The Leonardo Royal Hotel Den Haag Promenade is represented by both new and more experienced employees working together with passion as one team, to deliver great service and to depict the hotel’s values. In these monthly written pieces, there is a focus on their values and their approach to our international clients. This year’s focus is on the new events concept ‘Now We’re Talking’. It revolves around creating on-going conversations and a spark amongst attendees. It offers endless possibilities to get inspired and connected, with instant personal communication before, during and after your event. Therefore, we would also like to share some background information about the employees with you. Allow us to introduce you to Beau Keus
Nationality: Dutch
Function: Shift leader
Department: Food & Beverage
Introduction
When did you start working at the Promenade Hotel?
I started working at the Promenade hotel in February 2022 and kicked start with a five-month Food & Beverage internship. Upon finishing my internship, I was happy to stay as a part-time employee in the Food & Beverage department. After my second internship (June 2023), I got promoted to Food & Beverage shift leader.
What was your first impression of the Promenade Hotel?
My first impression mostly based on the ambience; it was a very nice feeling, as if you were walking into your own home. Even though they were in a renovation, I really liked the warm atmosphere and the cozy, welcoming feeling.
What makes the Promenade Hotel suitable for welcoming people from all around the world?
The staff! Among the staff, there is a vast variety of different nationalities. Furthermore, the concept of the restaurant, LEO’S international flavors, and the different food events that are hosted are very suitable to welcome guests from all around the world.
Which diplomatic event has been most memorable for you, so far, at the Promenade Hotel?
My most memorable event was the Indonesian Food Festival. We served a seven-course dinner to our guests. With the live entertainment the overall ambience that evening as very memorable. However also, the national days of the embassies are memorable.
What international aspects do you see reflected in your daily duties and the work environment?
Through my daily duties and in the work environment there are plenty of international aspects and interactions. I deal with national and international guests all day long and therefore switch frequently between Dutch and English. Not only do we have international guests, but a large part of the team also has different roots.
NOW WE’RE TALKING!
The core values of the new concept are fun, surprising, genuine and connect.
Using your own words, how would you describe the new events concept?
Bringing guests together in their work environment without feeling like a work environment. Through games and conversations starters we try to give the guest a relaxed and fun time in-between and during their meetings.
What do you find the most exciting or fun part of your current role within the Promenade hotel?
It depends because each day is so different. I think the most exciting is some of the conversations that I have with guests and how happy they can be with a small gesture. When you pay attention to the small details, you can get the biggest and happiest reactions. That is the most exciting for me!
When was the last time someone surprised you or when you surprised someone?
Last week actually! There was a guest that turned 75 and I wanted to do something special for breakfast. So, I hung up a happy birthday sign, wrote a card and put a flower with some balloons on the table. The guest was so happy when he saw this.
I really like to surprise someone with something small or to remember something so that I can bring it up in a new conversation, a personal touch.
What is something about which you can always be genuinely passionate or enthusiastic?
I can get passionate and enthusiastic about field hockey. I have been playing field hockey since I was six and never stopped. At one point, I switched to a different club for three years, but currently I am back at my old club, where I started. This club and its atmosphere, the fun days and nights with the team all together are so nice. It feels like a second family.
Connect with us! What is a piece of advice you would like to share with us?
Always follow your dreams and gut feeling. You never know when you cannot do what you love anymore, so enjoy every day and live it to the fullest. Don’t forget to be nice to each other, react to people how you want them to react to you!
The daily news about the devastation and the unimaginable suffering of the Gazans is unbearable. The cries for an immediate ceasefire everywhere are getting ever louder. All decent people want this hell to stop, and many call it genocide.
It is important to realize that, however terrible, the current situation does not meet the definition of genocide. The ICJ did not call it that; it didn’t even say that genocide is plausible. What it said is that it is plausable that some of the rights of the Gazans are harmed. I submit that the rights to a peaceful human existence have been harmed in a terrible and premeditated way. They have been harmed by Hamas, which has ruled Gaza the way gangs rule their turfs. They have tortured and murdered opponents, used charity funds to build their tunnel fortress, and provoked war with Israel five times. They do not care how many tens of thousands of Gazans perish, the daily newscasts of the wars harm Israel more than Hamas, the perpetrator. The inhuman attacks on October 7th with the intention to kill as many Israelis as possible, clearly come within the definition of genocide, but since Hamas is not a state, it cannot be brought before the ICJ.
Israel is accused by many of a disproportionate reaction to the horrors of October 7th. Certainly sitting in an easy chair watching the news and seeing the casualty numbers, even after discounting the obvious exaggerations by Hamas, the numbers look lopsided. But don’t forget, this is not a normal war. For Israel, this is an existential conflict. Hamas has declared officially that its goal is to destroy the State of Israel and kill Jews, an overt intention to commit genocide. It has acted on that intention continuously since it forced the Palestinian Authority out in 2005. It has fired thousands of rockets indiscriminately at Israel, only failing to inflict heavy damage on Israeli civilians because of the relatively primitive nature of its hardware and the efficacy of Israel’s ‘Iron Dome.’
Israel is in a fight for its survival, in a fight to keep its population safe from the pogroms and persecutions the Jewish people have suffered for two millennia. The memory of this is deeply ingrained in the Jewish consciousness.
When your life is at stake, you don’t play by Queensberry rules.
War is hell, and the people of Gaza are experiencing the hell Hamas has brought onto them. If Hamas continues as the de-facto power in Gaza, whatever cease-fire is agreed upon, it is only a matter of time until the next war. Hamas has promised as much. For the people of Gaza, as much or even more for the security of Israel, it is absolutely crucial that Hamas is defanged and replaced by a government that actually cares for the wellbeing of its population.
As Moldova embarks on a transformative journey toward European Union membership, its strategic positioning between Romania and Ukraine places it at the heart of significant geopolitical and economic shifts. With a rich cultural heritage and a robust winemaking tradition, Moldova is striving to enhance its presence on the European stage while navigating internal and external challenges.
In this exclusive interview by Diplomat Magazine, H.E. Mr. Veaceslav Dobinda, the Ambassador of Moldova to the Netherlands, provides insights into the nation’s aspirations for EU integration, the promotion of its renowned wines, and the impact of regional agricultural bottlenecks on trade. Join us as we delve into the intricacies of Moldova’s path forward and its burgeoning relationship with the Netherlands.
Moldova has recently been granted EU candidate status and has embarked on negotiations for accession. How do you perceive Moldova’s path towards EU integration, particularly in light of the contrasting views within the country regarding alignment with the EU versus strengthening ties with eastern neighbors?
European integration is perhaps the most important foreign policy objective of Moldova, and our government is committed to the ambitious goal of becoming a member state of the European Union by 2030. This is realistic, given that some member states had a much shorter negotiation period for their accession. The process of extensive reforms in all areas of activity must contribute to this rapprochement of Moldova with the European Union and, it will depend on our capacity to implement these reforms, on human and technical capacities, to deliver that approximation of legislation, structural reforms that are needed in various areas (from justice to agriculture), become competitive and ready to join the European Union.
Our commitment to European integration is central to our national agenda. Moldova is undergoing significant transformations. We are enhancing our energy independence, aligning with the European standards, fighting corruption, and reforming our judicial system. And the security situation in the region determines us to speed up the processes.
We have the problem of illegal presence of Russian troops on the territory of Moldova, in the Transnistrian region, that is outside government control. The commitment of the Russian Federation assumed at the OSCE Summit in Istanbul in 1999 is not respected and implemented until today, but the citizens understand that the future of the country lies in the European Union, where there is prosperity, peace, tranquility. It is true that we must make diplomatic efforts abroad and as well internally, to be as inclusive as possible for our citizens on the left bank of the Nistru River, and to attract the Transnistrian region with economic advantages. Moldova is offering more and more services to its citizens from this region, and greater economic opportunities, so that they can benefit from the accession process. We will strive to peacefully draw the Transnistrian region into the constitutional economic field of Moldova. The country reintegration must be an international process in which there is consensus among all actors involved.
