A brief narrative on the situation in Cyprus
On the occasion of the 54th anniversary since the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus.
By Dr. Kyriacos Kouros, Ambassador of the Republic of Cyprus to the Kingdom of the Netherlands
This year on the 1st of October we celebrate the 54th anniversary since the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus; a member state of the European Union since 2004. Unfortunately our celebrations are still marred by the consequences of military invasion and occupation of Cyprus since 1974 which constitute, to this day, a sore point in the contemporary history of the island: the military occupation, the forcible division, the violation of the fundamental human rights of thousands of Cypriots, the massive colonization of the occupied areas, the ethnic cleansing and targeted cultural destruction, the property usurpation of displaced persons and ethnic segregation imposed remain the main characteristics of the status quo on the island.
A historical background
By looking at the map, one can clearly observe that Cyprus lies on historical crossroads, in an area of the world where civilizations from east and west collide and major historic events have taken place over the centuries; a European country with a Middle Eastern flavour. Irrespective of the situation in Cyprus, we remain the only example of stability in a conflict-prone and restful South-eastern Mediterranean neighbourhood.
Cyprus became an independent state in August 16, 1960. The struggle for the right of self-determination of the island with a predominant Greek population (80%) was met in the 1950s with fierce resistance by the then colonial rulers. In total disregard of the Lausanne Treaty (24 July 1923), a third country was invited in the talks for the future of Cyprus in an attempt to discourage the Greek majority living in the island from keep on asking for union (enosis) with Greece. The new word of division (taxim) was introduced!
Diplomatic efforts in the 1950s to solve the problem failed; a guerrilla war and civil disobedience tactics were launched by the Greeks of Cyprus between the years 1955-1959. Finally the sovereign and independent state of the Republic of Cyprus was established as the only option left on the negotiating table.
What is important to point out is that during the 1950s this decision for the future of Cyprus was taken in the absence of the Cypriots themselves because the situation was considered a âproblem among NATO alliesâ; the islandâs leaderships of the two biggest ethnic groups â Greeks and Turks alike, were just invited at a later stage to co-sign an agreement drafted by the departing colonial rulers and agreed upon by the two âmotherlandsâ, providing for an extremely rigid, detailed and austere Constitution which introduced segregated institutions, the concept of third countries as guarantors with debatable intervening powers that contradicted the UN Charter, the stationing of armies from the âmotherlandsâ for the supposedly security of the indigenous population; and more importantly established two foreign military bases on the island under a unique regime!
The Constitution of Cyprus does not allow for amendments in the most basic characteristics of the new state! Therefore Cypriot legislators do not have the necessary tools to deal with evolving social needs and challenges through the expected process of a state of law!
Moreover, the existing Constitution of Cyprus was not put to a referendum; nowhere its text refers to people as the source of its legitimacy! Instead it speaks of two communities which elect separately their leaders in the executive and the legislative: the Cypriots formed an exceptional ethnic partnership at the altar of foreign vested interests. The 80 percent of the Greeks felt they were tricked to sharing the power with the 18 percent of the Turks; and the Turks found them selves in an unexpected privileged position of power-sharing which naturally they did not want to give back. Â Other tinier ethnic groups like the Maronites, Armenians and Latins were branded religious groups and were forced to choose to join into one of the two communities. Few hundred Roma are mentioned nowhere.
Tensions between the Greek- and Turkish-Cypriots climaxed almost three and a half years after the establishment of the new state when then Cyprus President Archbishop Makarios proposed Constitutional amendments in an attempt to make it more proportionate to the understanding of the Greeks. Extremists on both sides took the lead and violence broke out. The authorities of the young state were found ineffectual to deal with the paramilitary forces of both sides which were supported by third parties outside the island.
