch government is still organised in the same way as in the late 1800s, as if every problem is either an “internal” affair or a “foreign” affair. Ministries that deal with “internal” issues such as public health, public transport and public education still believe that their responsibility stops at the Dutch border.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has added aid and European cooperation to its traditional tasks, but still shows little interest in global public goods such as health and education. As a result, the Dutch government, like many other governments, was ill-prepared for the Covid-19 crisis, which requires international cooperation in areas beyond traditional foreign affairs.[4]

What to do? Renaming Ministries of Foreign Affairs into Ministries of Common Affairs will not suffice, but it might be a symbolic beginning.

[1] As the world population grew from 1.65 billion in 1900 to about 7.63 billion in 2018, the number of people living in extreme poverty decreased from about 1400 million to 736 million. The number of people with an income above the poverty line therefore grew from about 250 million in 1900 to about 6.9 billion now.

[2] The output of the world economy, adjusted for inflation, grew from 3.4 trillion in 1900 to 101 trillion in 2013.https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/world-gdp-over-the-last-two-millennia

[3] Illustrated by the UK’s post-Brexit decision to seek “something akin to membership” of the EU’s early warning and response system (EWRS). See https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2020/may/02/uk-seeks-access-to-eu-health-cooperation-in-light-of-coronavirus

[4] https://www.trouw.nl/zorg/kabinet-negeerde-adviezen-over-pandemie-aanpak

One hundred years of Spanish – Edith Bergansius and the Asociación Hispánica de La Haya

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One hundred years of Spanish – Edith Bergansius and the Asociación Hispánica de La Haya

With her legendary energy and her usual bright attitude, Edith Bergansius talks to Diplomat Magazine about the 100thAnniversary of the Hispanic Association of the Hague, as well as about her life-long involvement in the Spanish language.

Ms. Bergansius’ outstanding commitment towards Spanish started when she was 18 years old. At the time, she was living with an Anglo-Dutch family in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, for education purposes. During an excursion, the tour-guide recommended her to visit Spain: “back in Europe, you should visit Madrid, it is an extraordinary city”. This suggestion was enough for Edith, who, after having spent five months in Brazil, decided to get in touch with a Dutch-diplomat family in Madrid, where she worked as a tutor for their kids. At the same time, she started learning Spanish in an academy downtown Madrid. 

After a few trips to Vienna to improve her German, Ms. Bergansius immersed herself in the Spanish world, travelling to Ecuador and Peru, where she worked as an English teacher. After coming back to The Hague, she then started working at the Embassy of Uruguay, before taking a post at Noordeinde Palace, where he collaborated for the preparation of the King of Spain’s visit to Queen Juliana.

The investiture of Queen Beatrix – Ms. Bergansius says – “was one of the greatest souvenirs of that time”. 

Following this post, she became Secretary of the Ambassador of Spain in The Hague, and she started her membership at the Hispanic Association. 

Besides following courses of Spanish Studies at Leiden University and the British Open University to get a BA, Ms. Bergansius also studied to become translator and interpreter, as well as many courses in Spanish and Latin American culture and literature.

Then, the call from the Hispanic Association came. “My predecessor at the Asociación Hispánica, professor and historian Chris Nigten, approached me in 2004, when he was looking for a person to replace him”, Ms Bergansius recalls. “In 2005, I followed the necessary training in Utrecht, with Carlos Fuentes as a key speaker, and I ended up as President of the Association in February 2006.” 

“Of course, the position – especially at the beginning – was a big responsibility. But along the way, I got used to it.  My model was my father, a lawyer who during his life held endless honorary positions, such as being president of the Artillery Association of The Hague for 17 years and then honorary president until his death.”

Edith Bergansius, President of The Hague Spanish Association.

Edith Bergansius is a major point of reference for the Spanish language and culture community in The Hague, and she is also a key partner to embassies of Spanish-speaking countries, thanks to her engagement in promoting the Spanish language and the culture by organizing countless cultural events attended by hundreds of guests. 

Even in a short overview, we can remember many events organized by Ms. Bergansius, dealing with a wide range of topic: from the poems of Gabriela Mistral at her 130th anniversary, to Ida Vitale and Pablo Neruda, to the histories of Horacio Quiroga, the works of the Uruguayan painter Luis Alberto Solari during his centenary, the 500 years of La Habana, conferences from prestigious academic institutions like the Complutense University about the 80 Years War in Spain; but also, a lecture of Ernesto Sabato, a screening of the Guatemalan film “Donde nace el sol” (“Where the sun rises”), a conference about the Cuban National hero Jose Marti during his 163rd anniversary, a discussion by a journalist from the Spanish newspaper El Pais, as well as visits to museums, reading groups and more. And, in addition to this, one cannot forget Ms. Bergansius’ contribution to the Catholic community, including her activity at the Nunciature and her participation to the choral every Sunday.

“Every year I go back to Madrid to visit my friend from the Madrid academy in 1969” – Ms. Bergansius told us. Over the years, Edith Bergansius received recognitions and honours from many embassies. One of the most important was the Cruz de Oficial Isabel la Católica, which she received from Spain in 2013, owing to her support in spreading the language and culture of Spanish-speaking countries. “When I became president of the association, together with the director of Cervantes, Isabel Claro Lorda Vidal, we kick-started Spanish courses, which still exist today” – she recalls. 

“The numerous members of the Hispanic Association of The Hague, as well as numbers of native Spanish speakers, attend every event and activity, benefiting from the knowledge and the spirit of fraternity that characterize such events. Thanks to the board of director for their support for almost 13 years in organizing this. Thanks to Montse Barbera, our Secretary, Xander the treasurer, Peggy the webmaster, thanks to Prof Inzaurralde, thanks to all” – Ms. Bergansius concluded.