I am convinced that, as in Romania or Poland, Lithuania or the Czech Republic, but also in the other countries that have joined the EU in the last 20 years, European integration will bring us economic growth and development opportunities. This means more investments and more business tools for companies in our country, as well as the prospect of well-paid jobs and additional revenues to the budget. The new member states also receive financial support to develop their infrastructure – i.e. new roads, modern schools and hospitals of the highest standards. Finally, membership of the European Union will bring us peace and security in the long term, which is what we all want, and
it will ensure the future of the country as a sovereign, neutral, integral and democratic state.
Moldova possess a rich winemaking tradition, yet its wines are not as widely recognized in the EU compared to other wine-producing regions. Could you elaborate on Moldova’s efforts to promote its wines in European markets, including the Netherlands, and any challenges faced in this endeavor?
Moldovan wines have a leading role in the history of the country. Dating from 5000 BC, winemaking is at the heart of Moldovan culture. Renowned for its rich winemaking tradition, Moldova has now positioned itself as the 14th largest exporter and the 20th largest producer of wine globally, contributing around 3% to the country’s Gross Domestic Product. Furthermore, Moldova proudly holds the title of having the highest number of vines per capita. In addition, Moldovan wines have garnered over 5,014 international awards in the past decade, demonstrating the increasing quality and recognition of their wines on the global stage.
Recently, the emblematic Moldovan red blend Negre by Fautor Winery was awarded as the best red wine in the world. The award was won in one of the most prestigious international wine competitions – “Concours Mondial de Bruxelles”, during the 2022 “Red & White” Session.
As a result of Moldovan wine exports in 2023, our country made a profit of 111 million dollars. Most Moldovan wines were exported to the EU – 45%, 29% to other countries of the world, and 26% to the Commonwealth of Independent States. Among the countries that enjoy Moldovan wines are Romania, Poland, Czech Republic, the Netherlands, Georgia, United Kingdom, United States, Canada, China and many other countries out of 75 states where our wine is being exported. According to the latest data, 26% of people who left Moldova return to taste Moldovan wine.
Moldova’s annual National Wine Day event has been honored by the prestigious Wine Travel Awards in the category of Wine Tourism Events, and specifically recognized as the “Magnet of the Region”. The accolade was presented during the Wine Travel Awards ceremony, which took place on May 21, 2024, at the London Wine Fair.
Our wines have been no stranger to the Dutch population. Ever since 2018 (at least), our companies have participated in the World Bulk Wine Exhibition (WBWE) in Amsterdam (13 companies participated in the last edition on 20-21 November 2023). In the most recent Sommelier competition in Germany, the Mundus Vini Spring Tasting 2024, our wines won many prizes: 3 Grand Gold, 56 Gold, 37 Silver medals. As well, Moldovan wine has achieved exceptional recognition at the International Wine Challenge 2024 Competition and obtained 70 awards (6 Silver, 21 Bronze medals and 43 Commended awards).
Wine tourism, particularly at renowned sites like Purcari Chateau (we even have a Dutch Ambassador for Purcari Wines – Jan-Jaap Altenburg) and Mileștii Mici Wine Cellars, significantly attract Dutch tourists to Moldova by offering a unique and immersive experience that combines the rich cultural heritage with exquisite wine tasting. The Dutch tourists will surely find Moldova’s picturesque vineyards, historic wine cellars, and the opportunity to sample award-winning wines particularly appealing. I would highly recommend doing so during our Wine Day celebration in autumn, an excellent festive occasion to try our wine.
The recent grain harvest bottleneck in the Black Sea Region, exacerbated by the conflict in Ukraine, has impacted Moldova’s agricultural exports, particularly sunflower seeds. How is the Moldovan government addressing these challenges, and what measures are being taken to ensure smoother trade routes for agricultural products, especially with regard to exports to the Netherlands?
The war in Ukraine strongly affected the farmers of Moldova, blocking the export of agricultural products to the eastern countries, due to disrupted transport corridors to the traditional export markets.
Two years ago, on May 22, 2022, the European Commission, in collaboration with Ukraine and Moldova, created the Solidarity Lanes to help improve the EU–Ukraine–Moldova transport routes in response to Russia’s illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Initially established to bypass Russia’s Black Sea blockade of Ukraine’s grain exports, today the Solidarity Lanes cover trade across all sectors. They allow Moldova and Ukraine to export all types of goods to world markets while also ensuring crucial imports reach Ukraine. Long-term, they will also play a pivotal role in Ukraine’s reconstruction and further integration into the EU single market.
As part of its solidarity with the region in the context of the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine, the EU has adopted a regulation which provided temporary full trade liberalization for Moldovan agricultural products for one year. The measures were first introduced in July 2022, and have been extended until 24 July 2025, representing a huge opportunity for entrepreneurs in our country.
Liberalization helps the competitiveness of our agricultural exports and helps our farmers identify new markets. While Russia imposes embargoes, the EU remains a solid partner, opening the market more and more. This is another proof of the constant support of the EU for my country and we thank our European partners for their ongoing and reliable help. The EU is Moldova’s biggest trade partner, accounting for 65,4% of its total trade in 2023. Moldova’s proportion of trade with Russia has fallen significantly and now represents only 3.6% of total trade.
From 2022, Moldovan producers can export more fruits and vegetables to the European Union. Thanks to the temporary trade liberalization decision, in 2023 Moldovan farmers did business worth 89.5 million dollars, 129% more than in 2022. Last year, exports of Moldovan agricultural products to the EU have tripled (compared to 2021): grapes – 32.3 thousand tons (15.8 thousand tons in 2021), fresh apples – 13.2 thousand tons (1 thousand tons in 2021), plums – 60.4 thousand tons (25.8 thousand tons in 2021), cherries – 2.9 thousand tons (74 tons in 2021). In 2023, Moldova provided the EU with more than 25% of plum supplies, ranking first among the producing countries, followed by Spain (53.6 thousand tons), South Africa (29.2 thousand tons) and the Netherlands (24.5 thousand tons).
With Moldova’s aspiration to join the European Union by 2030, what potential economic opportunities and challenges do you foresee for Moldovan-Dutch trade relations? Are there specific sectors or industries where increased collaboration could be mutually beneficial for both countries?
One of the most obvious and visible benefits of EU membership for Moldovan citizens is the facilitation of free movement. This will allow Moldovans to travel and work in EU Member States without restrictions, opening new opportunities for employment and professional development. In addition, EU membership will open new doors for Moldovan students, who will have access to Erasmus+ exchange programmes and scholarships, giving them the chance to develop their skills and expand their cultural and academic horizons.
We seek to attract Dutch IT companies to the local “Moldova IT Park”. We offer simplified taxation model (7% tax), virtual operating regime, extended list of IT activities, and easier interaction with authorities. There are currently 10 companies with Dutch capital in the IT Park. Besides, we have one of the largest branches of IT company Crunchyroll (owned by Sony and providing streaming services), which is operating at an extensive capacity in Chișinău.
The first Moldova-Netherlands Business Forum was held in Chisinau on 4-5 October 2023. Now, we wish to return the favour, therefore our Embassy, with the aid of our local institutions, are organizing another Economic Forum in the Netherlands, during “Moldova Days in the Netherlands” event in De Hoge Veluwe National Park (28-30 June 2024).
The Netherlands ranks the 3rd highest foreign investors in Moldova, with a capital of an estimated €520 million. We seek to attract investments in the agricultural sector (smart agriculture), with particular interest in developing cooperation on agriculture & food security, energy, water resources & waste management. Consequently, in order to strengthen and boost our cooperation, during the visit of President Maia Sandu in September last year, we have signed the Protocol amending the Convention between Moldova and the Netherlands for the avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income and capital.
One of our objectives is to have more frequent direct airline connections with the Netherlands by expanding our cooperation with Transavia and KLM companies. Currently, FlyOne is the only airline operating flights from Schiphol Amsterdam to Chișinău, twice a week.
I would like to mention that currently the relationship between Moldova and the Netherlands is at the highest level of cooperation in all areas of mutual interest. We feel both the close attention and strong support from the Dutch side, and we are very thankful for its active role in advancing our reform agenda.