Despite the initial deployment of UN peacekeepers in 1964, sporadic inter-communal violence continued and the Turkish Cypriots decided and removed themselves from all institutional bodies, leading their community into ghettos, or âenclavesâ, spread throughout the island; and they remained there for ten years waiting for an opportunity! Their withdrawal to the âenclavesâ can mostly be attributed to the wish of the Turkish Cypriot elite to enforce a de-facto partition of Cyprus.
On their part, the Greek Cypriot political elite filled up the void of power while inter-communal talks were launched in 1968 in a bid to find a way out so that both Greek- and Turkish-Cypriots coexist in what the Greek majority considered a fairer administrational system. The concept of the Right of Necessity provided the necessary legal instruments to the Greek-Cypriots to rule the island in the absence of the Turkish Cypriots.
In 1974, a coup against the legitimate Cyprus government orchestrated by the Athens junta and supported by Greek Cypriot extremists and advocates of union with one of the âmotherlandsâ on the island â in essence a sort of a mono-communal civil war between the Greeks, provided the excuse for a military intervention by the other âmotherlandâ on the pretext that this action was necessary to restore the constitutional order in the island. But this was only a pretext: even when the constitutional order was restored the invading power continued to violate the cease-fire, and after driving a conference summoned in Geneva about the situation in Cyprus to a deadlock, it launched a second attack. Unfortunately, occupation troops remain since, controlling around 36.2 per cent of the northern-bound territory of the Republic of Cyprus.
During the events of the summer of 1974, branded unsuccessfully as âpeace operationâ by the invading power, one third of the Greek Cypriots and one half of the Turkish Cypriots found them selves displaced away from their homes, a hundredth of the population mostly civilians lost their lives; about 2000 families found themselves searching for the whereabouts of their missing that include several hundred civilians as well as Prisoners of War; properties were destroyed, cultural treasures looted and so on. The âpeace operationâ was a full-blown military invasion with all its gruesome repercussions of atrocities.
Two parallel 180 km-long cease-fire lines still divide the island from west to east while a UN peace keeping force patrols the buffer zone in between. Realistically speaking, no termination of hostilities has been achieved; and the cease-fire lines got a perverted âpolitically-correctâ name of a «Green Line» or «buffer zone» or «no manâs land». As for the uneducated masses or the millions of clueless tourists who visit this exceptionally beautiful holiday haven from all over the world, the cease-fire lines look like a border of sorts.
Repeated rounds of negotiations since the cease-fire achieved in the summer of 1974 did not produce any significant results due to the intransigence displayed by the occupying forces. In 1983, the subordinate administration of the occupying country in the occupied areas of Cyprus unanimously declared itself the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (“TRNC”), but it is recognized only by the occupying power.
Repeated UN Security Council resolutions have declared the secessionist entity illegal, call for the withdrawal of the declaration and ask from the international community not to recognise it or facilitate its elements in any way.
Since then the repeated rounds of on-going talks are further complicated by more complex elements, such as the islandâs demographic change with transfer of illegal settlers from the occupying âmotherlandâ. Today the settlers are estimated to be two to three times more than of the remaining Turkish-Cypriots in the territory under occupation.
Moreover and unfortunately, a widespread ethnic cleansing policy has been systematically implemented in the areas under occupation to the extent that almost no name of town, village or street resembles anymore those before the summer of 1974 while traces of Greek or Christian cultural characteristics are systematically being wiped out. Having been severely looted, Christian Greek and Armenian, Orthodox or Catholic churches, monasteries, cemeteries and other monuments of historic significance are being turned to anything but places of worship and preservation. It is estimated than
about 60.000 cultural, archaeological and religious treasures have been scattered worldwide through black market routes.
What sort of a Cyprus settlement we seek? In a nutshell
Since 1974, the international community is trying to deal with the situation in Cyprus by making use of the good offices of the UN Secretary General. This means that the UN Secretary General has been mandated to assist the two sides to reach a settlement but does not have any other powers such that of an arbitrator or of a judge.