Diplomat Magazine congratulates the Hispanic Association for its 100th anniversary and wishes Edith Bergansius many years of success.  

Photography by Naldo Peverelli for Diplomat Magazine.

Addressing a Global Challenge from The Hague

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Addressing a Global Challenge from The Hague

By Her Majesty Queen Noor, Dowager Queen of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

Climate change has created challenges – including natural disasters, conflict over resources, and irregular mass migration – that compound deep-seated problems already facing the global community. This can seem overwhelming, yet, just as danger is generated by a world in flux, human ingenuity and resolve can deliver effective responses. And these responses can often be located at source – by addressing social, political, cultural and environmental issues, we can off-set geopolitical challenges further down the line. 

For much of my adult life I have worked to promote sustainable development, cross-cultural understanding and conflict prevention and recovery. My work in Jordan and the Arab world has focused on national and regional human security in areas such as education, conservation, poverty eradication, human rights and family and refugee health.

Initiatives advanced by the Noor Al Hussein and King Hussein Foundations have introduced best practice programs addressing women, youth and community empowerment, microfinance, and health, as well as the arts as a medium for social development and cross-cultural exchange. Internationally, I have focused on climate change and environmental conservation, refugees and Middle East peacebuilding, disarmament, and human security through various organizations and institutions and a stint as a UN expert advisor on implementation of the Millennium Development Goals. 

My Princeton degree in Architecture and Urban Planning, no doubt, has influenced my unorthodox, more holistic, integrated approach to the resolution of any of these distinct challenges over the past 40 years. This has certainly been the hallmark of the most successful post-conflict recovery work in the field of missing persons, a global challenge that I first became acquainted with when I visited the Balkans in 1996 to bring aid from Jordan to the survivors of the Srebrenica genocide. Since then, I have worked closely with families of the missing from Srebrenica and the Western Balkans as a Commissioner of the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP).

For more than two decades, ICMP has been helping countries and communities to respond – systematically and effectively – to the challenge of large numbers of missing persons. In 2015, ICMP moved its Headquarters to The Hague, where it is an active member of the diplomatic and intergovernmental community in the City of Peace.

Although it was established in 1996 to help authorities in the Western Balkans account for the 40,000 people who were missing as a result of the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, in 2003, ICMP’s mandate was expanded, enabling it to work throughout the world and to deal with the issue of missing persons arising from disasters, human rights abuses, organized crime, irregular migration and other causes, as well as conflict.

In 2015, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Belgium and Luxembourg were the founding signatories to the Agreement on the Status and Functions of the ICMP, and it was under the terms of the Agreement that the organization established its new Headquarters in The Hague.

There are many reasons to choose the Netherlands as a base of operations. Logistics and efficient infrastructure, of course – not to mention the extraordinarily positive character of Dutch society and the Dutch people. ICMP’s move to The Hague, however, was determined by a more specific consideration. Its mandate to secure the cooperation of governments required its relocation to a diplomatic hub. As an intergovernmental organization with a global remit, The Hague is ICMP’s natural home.

Today, ICMP has programs in the Western Balkans, Iraq, Syria, Colombia and Mexico. It is also working to address the issue of missing Mediterranean migrants. In addition to its country programs, ICMP deploys cross-cutting core programs in and from its Hague Headquarters. Institution and Civil Society Development, Science & Technology, Data Systems & Data Coordination, and Assistance to Justice, are complemented by ICMP’s Center for Excellence and Learning (CEL), which facilitates the transfer of knowledge and expertise to government and civil society stakeholders around the world. In September this year, the CEL was formally named after the late Wim Kok, the former Dutch Prime Minister, who died in October 2018 and who had been an ICMP Commissioner since 2002. 

The Commissioners wanted to honor Wim Kok because not only did he bring remarkable energy and commitment to ICMP’s mission, as an experienced political leader he consistently made the case for a systemic response to the complex global challenge of missing persons.

In the Balkans, ICMP led an effort that has made it possible to account for more than 70 percent of those who were missing, including 7,000 of the 8,000 who went missing after the fall of Srebrenica in July 1995. The legacy of missing persons in other countries is even greater – as many as 100,000 may be missing from the conflict in Syria, more than 100,000 from the conflict in Colombia, between 250,000 and one million missing in Iraq – and this is just a snapshot. Societies across Africa and Asia are struggling to address huge numbers missing as a result of conflict, migration and disaster. 

The nature and the scale of the problem goes far beyond a short-term, humanitarian response. It has to be tackled in an integrated and sustained way over a long period and it has to have the needs and aspirations of victims at its center. I know this from my own experience.  

I have been in mass graves. I am still haunted by the memory. But I have also witnessed the courage and determination of those who were bereaved by those mass graves. Working for more than two decades with the Mothers of Srebrenica, I have witnessed and supported their proactive and resolute search for justice and truth.

The experience of families in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been mirrored across the Western Balkans and indeed across the world, where conflict or disaster or other causes have resulted in large numbers of missing persons.

The need for truth, the need for justice is universal, and survivors will work across ethnic, religious, political and economic divides – often more willingly and creatively than their political representatives – in order to establish what happened to the missing and to secure justice. 

Societies recovering from trauma will not make progress as long as large numbers of people are missing. Peace building efforts will be confounded as long as families of the missing do not know the fate of their loved ones. Governments will not secure and maintain the confidence of citizens if they fail to uphold the right to truth, to justice, and to compensation.

ICMP has developed an approach that is fundamentally embedded in upholding the rule of law and this is one of the things that make its mandate so distinct.