Moldova, settled between Romania and Ukraine, holds strategic significance in the context of Eastern European geopolitics. How does Moldova navigate its foreign policy to maintain balanced relationships with both the EU and its eastern neighbors, particularly in times of regional tensions and conflicts?
Moldova is confronted with unique vulnerabilities and complexities in relation to the ongoing war in Ukraine, which has significant effects in the Eastern European region. Being a frontline country, Moldova has faced unprecedented challenges and overlapping humanitarian, economic and energy crises.
At the same time, in such difficult circumstances, Moldova has offered all possible support to Ukraine with emphasis on humanitarian assistance for the huge wave of refugees. And we are very grateful for the assistance that we received from our development partners in this respect.
Amid numerous provocations, the government continues to advance on structural reforms and EU accession. The domestic efforts that are geared towards becoming an EU member state are strongly supported by our partners in the EU and the broader international community. Moldova’s European integration agenda is determined by the country’s commitment to ensure peace, stability and prosperity of its citizens.
We have managed to decouple and build up our resilience and independence from negative trends in the East, and we have connected to the West in multiple domains: trade, electricity and gas networks, green energy and renewables.
Moldova’s relations with Romania and Ukraine have improved significantly and are the best since independence. The number one priority is to continue and advance our bilateral relations in all areas – economic development, security, and cultural diplomacy – to bring to new heights our cooperation.
Currently, Moldova enjoys enormous international openness, also thanks to Romania, which is our country’s lawyer in Brussels and in other European capitals, and multilateral fora. Bilateral relations are stronger and more effective than ever, Romania being a reliable partner in our European aspirations, and offering support in building capabilities, enhancing resilience of the institutions, but also in the security, economic and regional development fields, with numerous infrastructure projects. Furthermore, Romania is the largest trading partner, with a share of 35.1% of the total exports in 2023, followed by Ukraine, with 14.7% of exports.
As we prepare for Ukraine’s future reconstruction, Moldova stands ready to become a strategic hub for these efforts. We are enhancing our infrastructure—building bridges, roads, and railways—to facilitate the transit of Ukrainian goods and strengthen our own links with the European Union, further integrating Moldova into the European community.
Russian Federation is not an imminent threat thanks to the enormous effort and sacrifice of our Ukrainian neighbors and friends. Initially, in the first weeks of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, this threat was very real. Therefore, we will continue to increase our defense capabilities, but also to build partnerships in the field of security with all our friends, to increase the strength of our institutions. And, at some point, Russia will have to recognize the reality and fulfill the obligations it assumed at the international level and respect the position it expresses publicly, that of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Moldova.
Moldova’s EU membership is not just a political choice, it is the only way to protect our liberty, peace and democracy. But it is also an investment in Europe’s collective security. Moldova belongs to the big European family, shares the same democratic values, human rights, rule of law, and it is an active member that works together to make our continent more secure, more stable, and more integrated.
Strategy International (23.05.2024) – More than a decade after the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, the humanitarian toll of the war paints a bleak picture – for refugees and for the communities hosting them. Regardless of the metric used to determine the number of refugees in Lebanon[1], the country consistently ranks among the top five countries globally in terms of the greatest per capita refugee population[2].
Other than the estimated 135,000 migrant workers[3], the government estimates that nearly 1.5 million Syrian refugees[4] currently reside in Lebanon, alongside another 200,000 Palestinian refugees[5] and about 12,000 refugees of other origins. With a total population of around 5 million[6], Lebanon grapples with multi-faceted, compounding domestic crises. These stem from a demographic imbalance, total economic collapse (since October 2019), social unrest, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the aftermath of the Beirut port blast (August 2020). In this context, vulnerable Lebanese families struggling to make ends meet are most impacted by the government’s diversion of resources from basic services such as electricity, healthcare, and education.
The presence of Syrian refugees in Lebanon has significantly intensified intercommunal tensions, with an uptick in restrictive measures and anti-refugee rhetoric. Competition over access to services and goods has exacerbated tensions both between Lebanese and Syrians as well as among Lebanon’s constituencies. Nationwide, there is a heightened perception of insecurity and lack of safety reaching unprecedented levels. The ongoing violence in the South since October 2023 and the arrival of internally displaced families from this region have further strained resources, exacerbating the competition over housing, jobs, and aid. With pressure mounting on the Lebanese government from its overburdened citizens, and from the international community urging the country to adhere to international principles for refugee protection and to curb illegal migration, a new approach to the Syrian refugee crisis is needed.
The 1951 Refugee Convention[7] defines a refugee as “any person who, owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his or her nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it”[8].
Although Lebanon is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, it is bound to several other international instruments including the two International Covenants[9] as well as the Convention Against Torture, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their protocols, and several others, just to name a few. In this light, Lebanon is required to protect the human dignity and security of refugees by upholding the principle of non-refoulment, which, under international law, guarantees no one should be returned to a country where they may face torture, cruel, inhumane or degrading punishment, and other irreparable harm.
The international definition of a refugee pertains to individuals who have a legitimate fear of returning to their country and should not be applied broadly to an entire population. A generic assessment deeming an entire country unsafe does not justify a prolonged “prima facie” approach towards every Syrian in Lebanon. Refugee status cannot be given purely based on individuals’ claims or fears; it must be decided by authorities in destination countries following the established international legal system and procedures. These guidelines should be implemented for the caseload of Syrian refugees in Lebanon as well.
The core problem is that every Syrian in Lebanon is regarded as a “refugee” by action (UN agencies) and by omission (Lebanese authorities).
Lebanon’s successive governments have not effectively and objectively dealt with the issue of Syrian refugees, causing serious challenges beyond the sheer numbers of refugees and strain on host communities. The challenges include a significant number of unregistered children born to Syrian parents, exploitation of Syrians by their employers, rising rates of illegal migration, and cases of fraudulent use of aid provided by international organizations.
Typically, refugee crises are resolved through the adoption of one of three durable solutions: repatriation to the country of origin once conditions have improved, resettlement in a third country, or integration into the host community. Due to a lack of international support, both repatriation and resettlement are nearly impossible. The integration of a refugee caseload that accounts for around thirty percent of the population in Lebanon constitutes an existential challenge for the country.
As the military confrontation in Syria winded down, more countries consider that the situation in Syria should be re-evaluated to allow for the voluntary return of Syrian refugees back to their homeland.[10] In July 2023, the European Parliament resolution on the situation in Lebanon (2023/2742) clearly stipulated that “conditions are not met for the voluntary, dignified return of refugees in conflict-prone areas in Syria”, thus laying the ground for a distinction between “conflict-prone” areas and other parts of Syria.
Countries like Denmark have updated their classification[11], allowing return for Syrians from now-designated “safe zones.”. Over the past decade, Lebanese authorities have consistently ignored calls to re-determine the status of Syrian refugees in Lebanon, failing to identify who is entitled to remain and who qualifies for return.
To distinguish between Syrian refugees and non-refugees, Lebanese authorities should form a joint committee comprised of officials from the Army Command and the General Directorate of Public Security. This committee will monitor conditions in Syria, keeping track of regions that have improved. Based on these public reports, the status of each Syrian refugee in Lebanon will be reviewed.
Refugees originally from areas now deemed safe must apply for temporary residency in accordance with Lebanon’s legislative procedures for migrants or return to Syria. Because Lebanon is committed to the concept of non-refoulement, Syrians who have legitimate safety concerns will have access to a quasi-judicial appeal committee, where cases will be examined individually, taking into account particular circumstances rather than a blanket assessment of Syria. If the applicant’s fear of harm is justified and confirmed, he or she will be granted complete legal protection in accordance with international norms.
While the possibility of returning Syrian refugees from areas of Syria that are not currently experiencing conflict ought to be given serious consideration, there are a number of obstacles that need to be overcome. Following Saudi Arabia’s rapprochement with the Assad regime, the foreign ministers of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Syria, and Egypt convened in Amman, Jordan, on May 1, 2023. The final communique, endorsed by all ministers, including Syria’s, emphasizes the need for the Syrian government to prioritize the voluntary and safe return of refugees and to take necessary steps to start implementing their return immediately. It also stipulates that the Syrian government and host countries will enhance their cooperation to organize voluntary and safe returns, clarifying measures to facilitate this process, including the inclusion of refugees in general amnesty decrees. The communique, as it is, uncovered the fact that the Assad regime continues to be a significant barrier to the repatriation of refugees. In the absence of an easing of sanctions and an influx of funds for reconstruction, Assad is unwilling to facilitate the return of Syrian refugees. His whimsical desire for diplomatic rehabilitation and financial support underlines his negative stance on the refugee issue.