A number of attempts to solve the situation in Cyprus from 1977 till today have reached a deadlock! The two sides have agreed since 1977 in general terms that a solution of the situation in Cyprus could be best served with the transformation of the current unitary state to a federal state (UNSG Resolutions 750, 10 April 1992), comprising two politically equal communities.
This equality was also defined. It does not mean equal numerical participation in any future federal settlement but the effective participation of both communities in all organs and decisions of the said federal entity. (Paragraph 11, Report by the UN SG on his mission of good offices in Cyprus, 3 April 1992, document S/23780).
Most recent developments and the way ahead
A new round of fully-fledged negotiations under the good offices of the UN Secretary General was launched on 11th February 2014, after five months of extensive preparations. This will be our most recent on-going attempt to solve the Cyprus issue; hopefully the last one.Â
A new catalyst can be the findings of natural gas and oil in the Exclusive Economic Zone of the Republic of Cyprus. The export of significant quantities of natural gas which exists in the South Eastern Mediterranean basin could potentially also find a way through Turkey; but first we have to solve the Cyprus issue.
More than any other, we the Cypriots are fully aware that time is of the essence. More than one third of the Cypriot population continues to be internally displaced, irrespective that we had to go on living and building our lives again from scratch. The displaced people âare being denied access to and control, use and enjoyment of their property as well as any compensation for the interference with their property rightsâ, as has been reaffirmed by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in numerous decisions, the most recent being the historic judgment of the said Court with regard to the claim by the Republic of Cyprus against Turkey for just satisfaction, on May 12 2014.
The 43,000 soldiers of the occupation army that are stationed in Cyprus are a constant security threat.
The large number of settlers illegally being imported since 1974 is altering the demographic character of the areas under occupation and threatens the viability of any prospective settlement. The ethno-cultural cleansing which carries on is self evident to any visitor to the occupied part of Cyprus.
New generations of Cypriots are coming of age having known only the ethnic segregation imposed by the consequences of the 1974 invasion.
Concluding, I would like to reiterate that the status quo in Cyprus is UNACCEPTABLE. Our vision remains a re-united Cyprus, free from occupation troops, fully respecting the fundamental freedoms and human rights of all its citizens and fulfilling the aspirations of all Cypriots to live and thrive within our European family.
A historical background
By looking at the map, one can clearly observe that Cyprus lies on historical crossroads, in an area of the world where civilizations from east and west collide and major historic events have taken place over the centuries; a European country with a Middle Eastern flavour. Irrespective of the situation in Cyprus, we remain the only example of stability in a conflict-prone and restful South-eastern Mediterranean neighbourhood.
Cyprus became an independent state in August 16, 1960. The struggle for the right of self-determination of the island with a predominant Greek population (80%) was met in the 1950s with fierce resistance by the then colonial rulers. In total disregard of the Lausanne Treaty (24 July 1923), a third country was invited in the talks for the future of Cyprus in an attempt to discourage the Greek majority living in the island from keep on asking for union (enosis) with Greece. The new word of division (taxim) was introduced!
Diplomatic efforts in the 1950s to solve the problem failed; a guerrilla war and civil disobedience tactics were launched by the Greeks of Cyprus between the years 1955-1959. Finally the sovereign and independent state of the Republic of Cyprus was established as the only option left on the negotiating table.
What is important to point out is that during the 1950s this decision for the future of Cyprus was taken in the absence of the Cypriots themselves because the situation was considered a âproblem among NATO alliesâ; the islandâs leaderships of the two biggest ethnic groups â Greeks and Turks alike, were just invited at a later stage to co-sign an agreement drafted by the departing colonial rulers and agreed upon by the two âmotherlandsâ, providing for an extremely rigid, detailed and austere Constitution which introduced segregated institutions, the concept of third countries as guarantors with debatable intervening powers that contradicted the UN Charter, the stationing of armies from the âmotherlandsâ for the supposedly security of the indigenous population; and more importantly established two foreign military bases on the island under a unique regime!