In November 2018, at the Peace Forum organized by French President Emmanuel Macron, ICMP unveiled a set of eight Paris Principles derived from the Declaration on the Role of the State in Addressing the Issue of Persons Missing as a Consequence of Armed Conflict and Human Rights Abuse, which was signed by four heads of government from Southeast Europe in the summer of 2014.

The Paris Principles assert that resolving the fate of missing and disappeared persons and protecting persons against disappearance are integral to fulfilling the responsibility of states to support peace, reconciliation and social cohesion, and are key elements in upholding basic human rights. The Principles highlight the fact that missing persons investigations must be capable of establishing the facts, and that cooperation among states and international institutions is indispensable. They also emphasize that persons who go missing or are victims of enforced disappearance are entitled to protection under the law, regardless of citizenship or residence status, and that all measures to address the issue of missing migrants, for example, must uphold and advance the rule of law.

Accounting for the missing is a moral obligation, but it is also – and this is crucial – a legal obligation; fulfilling this obligation advances and strengthens the rule of law. This is ICMP’s operating principle: it is a principle entirely consistent with the ethos embraced by the community of organizations that, like ICMP, have their Headquarters in The Hague.   

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Her Majesty Queen Noor is an international public servant and advocate for cross-cultural understanding and conflict prevention and recovery issues such as refugees, missing persons, poverty, climate change and disarmament. Her peace-building work has focused on the Middle East, the Balkans, Central and Southeast Asia, Latin America and Africa. Her Majesty has been a Commissioner of the International Commission on Missing Persons since June 2001.

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Photography by Helene Wiesenhaan/Getty Images for IMCP.

Just a diplomatic spouse

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Just a diplomatic spouse

By Alexandra Paucescu.

When it comes to trailing diplomatic spouses, as we are most often called, it seems there are quite a lot of clichés, inspired of course also by decades of Hollywood glamour.

Most movies still picture us, the life partners of Foreign Office servants, as ever smiling, glamourous women, an epitome of elegance and grace, perfect housewives, polite hosts, raising perfect children, drinking cocktails at sophisticated parties every night… ‘la dolce vita’!

Indeed, looking from outside it is definitely a privileged life. You get to see the world, meet lots of interesting and powerful people, and have lifetime experiences. You live in a protected world, that gives you immunity, only diplomatic though… not for your feelings and soul!

There is certainly more to it than just tax-free, nice housing, less parking tickets and a special status, and it is not always that idyllic, as people often think. ‘Worry free’ life, they say…

I also remember someone asked me once, half joking but half serious: ‘Oh, you have diplomatic immunity, so you basically could kill me and get away with it?’… Another example of the totally wrong ideas people might have about us.

Besides the obvious advantages (though most of them clearly exaggerated by people outside this circle) there is a whole roller coaster of emotions and mixed feelings. The fact that you move every couple of years to a completely new country puts you under an enormous amount of stress. After all, moving is rated as the third most stressful situation in life, after death of someone close and divorce.

Everything you knew and was familiar to you is suddenly gone: new house, new rules, new language, new neighbours…You’ve got to be strong to adapt, to get to know the insides of this kind of life and be able to make the best out of it. When you move you leave not only your family and friends behind, but also, most often, your job and career. Let’s be honest, regardless of the high academic level and training, that most of diplomatic wives have, many of us are still regarded as ‘housewives’, which try to reinvent themselves and try to stay professionally relevant.

Some of us do freelance, consulting work, some became recognized bloggers and influencers or do volunteer work, myself included. But don’t be fooled by appearances… most of the time this professional reconversion may be quite difficult, tedious and not all that successful.

I recently put down on paper my thoughts and adventures, as a diplomatic spouse over the last more than ten years. My book, ‘Just a diplomatic spouse’ (available on Amazon), is a collection of events, rules of diplomatic protocol and ranking, advices to other women at the beginning of a similar journey, funny stories and deep emotions.

Most of our life as diplomatic wives, we are completely associated with our husbands, the ‘plus one’ on the invitations, highly regarded or not, many times only depending on our husbands’ diplomatic rank. Few people bother to see behind the titles…

But we are not just diplomatic spouses, we are educated women from all over the world, we dedicate our time and efforts to best represent our countries, setting sometimes our own dreams and aspirations aside, giving up a certain level of esteem and recognition that society most often shows when you are a professionally accomplished person. We may not have any officially acknowledged titles but we always have the best intentions at heart and the desire to honour our origins and homeland.

One should never underestimate the diplomatic power of spouses!

About the author:

Alexandra Paucescu

Alexandra Paucescu- Romanian, Management graduate with a Master in Business,  studied Cultural Diplomacy and International Relations.

She speaks Romanian,  English,  French,  German and Italian. Turned diplomatic spouse by the age of 30, she published a book about diplomatic life, writes articles and also gives lectures on intercultural communication.

Judicial cooperation: it all starts with trust

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Judicial cooperation: it all starts with trust

By Ladislav Hamran, President of Eurojust.

A fellow prosecutor recently reminded me of what it was like to send out a request for judicial cooperation to another European country some twenty years ago. “I felt a bit like Robinson Crusoe”, he said. “It seemed like putting a message in a bottle and throwing it in the sea, not knowing where it would end up and when. Luckily we now have Eurojust.” To me, this perfectly illustrates the incredible progress we have made in the field of judicial cooperation since then. 

When I started working as a prosecutor over two decades ago, crime was much more confined within national borders than it is today. As a consequence, so were prosecutors and judges. Whenever there was a need to work together, we had to rely on lengthy, often unpredictable diplomatic channels. We stayed within our own borders, followed our own legal procedures and faced many challenges in the exchange of information and evidence. In an increasingly globalised world, we knew that something had to change. Organised crime and terrorism started to rapidly expand across borders and the need for better cooperation between EU Member States became ever more apparent.