Returning Syrian refugees who have lost personal or real estate paperwork as a result of looting or damage may find it difficult to prove their identity or property ownership, which will have a number of negative implications. They may be unable to return their homes or land, causing housing, land, and property (HLP) disputes. The lack of identification will also limit access to essential services, legal protection, and work prospects, aggravating their vulnerability and making reintegration into their communities extremely difficult. This situation highlights the need for comprehensive support mechanisms to assist refugees in reestablishing their legal identities and property rights upon return, which necessitates full cooperation from the Syrian bureaucracy—an effort that currently lacks political support in Damascus.
The decade-long Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon has strained the country’s resources and exacerbated social and economic hardships. Although Lebanon is bound by international law to protect refugees and uphold non-refoulement, the limited options to address the presence of the large Syrian population in Lebanon and the associated intercommunal tensions emphasizes the necessity for a novel approach.
(*) Molly Gallagher is a Program Developer for the MENA Region. Previously, Molly was a MENA Program Specialist at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) based in Tunis, Tunisia. She graduated from the American University’s School of International Service in Washington DC, with a degree in International Relations and a minor in Arabic Language.
As of March 2023, the total number of registered Palestine Refugees with UNRWA in Lebanon is 489,292 persons. However, the 2017 census by the Lebanese government estimated the total number of Palestinians still residing in Lebanon at slightly less than 200,000 persons https://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Downloads/book2473.pdf↑
After a few years of mission-critical assignments elsewhere, Eelco H. Dykstra resumes his acclaimed column “A Thought and a Smile…” in Diplomat Magazine
“All of us know more than one of us!” is the slogan/tagline of one of the international programs I’m involved in, called “20/20 Vision”. It was selected as slogan because the program is not about listening to information from a single source – never a good idea – , but about harvesting the collective wisdom of “the crowd”. As such, the program seeks to combine the lessons learned from ‘western’ science with those from more informal, ‘tribal’ experiences and lessons learned, also known as “indigenous knowledge”.
I was reminded of the “All of us know more than one of us!” slogan when a student recently contacted me for an interview on ‘branding’ and communication in relation to the NATO Summit that will take place in The Hague from June 24-27, 2025.
Since the interview seemed a perfect follow-up to my previous column in Diplomat Magazine [“Branding cities, branding nations…”], I agreed to be interviewed and a meeting was arranged.
During the meeting, I learned that my interviewer belonged to a team of 25 students from The Hague University of Applied Sciences who are working with the City of The Hague on a project aimed at taking stock and studying what the challenges are of hosting the NATO Summit in 2025 – albeit from a ‘city-branding’ and communication point-of-view.
I was presented with twelve questions that were long and wordy, with a lot of overlap within and between questions. For the purpose of writing this column I looked into reducing the twelve questions into a single ‘meta’-question. See below what I came up with.
During the free-flowing discussion part of the interview, a number of challenges or concerns came up. Naturally they included the Summit’s security concerns and its cost (estimated to be €95 million!), but we also touched on other, deeper and rather poignant questions such as the relation between the United Nations and NATO, the potential friction between ‘militarism’ and ‘climate change’, and the increasing distance we see between ‘policy’ and ‘practice’.
Alright then, you might ask, what does this has to do with me as a member of the Diplomatic Corps or as an international professional? Well, there is a lot of knowledge, experience and wisdom to be found within the readership of Diplomatic Magazine.
“All of us know more than one of us!” -remember?
So here is what we, “all of us”, can do:
Answer this ‘meta’-question:
What do you see as the most important challenges when it comes to aligning the NATO Summit with The Hague as the city of Peace and Justice – and how do you recommend overcoming them?
By doing so, we can contribute to identifying challenges and developing intervention strategies that may help to minimize trouble and avoid potential conflict.
We have one year until the NATO Summit in The Hague, so let’s get to work! After all, as another saying goes: ‘The time to repair your roof is when the sun is shining’…
When you would like get involved in this survey project that looks into aligning the NATO Summit with The Hague as City of Peace and Justice, then do not hesitate to send a message expressing your interest to:
Once dubbed a ‘Global Nomad’ in East Africa, Eelco H. Dykstra is a seasoned international crisis and emergency expert. As a true ‘Prac-Ademic’, he blends – also in his column “A Thought and a Smile” – his innate optimism with knowledge from his practical experience and rigorous fact-finding.
Aside from being founder/chair of the Daily Impact Emergency Management (DIEM) network and a visiting professor in South Africa, he initiated the ’20/20 Vision’ program for the dual purpose of strengthening value-based resilience and overcoming the obstacles that stand in the way of implementing lessons (to be) learned. Eelco has been a correspondent, written multiple books and articles and continues to work extensively with media, government, business, NGO’s and community-based initiatives. In short, Eelco is a transdisciplinary and trans-cultural multi-tasker – just like diplomats are.
Among his hobbies are cooking and playing the cello – see picture, taken by Tom Manning, during an impromptu performance with the Soweto Youth Orchestra.
Eelco H. DykstraProfessor (visiting), Adaptation and Resilience, University of South-Africa, UNISA. Chair, ’20/20 Vision’ Program: How do we go from ‘Risk’ to ‘Resilience”? Founder, Daily Impact Emergency Management (DIEM) Network www.diem.nuwww.20outof20.vision
Ever since I started this ‘Interview series’ I was constantly captivated by all the life stories that I discoved behind the ‘diplomatic spouse’ generic title that we bare.
Manuela Caramujo is my latest ‘discovery’ and she is certainly a woman that we all have a lot to learn from.
Born in a small village in Portugal, she says she has moved all her life. First for high school and college, later for her career and ultimately, for love. She is an International Relations graduate and also has a Master’s in International Politics. She worked for 5 years at the European Parliament in Brussels and had several other jobs along her life.
‘I think the job I liked the most was as a journalist, although I also love organizing events, especially international conferences, that’s what I have been doing these last years. But I have done quite a few different things in my life.’
After she met her husband in college, they got married and started moving abroad, as he is a Portuguese diplomat. For a few years at a time, they called Kinshasa, Mexico City, Buenos Aires and then Brussels ‘HOME’ and are now preparing for another adventure, to Hamburg in Germany.
‘I always tried to make the most out of all the countries we lived in. Even though Kinshasa was a difficult city (the country was in the middle of an armed conflict, food shortages were common, and the health care services were poor), we met wonderful people that we will always cherish. I think the fact of being, for the first time in my adult life, without a job and the feeling of dependence (financial and emotional) were quite difficult to accept at the beginning. Fortunately our first baby arrived and I started having other concerns. However, it was a time when I matured a lot as a person, I learned a lot about myself and I became aware of what life was giving me.
Mexico City was great! I worked pro-bono as Cultural and Press attaché at the Embassy, until my daughter was born. I was very proud of showing Portuguese culture to Mexican people. Everywhere I go I am always proud of being Portuguese, of our culture, the way we opened to other cultures and brought them to Europe.
Returning to Lisbon in 2006 was quite difficult. Our friends had changed, the country, the city had changed and, most importantly, I was a different person from the one who had left 6 years ago. Trying to fit in a place that was supposed to be my home was complicated. It was during that time that I joined the Portuguese Diplomatic Families Association, and eventually served as their president (2009-2010 and from 2022 on). I will always be grateful to the colleagues I met there, from different generations, and sometimes with different mother tongues.
In 2010 we moved to Buenos Aires and yes, we learned how to dance the Tango! How I enjoyed our Friday night classes! We loved Argentina! In fact, I think we love Latin America, because of the warmth of the people, the food, the natural beauties of the countries and also ancient history. From Argentina we moved to Brussels, a quite well-known city to me, so I felt quickly at home. Even my kids would say that, from all the cities they have lived in, Brussels is the one where they see themselves living again one day. But, from all the places I have lived so far, HOME is truely the small village where I was born and where I have my roots.