The Constitution of Cyprus does not allow for amendments in the most basic characteristics of the new state! Therefore Cypriot legislators do not have the necessary tools to deal with evolving social needs and challenges through the expected process of a state of law!
Moreover, the existing Constitution of Cyprus was not put to a referendum; nowhere its text refers to people as the source of its legitimacy! Instead it speaks of two communities which elect separately their leaders in the executive and the legislative: the Cypriots formed an exceptional ethnic partnership at the altar of foreign vested interests. The 80 percent of the Greeks felt they were tricked to sharing the power with the 18 percent of the Turks; and the Turks found them selves in an unexpected privileged position of power-sharing which naturally they did not want to give back. Â Other tinier ethnic groups like the Maronites, Armenians and Latins were branded religious groups and were forced to choose to join into one of the two communities. Few hundred Roma are mentioned nowhere.
Tensions between the Greek- and Turkish-Cypriots climaxed almost three and a half years after the establishment of the new state when then Cyprus President Archbishop Makarios proposed Constitutional amendments in an attempt to make it more proportionate to the understanding of the Greeks. Extremists on both sides took the lead and violence broke out. The authorities of the young state were found ineffectual to deal with the paramilitary forces of both sides which were supported by third parties outside the island.
Despite the initial deployment of UN peacekeepers in 1964, sporadic inter-communal violence continued and the Turkish Cypriots decided and removed themselves from all institutional bodies, leading their community into ghettos, or âenclavesâ, spread throughout the island; and they remained there for ten years waiting for an opportunity! Their withdrawal to the âenclavesâ can mostly be attributed to the wish of the Turkish Cypriot elite to enforce a de-facto partition of Cyprus.
On their part, the Greek Cypriot political elite filled up the void of power while inter-communal talks were launched in 1968 in a bid to find a way out so that both Greek- and Turkish-Cypriots coexist in what the Greek majority considered a fairer administrational system. The concept of the Right of Necessity provided the necessary legal instruments to the Greek-Cypriots to rule the island in the absence of the Turkish Cypriots.
In 1974, a coup against the legitimate Cyprus government orchestrated by the Athens junta and supported by Greek Cypriot extremists and advocates of union with one of the âmotherlandsâ on the island â in essence a sort of a mono-communal civil war between the Greeks, provided the excuse for a military intervention by the other âmotherlandâ on the pretext that this action was necessary to restore the constitutional order in the island. But this was only a pretext: even when the constitutional order was restored the invading power continued to violate the cease-fire, and after driving a conference summoned in Geneva about the situation in Cyprus to a deadlock, it launched a second attack. Unfortunately, occupation troops remain since, controlling around 36.2 per cent of the northern-bound territory of the Republic of Cyprus.
During the events of the summer of 1974, branded unsuccessfully as âpeace operationâ by the invading power, one third of the Greek Cypriots and one half of the Turkish Cypriots found them selves displaced away from their homes, a hundredth of the population mostly civilians lost their lives; about 2000 families found themselves searching for the whereabouts of their missing that include several hundred civilians as well as Prisoners of War; properties were destroyed, cultural treasures looted and so on. The âpeace operationâ was a full-blown military invasion with all its gruesome repercussions of atrocities.
Two parallel 180 km-long cease-fire lines still divide the island from west to east while a UN peace keeping force patrols the buffer zone in between. Realistically speaking, no termination of hostilities has been achieved; and the cease-fire lines got a perverted âpolitically-correctâ name of a «Green Line» or «buffer zone» or «no manâs land». As for the uneducated masses or the millions of clueless tourists who visit this exceptionally beautiful holiday haven from all over the world, the cease-fire lines look like a border of sorts.