Eurojust

It was with great foresight that the European Council decided to step up judicial cooperation and create Eurojust back in 1999. The EU Heads of State and Government clearly understood that providing a safe and secure environment to live, work and trade together is one of the core tasks of the European Union. Moreover, they understood that cross-border cooperation between judges and prosecutors was going to be a crucial factor in holding criminals accountable for their acts and giving victims of crime the justice that they deserve.   

The role of Eurojust is to facilitate this cooperation. We share our unique expertise with national authorities through legal advice and analytical support. We assist with the execution of European Arrest Warrants (EAWs) and European Investigation Orders (EIOs). We set up coordination meetings, allowing prosecutors from different countries to meet in person and agree on the most effective prosecution strategy. We organise coordination centres, enabling the execution of arrests, searches and seizures in several countries at the same time during joint action days. Furthermore, we provide legal, practical and financial support to Joint Investigation Teams in major cross-border cases. 

Trust

At Eurojust’s premises in The Hague, you will find prosecutors from 27 EU Member States and 8 third countries working together under one roof. In many of our cases, they join forces with Eurojust Contact Points located in 52 countries all over the world. Each of these legal professionals comes from a different national jurisdiction, with its own legal system, customs, traditions and practices. So how do we manage to bridge the gap between so many different jurisdictions? How do we make judicial cooperation work in this highly complex playing field? 

Whenever I am asked about the secret of our success, I limit my answer to one simple word: trust. Trust means making the conscious decision to work together despite of our differences. It means respecting each other’s sovereignty and being open to compromise. It means acknowledging that we may have different ways of working, but all share the same ambition of protecting our citizens and making this world a safer place. 

At the same time, establishing trust cannot be done overnight. It is a delicate process that requires tact and, above all, diplomacy. In fact, one can easily argue that 50% of our work at Eurojust is based on our legal expertise and the other 50% on judicial diplomacy. Our support may take the shape of a highly detailed legal analysis, but can equally be as practical as providing translation by specialised interpreters to make sure that prosecutors and judges can communicate freely with each other. It is therefore only fitting that Eurojust is located in the City of Peace and Justice, where we have created the right environment to foster dialogue and remove practical barriers to cooperation. 

Progress

I am convinced that the careful cultivation of trust through judicial diplomacy is at the root of the major progress we have seen in the field of judicial cooperation in the past two decades. Because of the increased trust between countries, the efforts to fight cross-border organised crime and terrorism have moved from individual to joint, from isolated to coordinated, and from local to regional or even global. 

In parallel with this increase in trust, we witness a continuous growth of Eurojust’s casework. In 2019 alone, we dealt with more than 8 000 cases – a 17% increase compared to the year before. These are not just numbers, because each case has a direct impact on the safety of our citizens. Making it concrete: in one years’ time, Eurojust’s support contributed to the arrests of nearly 2700 suspects, the seizure or freezing of €2 billion in criminal assets and the end of drug trades worth €2.7 billion. 

It is fair to conclude that what we do at Eurojust works. The level of judicial cooperation we have achieved in the EU is unprecedented and we regularly receive prosecutors and judges from all over the world who want to learn from our experience. I sincerely hope that our model will form a blueprint for similar cooperation in other continents, making it easier for judicial authorities to join forces at a global level.

Looking ahead 

While I am incredibly proud of what we have achieved so far, I am also acutely aware of the many challenges still ahead of us. Digitalisation, for instance, is profoundly affecting the criminal justice field. On a global level, cybercrime is the most rapidly expanding form of organised crime. Becoming a victim of cybercrime is no longer a remote risk and geopolitical tensions may well have repercussions for our virtual security. But digitalisation is not just a catalyst of cross-border crime, it is also part of the solution. The coming year will be decisive for Eurojust’s Digital Criminal Justice initiative, with which we aim to give prosecutors across the EU the modern digital tools they need to work together even better. 

Further globalisation is equally inevitable. It will not only lead to an increasing interconnectedness in the political, economic and cultural domain, but also have a significant impact on how easily criminals join forces and what we can do to stop them. Eurojust will continue to bring together prosecutors and judges from all over the world. Our goal is to carefully cultivate trust amongst them, with full respect for each other’s national jurisdictions and legal traditions. Judicial diplomacy plays a key role in this process, and I consider it an absolute privilege to be working closely together with the diplomatic community in The Hague.

By promoting the work of Eurojust and connecting us to the judicial authorities in their home countries, our colleagues from the embassies and international organisations are making a vital contribution to ensuring that justice is done. I can only hope to continue this excellent cooperation in the future.    

Classical Encounters goes online on Sunday, May 17

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Classical Encounters goes online on Sunday, May 17

A chamber music festival – can it be done digitally? The new reality in which we’ve suddenly found ourselves is challenging us to find new possibilities. We want to investigate what still remains possible, or rather: what has now become possible?

As musical pioneers of the “new normal”, Classical Encounters has decided to rise to the occasion. The festival, which has always looked for connection, will also embrace the online encounter! After all, music creates connection and offers solace, elements that are indispensable for both musicians and listeners, especially in these trying times. That’s why Classical Encounters is elated and excited to announce its first digital edition: Classical Encounters Online. 

Violonist 
Eva Stegeman, the founder and artistic director of Classical Encounters

Artistic director Eva Stegeman invites everybody who has a monitor and an internet connection to join us for a digital festival on Sunday, May 17, live from the Lourdes Church in The Hague. During the live stream, which will last from noon until six pm, you will be treated to non-stop concerts, brief introductions, a short lecture, interviews, and surprising musical intermezzos, all presented by Dieuwertje Blok.