When in Buenos Aires, I enrolled in a Gastronomic School and I created a small events company, organizing kids’ parties and catering for cocktails and small corporate events. But what I enjoyed the most was giving cooking classes. I had three groups of “students”: the “mini-chefs”, the “ado-chefs” and the “cuisine pour épater”, mostly for expats. I always ended up giving classes in at least four different languages. These classes were culturally very rich and, in a world such as the diplomatic world, where loneliness and mental health can be a problem, people were excited to come to my house, to meet and talk and make new friends (not always so anxious to cook, though).
Manuela and family
Everywhere I lived, I always tried to do some ‘social work’, I always enrolled in the diplomatic associations, parents associations, etc. Bringing people together is one of my passions and something that I know I do well, despite of the educational or cultural differences. People do not like to talk about it but there is a lot of depression and mental health issues among diplomatic spouses. Putting people of different origins together and working for a common goal, raising funds for local NGOs , may seem superficial to some, but it is very important not only for the associations, but also for us, as we feel useful and valued.’
Manuela mentions that she believes that there is no other career that has such an impact in a spouse´s life and professional career. ‘Our constant changes make it almost impossible to maintain a stable professional career. And when we return to the country of origin we are so far behind that we can hardly find a job, although we all have very highly-educated profiles and life experiences that could enrich and benefit any company. That’s why so many spouses, nowadays, choose not to accompany their partners abroad, splitting the families, sometimes with dramatic consequences. On the other hand, we do a lot of work representing our countries, side by side with the diplomats whom we share our lives with, but almost nobody recognizes it, especially our countries authorities. A friend of mine uses this expression: ‘the Ministry gets 2 for the price of 1.’ I am grateful for my husband that always made me feel part of his role of representation of Portugal. He always acknowledged all the work I have done to support him and his diplomatic work.’
Manuela continues: ‘I think there’s a lot of depression among diplomatic spouses. People leave their job, lose their financial independence, leave their loved ones, their sometimes large families behind, and rely in only one person. It can be overwhelming. It requires a great amount of maturity, self-confidence, love and understanding from both partners to overcome these situations. Meanwhile, when it comes to our children, we all tend to see only the best part, that our kids are multilingual, open-minded to different cultures and people, but such changes, moving often, especially when there are very young, can be very stressful. Families must be aware of these situations; children need all the support possible.’
Divorce is also uniquely challenging for diplomatic spouses and often, a taboo. ‘If things go wrong and a divorce occurs, spouses are completely dependent on the diplomat’s good-will. And we all know very well that in a divorce, good-will, unfortunately, not always prevails. In the majority of countries, a diplomatic spouse doesn’t have a bank account, a house, a car, in hers/his name. If the divorce occurs while abroad, the situation is even more complicated as the Foreign Ministry does not repatriate spouses or their belongings. When minor children are involved and the spouse has a different nationality, I have seen situations where the parent who has to leave is prevented from seeing the children. Unfortunately people do not talk about it, nor about domestic violence for which, when it occurs on foreign postings, police cannot intervene, and situations can become dramatic.’
She is a strong minded woman who is determined to militate for the well-being and support of other fellow spouses, to know their stories and to improve their status according to 21st century needs and realities.
‘In EUFASA, the European Union Foreign Affairs Spouses/Families Association, we have worked a lot about these subjects. Our Research Department (ERD) recently published a study called “Dependency and divorce/separation in the Foreign Service: experiences, consequences, and recommendations”.This study highlights how partners’ and spouses’ limited work opportunities and legal status and the resulting dependence on the diplomat make it difficult to afford legal counsel, get a fair settlement, find help in cases of abuse, gain custody of minor children when abroad, and to support themselves after divorce/separation.’
‘At my first EUFASA annual conference in Madrid, in 2009, we also presented a study about the challenges of coming back home, with a practical guide for spouses and kids to prepare the return to the home country. In Lisbon, me and my colleague Veronika Arsénio (who is still today my Eufasa partner) transformed that study into a booklet that we called “Partir para regressar” (Go away to come back), with practical information and tips to our Portuguese families. I am very proud of that work. In 2018, the Conference took place in Tallinn. That year, “work and employment” of spouses was the big topic of discussion, but “mental health” issues were also gaining visibility. For the last 3 years, as Portugal’s representative, I have been co-chairing the working group “Children”. We produced a booklet about “Tips for the international transfer process for Foreign Service families with children with disabilities and different needs”, prepared a study about “diplomatic children mental health” and gave voice to our kids by presenting testimonials about “multilingualism/identity”. Already in 2020, Eufasa had produced a “Third Cultural Kids – Handbook” with tips for our nomadic families.’
Manuela is a woman of action. She makes things happen and is eagerly learning new things each day. She loves reading and travelling but her great passions are people and cultural diversity. She tells me she loves meeting new people and learning something from everyone. Each woman she meets throughout her diplomatic journey has a unique story to tell.
‘One of my future projects is to write a book: ‘The women of my life’, as I had the chance to meet so many fascinating women along the way… and I am still in the first part of my journey.’
Indeed, the adventure is just at the beginning. Cheers to new exciting times and captivating stories of the women around us!
The situation between China and Taiwan remains explosive. Last January, the advocate of Taiwanese independence, Lai Ching-te, won the presidential election. He celebrated his victory by making clear points against Beijing, which he presented as “authoritarian” and accused of “attempting to influence the election result”. On May 20, he officially assumed his duties. The Chinese embassy in Athens, in a press release issued to the media, criticized his political stance on “Taiwan Independence” and his party representing the separatist forces. The embassy emphasized that the inauguration of Lai Ching-te would have a negative impact on the “One China” Policy and the stability of the Taiwan Strait. The embassy’s announcement stated the following:
“China and Greece respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We understand and support each other on issues of our core interests and major concerns, which are the foundation for the continued development of bilateral relations. The Greek government recognizes the government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legitimate government of China, recognizes that Taiwan is part of China, and adheres to the one-China principle. China recognizes Greece’s constructive role in maintaining stability, security, and prosperity in Southeast Europe, the Mediterranean, and the Balkans. Such statements have been recorded repeatedly in bilateral documents. Taiwan is an inalienable part of China’s territory. Taiwan has belonged to China since ancient times. This statement has a sound basis in history and jurisprudence. The return of Taiwan to China is an important part of the international order established after World War II, which has a firm basis in international law. Many important documents, including the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Declaration, clearly affirm that Taiwan’s sovereignty belongs to China.
At its 26th session in October 1971, the United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 2758. This resolution clarified that China has a single seat in the UN, so there is no such thing as “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan”, which once again reiterated the principle of one China.
The one-China principle represents the universal consensus of the international community and is consistent with the basic rules of international relations. At present, 183 countries, including Greece, have established diplomatic relations with the PRC based on the one-China principle. The actual status quo of the Taiwan issue is that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to the same China and Taiwan has never been an independent country.
Although the two sides have not yet been reunited, China’s sovereignty and territory have never been cut off, and the fact that the mainland and Taiwan belong to the same China has never changed. The Chinese government’s position of supporting the one-China principle and opposing the separatism of “Taiwan independence”, “two Chinas”, and “one China, one Taiwan” will not change. The prevailing consensus of the international community to uphold the one-China principle and the long-standing adherence to this principle will not change.
Recently, some have claimed that “the use of force to change the status quo in the Taiwan Straits is unacceptable.” This claim confuses cause and effect. The root cause of the tensions in the Taiwan Straits lies in the separatist position of the Taiwan DPP (Democratic Progressive Party) authorities and the joint challenge by the authorities of the DPP and some countries.
The DPP authorities refuse to recognize the one-China principle, constantly push for “defibrillation” and promote “incremental independence”. They are deceiving the Taiwanese people, inciting hostility against the mainland, and hindering and undermining cross-strait exchanges, cooperation, and comprehensive development. They are joining with outside forces in trying to sow the seeds of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan”. The elections of the regional leader and legislature of the Taiwan region held in January this year showed that the DPP does not represent the mainstream public opinion (the DPP won about 40% of the votes). The so-called “the use of force to change the status quo in the Taiwan Straits is unacceptable” is actually a reward for “Taiwan independence” under the guise of “anti-war” and angers “peaceful separatism” under the guise of peace”.