Repeated rounds of negotiations since the cease-fire achieved in the summer of 1974 did not produce any significant results due to the intransigence displayed by the occupying forces. In 1983, the subordinate administration of the occupying country in the occupied areas of Cyprus unanimously declared itself the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (“TRNC”), but it is recognized only by the occupying power.
Repeated UN Security Council resolutions have declared the secessionist entity illegal, call for the withdrawal of the declaration and ask from the international community not to recognise it or facilitate its elements in any way.
Since then the repeated rounds of on-going talks are further complicated by more complex elements, such as the islandâs demographic change with transfer of illegal settlers from the occupying âmotherlandâ. Today the settlers are estimated to be two to three times more than of the remaining Turkish-Cypriots in the territory under occupation.
Moreover and unfortunately, a widespread ethnic cleansing policy has been systematically implemented in the areas under occupation to the extent that almost no name of town, village or street resembles anymore those before the summer of 1974 while traces of Greek or Christian cultural characteristics are systematically being wiped out. Having been severely looted, Christian Greek and Armenian, Orthodox or Catholic churches, monasteries, cemeteries and other monuments of historic significance are being turned to anything but places of worship and preservation. It is estimated than
about 60.000 cultural, archaeological and religious treasures have been scattered worldwide through black market routes.
What sort of a Cyprus settlement we seek? In a nutshell
Since 1974, the international community is trying to deal with the situation in Cyprus by making use of the good offices of the UN Secretary General. This means that the UN Secretary General has been mandated to assist the two sides to reach a settlement but does not have any other powers such that of an arbitrator or of a judge.
A number of attempts to solve the situation in Cyprus from 1977 till today have reached a deadlock! The two sides have agreed since 1977 in general terms that a solution of the situation in Cyprus could be best served with the transformation of the current unitary state to a federal state (UNSG Resolutions 750, 10 April 1992), comprising two politically equal communities.
This equality was also defined. It does not mean equal numerical participation in any future federal settlement but the effective participation of both communities in all organs and decisions of the said federal entity. (Paragraph 11, Report by the UN SG on his mission of good offices in Cyprus, 3 April 1992, document S/23780).
Most recent developments and the way ahead
A new round of fully-fledged negotiations under the good offices of the UN Secretary General was launched on 11th February 2014, after five months of extensive preparations. This will be our most recent on-going attempt to solve the Cyprus issue; hopefully the last one.Â
A new catalyst can be the findings of natural gas and oil in the Exclusive Economic Zone of the Republic of Cyprus. The export of significant quantities of natural gas which exists in the South Eastern Mediterranean basin could potentially also find a way through Turkey; but first we have to solve the Cyprus issue.
More than any other, we the Cypriots are fully aware that time is of the essence. More than one third of the Cypriot population continues to be internally displaced, irrespective that we had to go on living and building our lives again from scratch. The displaced people âare being denied access to and control, use and enjoyment of their property as well as any compensation for the interference with their property rightsâ, as has been reaffirmed by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in numerous decisions, the most recent being the historic judgment of the said Court with regard to the claim by the Republic of Cyprus against Turkey for just satisfaction, on May 12 2014.
The 43,000 soldiers of the occupation army that are stationed in Cyprus are a constant security threat.
The large number of settlers illegally being imported since 1974 is altering the demographic character of the areas under occupation and threatens the viability of any prospective settlement. The ethno-cultural cleansing which carries on is self evident to any visitor to the occupied part of Cyprus.
New generations of Cypriots are coming of age having known only the ethnic segregation imposed by the consequences of the 1974 invasion.
Concluding, I would like to reiterate that the status quo in Cyprus is UNACCEPTABLE. Our vision remains a re-united Cyprus, free from occupation troops, fully respecting the fundamental freedoms and human rights of all its citizens and fulfilling the aspirations of all Cypriots to live and thrive within our European family.
Reserve the Date 1st Diplomatic Xmas Ball
The First Diplomatic Xmas Ball in the Netherlands, a unique event specially conceived for Head of Diplomatic Missions, diplomats, top CEOs and very special guests. CLICK THE IMAGE BELOW FOR ADDITIONAL INFO.