The online version will be unified under the theme Variations, which was the original theme of the offline edition that was supposed to take place from May 13-17. 

Famous pianist Kit Armstrong who is a regular guest in the serie Masterpianists in the Concertgebouw.

The young master pianist Kit Armstrong will perform in his local church in Northern France, playing Bach’s Goldberg Variations. The Rembrandt Frerichs Trio will be playing in the Lourdes Church with their own program, just like Erik Bosgraaf and Ernst Reijseger, who will present a program of Bach-inspired improvisation. The Nexus String Quartet (Pieter van Loenen, Eva Stegeman, Hannah Strijbos, Sietse-Jan Weijenberg) will perform – from the Lourdes Church – Beethoven’s String Quartet op.74 ‘Harp’ as well as a new piece for string quartet – a world premiere – composed by Rembrandt Frerichs. 

We have also compiled a series of short concerts specifically for this online edition. In ‘Carte blanche for…’, you will hear a number of leading musicians. Violist Sylvia Huang (finalist Queen Elisabeth Competition 2019) will travel to The Hague and play a solo sonata by Ysaÿe. From across Europe, musicians who are much-appreciated guests of our festival will join the live stream from their homes. Violist Gordan Nikolic will play from his living room in Antwerp, cellist Ursula Smith will treat us to Sibelius from England and, from his home in Rosmalen, percussionist Jeroen Geevers will play, among others, the theatrical piece Case History – for one percussionist with trunk.

Our festival will be enriched with several short segments. Leo Samama provides short introductions and will deliver a miniature lecture. Edwin Rutten will offer us some musical solace with his hourly segment ‘My musical medicine cabinet’.

Classical Encounters, Chamber Music Festival May 2020

Talent Support has been an important part of Classical Encounters since its founding in 2003. The eleven-year-old violist Adinda van Delft and the 11-year-old recorder player Christiaan Blom will play live from the Lourders Church. Also, a number of young singers from the Academy of Vocal Arts in The Hague will take the stage, led by their artistic director Daniëlle van Lieshout.

All who want to join the festival on May 17 can simply navigate to the festival website. The live stream is available free of charge. Visitors can choose to buy a virtual festival ticket by way of making a donation.

The program is available at www.classicalencounters.nl, which is where you can join our festival as well. 

About Classical Encounters

Classical Encounters is the international chamber music festival in the region of The Hague and Leiden. Since its establishment in 2003, Eva Stegeman has curated a surprising and refreshing program every year, with concerts that are characterized by innovative and touching encounters between musicians and audience. The (analog) edition of Classical Encounters was originally planned for May 13-17. 

Le français…mais pourquoi donc?

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Le français…mais pourquoi donc?

Par S. Exc. M. Philippe Couvreur, Juge ad hoc et ancien Greffier de la Cour internationale de Justice.

On ne peut que se féliciter que Diplomat Magazine, dont le nombre de lecteurs n’a cessé de croître, et qui est désormais diffusé dans l’ensemble du Bénélux, ait décidé d’ouvrir ses colonnes, de façon plus pérenne que par le passé, à des contributions en langue française. L’auteur de ces lignes se sent honoré d’avoir été invité à participer au lancement de cette heureuse initiative.

Aucune occasion n’eût pu être plus opportune pour rappeler brièvement comment, historiquement, le français a émergé et s’est progressivement répandu, non seulement comme grande langue de culture, mais aussi comme langue par excellence de la diplomatie et du droit, et d’exposer pourquoi il est aussi juste que nécessaire qu’il garde aujourd’hui une place de choix dans ces domaines, aux côtés d’autres langues.

Nul ne contestera qu’une « langue » est – et doit être – , comme telle, bien plus qu’un simple moyen de communication, comme l’a si à propos observé la philologue et académicienne Barbara Cassin. La langue est l’instrument privilégié de l’élaboration et de l’expression d’une pensée, elle-même toujours en interaction avec un contexte culturel donné. La phrase fameuse de Hegel, selon laquelle « c’est dans les mots que nous pensons », n’avait d’autre objet que de formuler, de façon ramassée, cette évidence. La pensée ne peut, tout naturellement, qu’être marquée par les concepts et les mots que la langue choisie met à sa disposition et, en définitive, lui impose. 

Utiliser une langue déterminée à l’effet d’exprimer une idée n’est partant jamais une démarche neutre. Si la langue infléchit la pensée, celle-ci influe aussi indubitablement sur celle-là, si bien qu’elles sont toujours inextricablement liées.

Il s’ensuit que le multilinguisme, loin de constituer un facteur de fragmentation et d’ériger des frontières, est un puissant instrument d’ouverture de l’esprit, d’intelligence et d’écoute d’autrui, générateur d’échanges authentiques et responsables, et donc d’enrichissement général dans la durée. Sur la scène internationale, il tend, avec le multilatéralisme, à la création d’espaces de dialogue hors des logiques de domination et dans le respect de la diversité, c’est-à-dire, en définitive, des espaces de convivialité et de paix. C’est pourquoi il échet d’œuvrer sans relâche à sa promotion. Goethe n’écrivait-il pas que celui qui ignore les langues étrangères ne connaît rien de sa propre langue? Et Wittgenstein que les limites de la langue de chacun sont les limites de son univers?

Hélas, le monde « globalisé » qui tend à s’imposer à nous aujourd’hui, et qui, comme le voudrait la logique de l’émergence d’un cadre de vie plus authentiquement universel, devrait être porteur de libre épanouissement des langues et des cultures, apparaît au contraire, à cet égard, par trop souvent réducteur. 