If one really wants to maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, then one should firmly support the one-China principle and oppose “Taiwan independence”. US authorities have said they remain committed to the one-China principle and do not support “Taiwan independence”. Since the adoption of the resolution, the one-China principle has been upheld by the UN and its specialized agencies on the Taiwan issue. Taiwan is referred to as “Taiwan, Province of China” in all official UN documents. It was clearly stated in the official legal opinions of the Office of Legal Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat that “the United Nations regards ‘Taiwan’ as a province of China without separate status” and the “authorities” in “Taipei” are not considered to enjoy any form of governmental capacity.
The participation of the Taiwan region in the activities of international organizations must and can only be handled according to the one-China principle. The United Nations is an intergovernmental international organization composed of sovereign states. Taiwan, a province of China, has no basis, reason, or right to join the UN or its relevant agencies. This is set out in the UN Charter and is the principle that all UN member states must follow and an obligation that they must fulfill.
As an important country and a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the US is supposed to take the lead in upholding UN General Assembly resolutions and upholding international law and basic rules in international relations, but it is doing just the opposite. The US deliberately distorted UNGA Resolution 2758 and propagated the narrative of so-called “Taiwan’s substantive participation in the UN system”.
The drafting of this article included bibliographical research and also an exclusive interview with Walter Bruyère-Ostells, Director of the Master in Geostrategy, Defense and International Relations and co-Director of the Specialized Master in Intelligence at the Institute of Political Studies / Sciences Po Aix (France) / French Air and Space Force Academy (Specialised Master in Intelligence).
By Jorge Marinho, Júlio Ventura and Lourenço Ribeiro
International Relations scholars’ interest in intelligence-related issues should grow, together with the increasing presence of these subject matters in the public stage (Díaz May 2005, p. 2). For instance, in 2008, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service sought to improve relations between academic work and the intelligence sphere, via the Academic Outreach program (Kuosa 2014, p. 67). For this purpose, conferences, workshops and interviews were held, among other initiatives (Kuosa 2014, p. 68). For academics, researching the field of intelligence is difficult, owing to the secretive nature of intelligence activities. At times, it becomes necessary to wait until a few original documents are declassified (Wasielewski June 20, 2023). Many universities feel there is no point studying intelligence (Wasielewski June 20, 2023). However, there are even those who call for disclosing intelligence research to the general public, knowing that this is a challenge (Wai December 8, 2020).
From Walter Bruyère-Ostells’ standpoint, difficulties researchers face within the academic context, when they delve into intelligence services, are, to a large extent, due to a lack of knowledge and mutual prejudices in relation to each other’s backgrounds. Said expert adds that the sphere of intelligence in France is viewed in a manner that is too restricted and derogatory while often being associated with spies and spooks. Walter Bruyère-Ostells maintains that forums should be developed in order to make known what the world of intelligence actually consists of.
The way Walter Bruyère-Ostells sees it, a mutually beneficial cooperation can be established between intelligence-related university study programs and intelligence services. This scholar points out that, in France, at Sciences Po Aix, an Intelligence Chair is being developed which relies on recognition and backing from the National Coordination of Intelligence and Counter-terrorist Efforts and from the Intelligence Academy. Bruyère-Ostells adds that speakers working in intelligence services take part in courses and events of said Chair and that students can undergo internships and do works on topics that intelligence services take interest in.
According to Wasielewski (June 20, 2023), intelligence consists of knowledge and analysis designed for assisting action. Actually, intelligence is crucial for backing foreign policy. This occurs in several countries, such as the U.S. (National Intelligence Strategy 2023, p. 2), Switzerland (Federal Act of 25 September 2015 on the Intelligence Service (Intelligence ServiceAct, IntelSA)) and Israel (Golub July 3, 2021). Regarding the United Kingdom, William Hague (November 16, 2011), then serving as Foreign Secretary, stated that intelligence is present in many of the more relevant priorities of foreign policy. From the standpoint of Hague (November 16, 2011), intelligence needs to be regarded in light of the Government’s set of strategies and goals.
A country’s interests concerning foreign policy need to be taken into account when planning intelligence activities abroad (Special Report on the National Security and IntelligenceActivities of Global Affairs Canada 2022, p. 19). It is vital for foreign policy to entail coherence (Special Report on the National Security and Intelligence Activities of Global AffairsCanada 2022, p. 19). Current Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Director William Burns (January 30, 2023) understands that intelligence serves to predict in-depth changes on the international scene and, in this context, to lend support to policymakers. The latter have to realize that intelligence is an art, not a science that guarantees results (Wasielewski June 20, 2023). Intelligence consumers need to know the capabilities and limitations of intelligence services (Wasielewski June 20, 2023).
Strategic intelligence
According to Pareja (April 11, 2022), the process of data collection and analysis aimed at formulating information-based decisions and policies is known as strategic intelligence. This does not seek to solve present-day problems; rather, with a long-term perspective, it is intended to back national strategy (Díaz 2014, p. 34). Strategic intelligence, through its assessments, should contribute towards policymakers understanding a certain context, taking advantage of opportunities and managing risks (Simon-Tov, Hershkovitz June 2017, p. 87).
Monitoring the international situation goes by way of strategic intelligence (Defense Primer: National and Defense Intelligence November 29, 2022). This enables leaders to grasp the geopolitical factors influencing international relations (Mandel, Barnes July 14, 2014). Strategic intelligence is essential for forming a Government’s foreign policy (Pareja April 11, 2022) and for upholding national interests (Silva, Ribeiro November 2018, p. 177). For policymakers of countries such as the United States, the Intelligence Community’s (IC) provision of strategic intelligence constitutes an advantage vis-à-vis rival powers (Katz April 17, 2020). Policymakers should be willing and able to think strategically (Hutchings, Treverton October 2018, p. 14).
To intervene in the international sphere, experts’ in-depth knowledge becomes necessary, and this is what strategic intelligence provides (Heidenrich 2007). This sort of intelligence, somehow seeking to uncover the future, combines social, cultural, technological, economic, political, military and diplomatic domains (Alonso-Trabanco May 19, 2020). Strategic intelligence allows using data sources to understand the big picture (Neuman, et alii May 2006, p. 473). In William Hague’s view (November 16, 2011), cooperation between intelligence services is essential, given that intelligence is like a puzzle in relation to which, in most cases, an intelligence service per se does not comprise all the pieces needed to complete it.
Intelligence diplomacy
Currently, intelligence services directors actively participate in the processes that determine foreign policy (Daricili January 7, 2022), among other aspects. In this regard, a variety of examples can be given. Recently, on the part of the U.S., the CIA Director met with the Director of Mossad, one of the Israeli intelligence services, and with the Prime Minister of Qatar, to address the possibility of an agreement between Israel and Hamas, a Palestinian organization, leading to an exchange of hostages and prisoners (Barnes December 18, 2023). When Hakan Fidan, Turkey’s current Foreign Minister, headed the Turkish National Intelligence Organization (MIT), he was already regarded as highly influential in his country’s foreign policy (Yildiz June 4, 2023). As MIT leader, Fidan was considered to be someone who, having a vast network of international contacts, was noteworthy in steering Turkey through the complex arena of global politics (Yildiz June 4, 2023).
Walter Bruyère-Ostells feels that when intelligence service department heads are interested in research, even conducting it, they acquire a stringency and analysis capability that can be useful if they end up becoming rulers one day.
History records various instances of Governments that declassified and made use of data from intelligence services in order to influence or back policy decisions (Marleku November 1, 2023). However, particular attention needs to be paid to the role of intelligence in both the U.K. and the U.S., before and during the current Russia-Ukraine war, which broke out on February 24, 2022, disclosing information aimed at preventing the conflict and pressuring allied countries, especially France and Germany, into making decisions against Russia (Marleku November 1, 2023). All this constitutes a new milestone in the diplomatic and political use of intelligence in international affairs, while asserting itself as a foreign policy instrument (Marleku November 1, 2023). In this respect, Holmgren (October 8, 2023) speaks of intelligence diplomacy. This expert considers that, in the U.S., for a long time now, intelligence has comprised a strong suit for diplomats, when influence and persuasion are essential for achieving political outcomes (Holmgren October 8, 2023).