Kyrgyzstan on the way to democracy
By H.E. Asein Isaev, Ambassador of Kyrgyzstan to the Netherlands.
A small country in the middle of Central Asia has a long and amazing history and culture. After 70 years of representing part of huge Soviet system Kyrgyzstan has got over different   periods of state transformation.  The revolutions and rejection of 2 authoritarian regimes left deep traces  in the history of   kyrgyz society. In 2005 and 2010 dishonored 2 Presidents had to leave the country.
In April 2010, under the conditions of dramatic political struggle, the outgoing regime used the interregional and interethnic disputes to  provoke the tragic events in the south of Kyrgyzstan. There were more than 400  people   killed. The damage for trade, for the transport and housing infrastructure in south of country estimated in hundreds of millions euros.
Conflict was stifled in 4 days, without any  further escalation. Among the consequences of the tragic events there were  complex  socio-economic and political issues, aggravated in spring 2010. Those interethnic clashes jeopardized further democratic changes initiated by April’s revolution in 2010. It was crucially important to ensure the process of reconstruction as well as to continue the reforms aimed to form  first parliamentary democracy in the region.
The new Constitution significantly limited Presidentâs powers.  Parliamentary elections highly welcomed by kyrgyz society took place in October 2010.  According to the opinion of international  observers there have been conducted really fair and democratic elections.
Despite the challenges, the country confidently  moves towards the objectives. Large-scale reform of the judicial system was initiated. In order to provide real independence of judicial system the selection principle for 445 judges was changed. Kyrgyzstan joined the Convention and the facultative protocol for torture prevention.
Openness of the society and accountability of the authorities to the people have been  already delivered their first fruits. GDP growth, slightly perceptible, but steady, fluctuates around 9%. Many spheres of the economy have come out of the shadow sector. Increased growth of investment in education and healthcare is observable.
On that historically stage  for Kyrgyzstan it is  important to  find  economic and political backing from the international community. The achievements of  the Republic have shown that democratic transformations are real, but  results still remain very fragile. It is crucial for country to  keep the positive trends. There is a huge human potential: strong and consistent civil society, traditions of freedom of speech and independent mass media, gender equality.
Next year country is celebrating 25 years of sovereignty. Government has a  Program to strengthen peace and stability. It is evident the progress is slower than expected and the restored democracy might be threatened. However, obtained experience and comprehension of historical lessons give reliance for transformationsâ sustainability. We hope that our development partners will help to carry out the mission until the end and to maintain the absolute rule of law and justice in Kyrgyzstan.
Discover MilĂș
Discover Bar & Restaurant MilĂș: Lunch / Dinner / Meetings / Events
Bar & Restaurant MilĂș recently opened its doors in the heart of The Hague, at the border of the historical âHofkwartierâ, opposite the Old City Hall. Its exclusive private space on the first floor makes it an ideal location for private dinners and drinks, receptions, workshops, meetings, events and (wedding)parties.
The bar & restaurant on the ground floor offers a large selection of specialty beers, open wines, cocktails and Gin & Tonics. Recommended is the tasting of special beers; a tasting of their 3 varying special draft beers, served on a cute wooden platter. Not a beer drinker? Try out their cocktails, every Wednesday from 5 pm itâs cocktail night, with cocktails for only âŹ5,-. But MilĂș is not only worth visiting for drinks, the dinner menu is surprising mix of small international dishes, perfect to try many things and/or to share them with your table companions.