C’est que, bien plus que d’un souci d’avoir raison des barrières qui engendrent méfiance et incompréhension entre les peuples, il procède à la base d’une volonté davantage matérialiste de favoriser les « affaires », au sens le plus large du terme. Non que celles-ci constituent inéluctablement, en elles-mêmes, un obstacle à l’ouverture, au dialogue et à l’enrichissement mutuel. Tout au contraire, et l’histoire nous le prouve à suffisance! Mais le véritable problème réside dans l’emprise sociétale aussi généralisée qu’insoupçonnée qu’a si vite et si radicalement acquis l’esprit « affairiste » qui semble animer ce monde. « Globalisation » est ainsi à maints égards devenu synonyme, notamment, d’aspiration quasi-obsessionnelle à une uniformité et à une simplicité aussi artificielles qu’excessives de tous les comportements humains, à un formatage des individus cédant invariablement à des impératifs utilitaristes de conformisme superficiel, d’opportunité et d’immédiateté, qui ne sont jamais neutres, ni politiquement, ni culturellement, ni éthiquement. 

Et l’on est en droit de se demander, sans verser dans un apocalyptisme démesuré, si la chasse faite dans un tel cadre – volontairement ou involontairement – à toute forme de singularité et de différence, voire de réflexion quelque peu approfondie sur la véritable nature des choses, et finalement d’humanisme, peut réalistement connaître, à terme, un point d’aboutissement autre que la réduction ultime de l’homme au statut inconscient d’ « objet planétarisé » autant dépourvu de spiritualité que de racines et de valeurs propres, et désormais incapable de s’interroger comme de s’exprimer, de façon libre et autonome, sur les problèmes fondamentaux de son être. 

Cet inquiétant processus s’accommode de l’avènement progressif d’une manière de langage inter-individuel « formalisé », lui aussi prétendument
« global », et, pour reprendre les mots très parlants du philosophe Jean-Luc Marion, « sans littérature, sans lieu, sans peuple, qui résulte d’une abstraction utilitariste googlisée et ne vise qu’à permette le commerce d’informations, qui n’informent que pour le commerce ».

L’apprentissage des langues et l’ouverture à l’infinie richesse des cultures sont plus nécessaires que jamais aux fins de se prémunir de semblables affres; et, sur une note plus positive, on doit assurément se réjouir que notre monde mette aussi à notre disposition des instruments de communication éminemment performants pour ce faire. Dans ce contexte, la langue française ne laisse de présenter, encore à ce jour, un intérêt indéniable. Non seulement parce que, de par sa riche histoire, elle continue d’imprégner, bien au-delà des espaces francophones, des aspects très divers de l’activité humaine, mais aussi compte tenu de ses remarquables propriétés intrinsèques.

Au XVIème siècle, l’usage du français était déjà très répandu dans toutes les cours d’Europe. De l’aveu même de Charles Quint, souverain polyglotte d’un empire cosmopolite « sur lequel le soleil ne se couchait jamais », s’il parlait espagnol – la langue de l’âme de son peuple – avec Dieu et italien – celle de la séduction – avec les dames, c’est en français qu’il réglait avec les hommes les affaires d’Etat…En France, la célèbre ordonnance de Villers- Cotterêts, signée par François Ier en 1539, fixa définitivement le français comme langue du droit et de l’administration; il y allait certes d’un choix politique, traduisant la volonté du monarque d’unifier son royaume, mais il s’agissait aussi et surtout d’assurer la bonne administration du droit et de la justice ( « que les arretz soient clers et entendibles » ), ainsi que la sécurité juridique, à un moment où la connaissance du latin déclinait et où les erreurs d’interprétation des textes conçus dans cette langue se multipliaient. 

Le « grand siècle » ( XVIIème ) vit quant à lui le français s’imposer dans les salons et le monde lettré, ainsi que dans les cercles diplomatiques, en même temps qu’était créée l’Académie française (1635) pour lui « donner des règles certaines…et…le rendre pur, éloquent, et capable de traiter les Arts et les Sciences ». La langue française devint langue diplomatique auxiliaire du latin à Nimègue (1678-79), où le traité entre la France et les Pays-Bas fut conclu en français seulement. Elle fut définitivement consacrée comme langue diplomatique par excellence à partir du XVIIIème siècle. Ainsi, dès 1714, la version française du traité de Rastatt entre la France et l’Autriche, qui mettait fin à la guerre de succession d’Espagne, fut reconnue comme unique version officielle. Cette réalité nouvelle fit écrire bien plus tard au grand juriste américain James Brown Scott: « en laissant tomber le sceptre de la puissance matérielle, la France était devenue le porte-drapeau du monde intellectuel… La défaite de Louis XIV fut en fait la plus éclatante victoire de la France… ».

Le français consolida sa suprématie comme langue diplomatique tout au long du XIXème siècle, le « siècle des Congrès » ( Vienne (1815), Paris (1856), Berlin (1875), etc. ). En même temps, il devint le véhicule des systèmes de droit écrit, garants du respect de l’égalité des individus, et assura la diffusion quasi-universelle des grands textes hérités des Lumières, tels la Déclaration des droits de l’homme et le Code civil, auxquels leurs caractères de clarté et de concision ont conféré une force particulière. 

On dit que Stendhal aimait à parcourir le Code civil, tant il aspirait à s’imprégner de ses exceptionnelles vertus stylistiques…Le doyen Savatier décrivait pour sa part le « style Bonaparte » comme constitué de « phrases, brèves, nettes, coupantes, qui font image, qui parlent…des traits de feu… ». De fait, aucun code n’allait connaître de rayonnement si prodigieux que le Code Napoléon. Rien d’étonnant donc à ce que le droit international moderne, issu des réflexions suscitées par des phénomènes tels que l’émancipation des colonies espagnoles ou les processus d’unification allemande et italienne, se développe en français, et se nourrisse aux sources des valeurs et des concepts consacrés par les instruments juridiques dont cette langue était le vecteur. 