Walter Bruyère-Ostells believes that, compared to conventional diplomacy, intelligence diplomacy’s advantage is that it’s invisible to public opinion. This enables discussions with a greater extent. Also regarding advantages, said scholar thinks that intelligence diplomacy presents realistic diplomatic options, given that, in principle, intelligence is less subject to an ideological discourse than conventional diplomacy. Bruyère-Ostells underscores that, in a democracy, final decisions should be made under the people’s sharp lookout.
Currently, in order to fulfill the State Department’s mission, the backing of intelligence is increasingly important (Holmgren October 8, 2023). According to William Burns (January 30, 2023), in certain cases, intelligence diplomacy can serve to elicit common interests as well as to discretely support U.S. diplomats and policymakers. Hague (November 16, 2011) states that the U.K.’s intelligence services have forged relations with government sectors of other countries, thus contributing toward supplementing and strengthening British diplomacy.
When there is a high degree of trust in intelligence services, leaders tend to more readily consider intelligence diplomacy as a possibility for attaining their objectives (Taylor 2023, p. 6). This sort of diplomacy shows intelligence services’ multiple capabilities and should be carefully used, supplementing conventional diplomacy without replacing it altogether (Taylor 2023, pp. 8-9).
Intelligence analysts and policymakers
For intelligence services, clearly knowing what they will be backing increases support efficacy (Fagersten October 2015, p. 11). Intelligence analysis differs from academic analysis, to the extent the former’s particular interest lies in underpinning the political process, whereas the latter chiefly aims to theorize (Ashraf March 8, 2015). Intelligence analysis is regarded as a critical phase of the intelligence process (Arslan 2021, p.1).
To a certain extent, Haas (2002) regards as positive the IC’s tradition of maintaining that its analyses need to remain separate from policymaking, so as to avoid their politicization. However, this expert believes that analysts need to be aware of what is of interest to policymakers; otherwise, their work risks being irrelevant (Haas 2002). Given that intelligence analysis serves to provide information needed by political decision-makers to arrive at their decisions, it is wise to engage in a mutually beneficial dialogue between rulers and the IC (Lieberthal September 15, 2009). Due to its closeness, this relationship could undesirably result in some tension between intelligence professionals and policymakers (Huminski 2023, p. 18). From Eisenfeld’s standpoint (2017, p. 96), intelligence will never be completely separate from politics or altogether immune to the effects of politicization.
The integrity of IC professionals is vital for the decision-making not to be defiled (Memorandum on Revitalizing America’s Foreign Policy and National Security Workforce, Institutions,and Partnerships February 4, 2021). In this context, the analyst’s professional ethics are highly important (Wald 2006, p. 259).
Wald (2006, p. 271) considers that intelligence services should provide some sort of training to analysts as concerns their relationship with policymakers. According to Lotta Lampela, then Intelligence Adviser to the Director of European Union Intelligence Analysis Centre (EU INTCEN), intelligence services should also show initiative in educating / training their customers (Kuosa 2014, p. 75). From Lampela’s standpoint, this enables creating understanding and trust among the parties concerned (Kuosa 2014, p. 75). In Wasielewski’s view (June 20, 2023), policymakers need to study intelligence, and this should not take place solely in on-the-job-training situations.
Comunication
Communication constitutes the link between intelligence collection, analysts’ work and decision-making, which is why this is a key aspect of intelligence (Hammond-Errey February 9, 2023). Those wishing to communicate effectively in policymaking systems need to become aware of the policymakers’ environment (Cairney, Kwiatkowski November 28, 2017). Regarding challenges, in the field of communication, between intelligence services and policymakers, Lotta Lampela underscores the need for the message to be received in a timely manner, highlighting the importance of the present situation, and to be properly understood, to avoid instances where concepts comprise variable interpretations (Kuosa 2014, p. 76). Also concerning said field, Kaivo-oja maintains that planning communication channels needs to improve (Kuosa 2014, p. 76). As concerns the COVID-19 pandemic, regarding the U.S., several experts argue that, when dealing with matters of crucial importance for national security, efficient communication is critical between the IC and those holding the highest Government positions (Lankford, et alii December 3, 2020). The feedback that policymakers pass on to intelligence services is often insufficient (Mohr April 25, 2023). Analysts need detailed feedback in relation to what they produce (Mulligan, Schmitt September 18, 2020).
Institutional fragmentation, as can occur in the case of the European Union (EU), hampers communication between analysts and diplomats (Ikani, Meyer November 11, 2022). Concerning the EU system, there are multiple origins, perspectives, formats and conclusions of intelligence, without comprising a single entity to bring them together, provide comparative analysis and forward such intelligence to senior leadership (Ikani, Meyer November 11, 2022). Under such circumstances, there can be too much information and senior officials can end up being confused (Ikani, Meyer November 11, 2022).
Conclusion
Research in the field of intelligence services constitutes a challenge, for starters given the difficulties related to the secretive nature of the various intelligence activities. It often becomes necessary to wait until certain documents are declassified. While many universities decide not to offer intelligence-related study programs, this topic is increasingly gaining a foothold in the public domain. However, the academic sphere contains examples of mutually beneficial cooperation between certain study programs and intelligence services.
Among several aspects, intelligence is highly important with regard to the backing given to policymakers, as part of foreign policy. With a global perspective and a long-term vision, strategic intelligence monitors the international situation, enabling politicians, in terms of the big picture, to gain an understanding of the multiple geopolitical factors influencing international relations. The complexity of intelligence is comparable to a puzzle relative to which the pieces needed to complete it might not be found with a single intelligence service and, hence, cooperation between intelligence services, domestically and internationally, take on particular relevance.
Currently, and in reality, intelligence services directors actively take part in the processes that determine foreign policy and, in certain cases, they even play a noteworthy role in international relations. This is part of what is known as intelligence diplomacy. This can be regarded as complementary to conventional diplomacy. Intelligence analysis provides information that rulers need for making decisions, and so there has to be dialogue between the IC and political decision-makers. This relationship will be all the more positive with increasing mutual knowledge; this could result from training initiatives with intelligence services professionals, including analysts, and with rulers. Such rulers need to have a realistic idea of the intelligence services’ capabilities.
While contacts between policymakers and the IC are a reality, a variety of experts consider that politicizing the operational department and analytical activities need to be avoided, maintaining their neutrality and professionalism, for the benefit of rulers’ decision-making quality. Within this context, the ethics of intelligence services professionals are important.
Regarding the domain of communication, intelligence services’ messages need to reach policymakers in a timely manner, via appropriate channels, and whose content has to be properly understood by the recipient. In this regard, policymakers’ feedback is vital.
Cairney, P., Kwiatkowski, R. (November 28, 2017). How to Communicate Effectively with Policymakers: Combine Insights from Psychology to Policy Studies. Retrieved 8.2.2024 from https://www.nature.com/articles/s41599-017-0046-8
Díaz, G. (May 2005, p. 2). Intelligence Studies at the Dawn of the 21st Century: New Possibilities and Resources for a Recent Topic in International Relations. Retrieved 18.12.2023 from https://www.ucm.es/data/cont/media/www/pag-72533/Gustavo2.pdf
Ikani, N., Meyer, C. (November 11, 2022). The Underlying Causes of Strategic Surprise in EU Foreign Policy: A Post-Mortem Investigation of the Arab Uprisings and the Ukraine-RussiaCrisis of 2013/14. Retrieved 6.2.2024 from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09662839.2022.2140009
The Hague has been the city of peace and justice for 125 years. From the first International Peace Conference back in 1899 and the construction of the Peace Palace to the conglomerate of international organisations and courts today. Many of these are concentrated in the International Zone near Scheveningen.