Voltaire n’avait-il pas déjà soutenu que le droit des gens constituait le « droit civil de l’univers, dans le sens que chaque peuple est un citoyen »? C’est ainsi à la « logique civiliste » que répondent encore aujourd’hui maintes règles de base du droit international, dans des domaines aussi variés que les sources ( primauté de facto des sources écrites, garantes de la sécurité juridique, et interdiction pour le juge de rendre des arrêts de règlement ), le droit des traités ( emprunté à la théorie des contrats ou obligations, et consacrant l’autonomie de la volonté, sous réserve des impératifs d’« ordre public » ), ou encore le droit de la responsabilité internationale ( « corollaire de l’égalité » ( De Visscher ) des sujets, même si l’on s’emploie désormais à affranchir ce droit du « dommage » fondant traditionnellement la responsabilité civile ).

Au XXème siècle, l’anglais est apparu comme langue diplomatique auxiliaire à Versailles, en 1919, comme conséquence immédiate de l’effort de guerre aussi considérable que décisif fourni par la Grande Bretagne et les Etats-Unis; l’italien n’a pas connu la même fortune, en dépit des énormes sacrifices consentis par l’Italie durant le conflit et de l’opiniâtreté de Vittorio Emanuele Orlando. 

Il s’ensuivit que le français et l’anglais constituèrent, dans cet ordre, les langues officielles de la Société des Nations et organes assimilés ( y compris la Cour permanente de Justice internationale ) tout au long de l’entre- deux guerres. La rupture assez radicale avec l’ancien ordre global et la diversification progressive de la société internationale à partir de 1945 eurent raison de la suprématie absolue du français comme langue des relations internationales. 

En 1947, le premier cours en anglais fut donné à l’Académie de droit international de La Haye par Hersch Lauterpacht. Jusqu’à ce jour, le français n’en est pas moins demeuré, aux côtés d’autres, langue officielle et de travail de toutes les organisations universelles, ainsi que de maintes organisations régionales et institutions académiques et scientifiques internationales. 

Son autorité et son poids comme langue diplomatique et juridique en ce début de XXIème siècle sont encore indubitables ( ainsi, la Cour de Justice de l’Union européenne continue de ne délibérer qu’en français ), même s’il est parfois des velléités de les réduire, pour des motifs variés, tenant souvent, officiellement, à des considérations de « pragmatisme », mais qui cachent mal certaines frustrations diffuses, d’ordre politique ou culturel, aussi réelles qu’inexprimées. Sans parler, bien sûr, des efforts indéniables qu’exigent l’apprentissage et le bon usage d’une langue rigoureuse et relativement peu flexible, obéissant à des règles souvent quelque peu complexes. Le regretté Kofi Annan observait, non sans réalisme, et avec une pointe d’humour désabusé, qu’à l’Organisation des Nations Unies la langue française, pour ne pas être toujours « châtiée », n’en était pas moins fréquemment « punie »…

Que conclure alors de ces quelques brèves réflexions? Assurément, que le multilinguisme est une nécessité impérieuse pour préserver la diversité des cultures et leur coexistence harmonieuse. Mais aussi que le français y a sa place. Et que, dans certains domaines, comme celui du droit, cette place est même privilégiée car c’est une conception propre et éminente de cette discipline que véhicule la tradition juridique d’expression française: l’idée, si magistralement exposée par Portalis dans le Discours préliminaire du Code civil , que le droit doit être formulé dans un langage direct et clair, apte à décrire des règles générales et impersonnelles, accessibles et intelligibles, et garantissant tout à la fois la sécurité juridique et la flexibilité de leur application.

“Les opinions ici exprimées sont celles de l’auteur”

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Photographe Hester Dijkstra

Redefining US politics before presidential elections

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Redefining US politics before presidential elections

By Dr. Tiberio Graziani.

Due to the pandemic, it is challenging to make predictions about the US presidential election.

Until a few months ago, Trump’s re-election was taken for granted. The global lockdown due to Coronavirus, the increase in unemployed (estimated between 25 and 30 million), the collapse of the price of the oil and Trump’s “original” claims combine to create a climate of distrust towards the current administration. This, however, does not automatically translate into an advantage for the Democratic Party which still struggles to compact behind Biden.

The blows made by Trump during his term against the so-called Deep State destabilized not only the Democratic Party but also the cross-cutting alliances of large and powerful pressure groups in the fields of industry and finance. It could be said that, in this period, in the US, but also in other countries of the so-called Western world, politics is not in good health.

The general climate of mistrust among all Americans will most likely reward the candidate who will best be able to negotiate with the US lobbies, the Fed and the Pentagon from now to November and who, above all, will demonstrate his reliability. Following this logic, the winning candidate should be Biden. However, whether Biden is elected or Trump is reconfirmed, the Americans will have a presidency “commissioned” by large industrial groups, finance and investors in digital infrastructures, which, thanks also to the pandemic, are taking on an increasing role.

In the case of an upcoming administration led by Joe Biden, the great US strategy in the international arena will not change. The enemies will always be Beijing and Moscow: the two lungs of the Eurasian continental mass. Probably, the new administration will try to play, depending on convenience, Moscow against Beijing, Beijing against Moscow, New Delhi and Moscow against Beijing. Likewise, Washington will attempt to further weaken France and Germany with the aim of strengthening its manufacturing production.

The new US administration will have the task of redefining the traditional alliances that arose after the second world war in the context of a reformulation of a new international order. Washington will be forced to strengthen its relations with the UK, Israel and Japan. The reinforcement of the special partnership with London will aim to help Washington control the countries of continental Europe, contain the hegemonic aims of Paris and Berlin and, internationally, influence the global financial market. Still, within the framework of the control of Europe and the “containment” or, better, destabilization of Russia, Washington will continue its “friendship” policy with Warsaw, Kiev and Tbilisi.

A renewed friendly relationship with Israel, also due to the unpredictability of Erdogan’s Turkey, will allow the United States to maintain its role in the Near East in particular in the dispute with the Islamic Republic of Iran. A probable new relationship with Tokyo will be based on the common opposition with Beijing.

La Belgique et les organisations internationales à La Haye

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La Belgique et les organisations internationales à La Haye

Par S. Exc. Ambassadeur  William Roelants de Stappers, Représentant permanent auprès des institutions internationales à La Haye.

La Belgique fait partie des quelques pays qui disposent à La Haye de deux ambassadeurs : tandis que mon collègue l’Ambassadeur Dirk Achten est accrédité exclusivement auprès des autorités néerlandaises, je représente la Belgique auprès des diverses institutions internationales établies à La Haye.

Cette configuration particulière se justifie non seulement par l’importance de notre ambassade bilatérale auprès de notre grand voisin du nord, qui requiert que notre ambassadeur auprès des Pays-Bas puisse y consacrer tout son temps et toute son énergie, mais tout autant par l’attention prioritaire que nous accordons à la diplomatie multilatérale et le soutien que nous apportons à nos amis néerlandais dans le développement de La Haye comme capitale mondiale de la justice et de la paix. Le fait d’avoir ici une représentation spécialement dédiée à ces questions illustre de manière forte à quel point le multilatéralisme est puissamment ancré dans l’ADN belge.

Mon mandat me conduit à m’impliquer dans les activités de quelque quinze institutions, allant de la Cour pénale internationale à l’Organisation pour l’interdiction des armes chimiques, en passant par la Cour internationale de Justice, les différentes juridictions pénales ad hoc et mécanismes résiduels, la Conférence de La Haye de droit international privé, et d’autres encore. 

J’illustrerai plus particulièrement l’action et les priorités de la Belgique par rapport à trois d’entre elles.

Nul besoin d’expliquer aux lecteurs de Diplomat Magazine l’importance de l’Organisation pour l’interdiction des armes chimiques (OIAC), chargée de la mise en œuvre de la Convention du même nom. Celle-ci institue un système unique de vérification et de contrôle de la destruction des arsenaux et unités de production d’armes chimiques, réellement opérationnel et efficace.

Certaines évolutions internationales récentes ont projeté sur l’organisation une plus grande attention médiatique. Elles ont aussi donné lieu à des débats parfois difficiles entre les pays membres sur l’action à mener par l’organisation. En dépit de ces difficultés, il est nécessaire  que l’OIAC puisse continuer à remplir son mandat essentiel. La Belgique apporte un soutien fort à cette organisation, tant diplomatique que financier, pour des raisons tenant notamment à l’utilisation d’armes chimiques sur le territoire belge pendant la Première guerre mondiale, qui a marqué notre mémoire collective. Le Ministère belge de la Défense dispose d’une expertise reconnue dans la destruction d’armes et de munitions chimiques. Il faut en effet savoir qu’on en découvre encore des dizaines de tonnes par an dans les campagnes, parfois encore très toxiques.

La Cour pénale internationale (CPI) est une institution qui nous tient aussi particulièrement à cœur. La Belgique a de tous temps été parmi les pionniers dans le combat pour l’émergence d’une justice internationale pour sanctionner les auteurs des crimes internationaux les plus graves. Aujourd’hui encore, nous sommes très actifs dans ce domaine, qu’il s’agisse de la coopération judiciaire (opérationnelle) avec la CPI – et les autres tribunaux internationaux – ou de notre activité au niveau diplomatique pour soutenir ces juridictions et les aider à remplir leur mission essentielle.

Au niveau de la coopération judiciaire, la Belgique dispose d’une autorité centrale de coopération qui traite de nombreuses demandes. La Belgique a conclu plusieurs accords bilatéraux avec la Cour, par exemple sur l’exécution des peines et la réinstallation de témoins protégés. Sur le plan diplomatique, nous nous activons notamment afin que la Cour soit dotée d’un budget adéquat lui permettant de réaliser sa mission fondamentale, mais aussi pour qu’elle s’adapte et s’améliore là où c’est possible.

Enfin, la Belgique suit bien entendu de près les activités de la Cour internationale de Justice (CIJ), l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies. La Belgique n’a pas d’affaire pendante devant la Cour actuellement, mais il y en a eu dans le passé, qui ont d’ailleurs produit une jurisprudence intéressante. Et les développements actuels devant la Cour sont remarquables, comme l’indique par ailleurs M. Couvreur, mon éminent compatriote et ancien greffier de la Cour.

La Belgique a une grande tradition de juristes internationalistes, dont beaucoup ont été actifs à La Haye à différentes époques. Ainsi le Baron Descamps, qui présida le Comité de juristes institué en 1920 par la Société des Nations pour créer ce qui allait devenir la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, l’ancêtre de l’actuelle CIJ. Il porte notamment la paternité de l’article 38 du Statut de la Cour qui est considéré, encore aujourd’hui, comme la codification des sources du droit international public (traité, coutume, principes généraux du droit).

De façon plus anecdotique, j’ai découvert que mon arrière-grand père, qui était professeur de droit commercial et de droit international privé à l’Université de Liège, a donné un cours ici à l’Académie de droit international en 1928 !

C’est inspiré par ces illustres prédécesseurs que j’entame, à un niveau infiniment plus modeste, ma fonction de représentant de la Belgique auprès des institutions internationales à La Haye.

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