This zone is part of the coastal strip where the occupiers in the Second World War demolished all the buildings to make way for the construction of the Atlantic Wall and a clear line of fire. The symbolism that it is here and in the rest of The Hague that thousands of people work on peaceful conflict resolution and international law every day will appeal to everyone.
Yet this world of diplomacy and justice is very remote from the world of a large proportion of the population in The Hague. It is therefore important that we make peace, law and justice relevant to our residents in their daily lives.
And it’s not just about international law. National civil and criminal law also fail to engage many people. Until they are involved as a suspect or witness. That can make a big impression. Court buildings are often imposing or even intimidating. That commands respect but also creates distance.
It is sometimes better to bring justice closer. Occasionally, ‘ordinary’ judges in our country go to the scene of a crime or dispute. In long-running TV programmes like De Rijdende Rechter, for example, in which Judge John Reid solves disputes and conflicts between neighbours, this has been happening for years. Each episode always ends with an official legal judgement with which both parties are bound to comply.
In The Hague, we do things slightly differently. Last year, we started alternative dispute resolution in Moerwijk. This type of local arbitration has now been adopted in other places in the Netherlands and beyond where people live in densely populated areas, creating many complex situations. For example, disputes between families and neighbours, antisocial behaviour on the street or people causing problems to themselves and others due to the challenges they face. It is not primarily about who’s right and who’s wrong. It’s about how we ensure that people sort out their lives and are able to live together.
This is the approach taken in Moerwijk, as well as at several secondary schools in The Hague. Students take on the roles involved in our legal system and tackle minor misdemeanours and disputes at school themselves. Not by imposing severe punishments but by solving problems. To ensure that everyone can coexist in the school environment.
In The Hague, city of peace and justice, there is more going on than just the world of the Peace Palace and International courts of justice. It’s also about experiencing law and justice in the neighbourhood and at school.
Renan Villacis, Director Secretariat of the Assembly States Parties at the International Criminal Court, reflects on 35 years of a dynamic and impactful career in public international law. In this exclusive interview with Diplomat Magazine, from his early days as a diplomat in Ecuador to his instrumental role in the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC), Villacis offers a deeply personal account of his professional journey, sharing important moments, and offering invaluable perspectives on the evolution and challenges of international law.
How did you get involved in public international law?
After concluding studying law for six years, in 1989 I was able to take part in a competitive process to enter Ecuador’s Diplomatic Academy as a third Secretary of the Foreign Service. That allowed me a chance to embark on a diplomatic career. I worked in different posts at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Quito. Some of those entailed a large component of international law, including the Treaty Section and the Legal Office, as well as our Sovereignty Office.
Where has your career path taken you?
After a few years in Quito, I obtained a Fulbright and OSA scholarship to study at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. Then I joined the UN Office of Legal Affairs in New York as a P-2 associate legal officer. Shortly after the ICC started to be set up I was recruited by the first Director of the Secretariat of the Assembly of States Parties in The Hague, Mr. Medard Rwelamira, to help him with that undertaking. I came to The Hague in 2004 for one year, but ended up staying for almost two decades.
What have been highlights or key moments of your career?
The joyous moments which stand out are the conclusion of the Rome Diplomatic Conference in July 1998, when the Rome Statute was adopted. The feeling of elation of the entire conference room after years of negotiations has no equal in my memory. Í was the youngest member of the UN Codification Division team in Rome, working with the Drafting Committee chaired by Cherif Bassiouni, one of the most eminent international criminal law lawyers of his era. The multi-year endeavour had been an intensive learning process as the most distinguished jurists from all States had taken part in the negotiations which had the challenge of establishing a new institution that would be part of the international system ushered in by the end of the Cold War. Hopes were so high with what could be achieved, it seemed like the sky was the limit, as the contagious enthusiasm of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan spread throughout the UN Secretariat and the UN in general. One might even say it was a thrilling process.
The other highlight was the successful outcome of the 2010 Kampala Review Conference of the Rome Statute. The review conference had been agreed to as part of the 1998 Rome Statute outcome in order to conclude what had been unfinished in Rome. Overcoming enormous challenges and contrary to the expectations of many, the outcome of the Review Conference was historic: an agreement by consensus of the international community to amendments to the Rome Statute which included a legal definition of the crime of aggression as well as the conditions for the exercise of jurisdiction by the Court over the crime of aggression; the amendments allowed the Court to proceed in the absence of a decision by the United Nations Security Council after a period of six months.
There is also the painful and jarring memory of September 11, as I lived near UNHQ and watched the Twin Towers burn and fall. Working on the negotiations regarding new counter-terrorism conventions had been part of my duties as a legal officer before then; the horrendous attack added urgency and renewed political commitment to that endeavour. The memories of that day are seared into my mind forever.
Renan Villacis. Photography by Armin Taslaman.
What have been your most challenging time/moments?
At the personal level, organizing the two week 2010 Review Conference in Kampala, as there were numerous legal, technical and administrative challenges. We had indispensable support from the UN in Nairobi, but it was still a massive undertaking with a very small team from the Secretariat of the Assembly of States Parties based in The Hague.
Organizing Assembly sessions during the Covid pandemic in 2020 and 2021, including resumed sessions in New York for the election of six judges and of the Prosecutor was also quite difficult, given the need to try to balance operational needs, openness and health risks.
As part of the ICC, the 2017 Assembly of States Parties session where the activation of the jurisdiction of the ICC over the crime of aggression was negotiated and agreed to by consensus.
The Assembly of States Parties is mandated to consider a review of the crime of aggression amendments in 2025, a matter which once more will pose some very complex challenges given the possible legal and political implications that may give rise to.
The period of when a US administration took measures against the Court and its officials and staff also comes to mind as being extremely challenging.
AEP President, Ambassador Christian Wenaweser and Renan Villacis, during the Review Conference of the Rome Statute, held in Kampala, Uganda, from 31 May to 11 June 2010. Photografy by Ester Luteranova.
How do you see the state of international law today?
My professional career began at the time when the Cold War ended and therefore a great deal of enthusiasm and conviction that an entirely new world order had dawned was prevalent. International law played a key role in that process. I worked as part of the UN Legal Office team with the International Law Commission in Geneva for a few years, assisting in the development and codification of international law. There were important achievements and progress on new counter-terrorism conventions.
The International Court of Justice was the forum which States resorted to with increased frequency. Along with the establishment of the ICC there was thus an enormous elan to the hope of a more peaceful world where the resources could be redirected to development and improving the lives of all. Yet, fissures appeared or re-appeared, non-State actors and technological innovations posed new risks, conflicts erupted anew, the global institutions set up to maintain peace and security and to find peaceful means to settle disputes were placed under stress or simply unable to reach agreements. A point of inflexion in that ascending process which international law was in has been reached. It is perhaps one of the most challenging times for the rule of law in general and international law in particular. A sincere and concerted effort by the international community to revitalize the role of international law is essential.
What would you say to the new generation interested in working in international relations/law?
I would say that they are fortunate to be entering a career which can be quite fulfilling, that the complications of today will give way to solutions that allow the international community to continue its journey of progress. Despite the gloomy outlook one has when reading the news, they should not be discouraged. They can contribute to finding those solutions. That is valid for anyone, even those who may come from a geographically small State, there are ways to contribute to making the world better, as a diplomat, international civil servant, academic, member of non-governmental organization, lawyer, journalist, etc.
Any advice for students interested in a career in public international law?
Besides your studies, learn languages that may be helpful in the field you seek to enter, do internships and acquire experience at the national or international level, be disciplined, tech savy, patient and remember that being able to work well as a member of a team is essential. If possible, get some experience living/working abroad, outside your comfort zone/bubble. You should enjoy the work, which is most rewarding from the perspective of being part of an undertaking of many.
Are you optimistic then about what lies ahead for international law?
Absolutely, there are successes and sometimes some regressions, but the progress attained in every decade we live through is undeniable. I can for example still vividly recall my first year of international law studies when we were impressed about the discussion on reform of the UN Security Council; over 40 years later, those discussions continue. But if one considers all the other advances in treaty-making, in creating new institutions, in improving the legal regimes which allow our globalized world to function and to improve peoples lives, we can indeed be optimistic. We owe it to future generations.