With its warm industrial interior and a year-round heated terrace in front, this unique new venue is definitely worth a visit. www.restaurantmilu.nl
With its warm industrial interior and a year-round heated terrace in front, this unique new venue is definitely worth a visit. www.restaurantmilu.nl
Sergey Malov – concerts in The Netherlands
By Dmitry Badiarov, independent contributor to the Diplomat magazine
Russian-born violinist Sergey Malov, known for his mastery of three instruments, namely the violin, the viola and the recently rediscovered violoncello da spalla, gave a truly impressive performance at Concertgebouw in Amsterdam on July 23, where he played with the Concertgebouwâs frequent guest, the Akademie fĂŒr Alte Musik Berlin, led by Bernhard Forck.
Before the concert, the artists and audience stood for one minute of silence in memory of the victims of flight MH17.
The program included a concerto by Unico Wilhelm van Wassenaer, the cello concerto in D by the Neapolitan Leonardo Leo, the Brandenburg Concerto No.3 and Orchestra Suite No. 2 by Johann Sebastian Bach, and the violin concerto in B by Giuseppe Tartini. Malov performed both as violinist and cellist. In the opening Wassenaer concerto Malov and Forck offered beautiful and powerful solo parts on the violin. Sergey Malov performed Leoâs cello concerto with breathtaking virtuosity on the shoulder-held violoncello da spalla, an instrument much in use in the 18th century. One of Malovâs assets is his fluency in a broad range of musical styles, from the Baroque to contemporary music and even jazz, and connoisseurs knew that some improvisation was to be expected. But the audience were given to hear something that went far beyond their expectations as Malov treated them to a dazzling abundance of ornamentations and cadenze improvised ex tempore. His magnificent cadenza in the Tartini violin concerto in B deserves a description of its own, not only because of its impressive length, but because of its great wealth of musical invention – all of it perfectly true to the style of the concerto. At the same time, Malov suprised connoisseurs among the audience with a display of entirely innovative bowing techniques. He also allowed himself a musical pleasantry by inserting several improvised passages from the cadenza into the following orchestral reprise.
Sergey Malov has been invited to play concertos on both the violin and the viola by the London Philharmonic, the Tokyo Philharmonic and the St. Petersburg Philharmonic, the Symphonieorchester des Bayerischen Rundfunks in Munich, the Camerata Salzburg and the Mozarteum Orchester Salzburg. The Akademie fĂŒr Alte Musik Berlin (AKAMUS) chose Malov as their soloist for a programe of Italian concertos for the violin and the violoncello da spalla at to be performed at the Berlin Philharmonic Hall on 15 November 2013. Malovâs Baroque instrument collection consists of a violoncello da spalla and a baroque violin built by luthier Dmitry Badiarov (2011 and 2013, The Hague) and at this moment he is working on the modern violin for him. On September 5 Malov gave a recital with pianist Florian Birsak at the Festival Oude Muziek in Utrecht. Their performance was more than noteworthy indeed.
Another look at the Arab world
By Dr Tamara Takacs, Senior researcher & Sanae Hamzaoui, Project Manager, Asser Instituut.
It is Monday morning 9 oâclock in Rabat, outside the temperature has already reached 30 degrees but we will not complain as it was raining when we left The Hague. In the conference room the first participants take their seats but not before greeting each other, catching up and sharing anecdotes. They had met just a few months ago, in May, in The Hague when they followed a course on Administration of Justice.
It is September 8th and they are sitting together again, judges and prosecutors from four Arab countries: Jordan, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Morocco. They are all gathering to discuss their experiences in The Hague and foremost, share with us what steps they had taken in the past three months. A short period of time one would think, but for them already enough to start implementing concrete projects and engage to advance reforms in their home country. Certainly they had learnt a lot in the Netherlands in terms of knowledge and skills, but more importantly they had been inspired and encouraged to bring about change within their work. In their own department, court or at the Ministry, each initiative does count and it is easy to see how proud the participants are to present their achievement to their counterparts from other countries.
Far from the at times violent unrests, they could talk freely, express their hope for a safe future, and have a critical look at the events that are undermining development and reforms in the Arab world (Syria, Irak, and Palestine).
The Dutch government is supporting the democratic transition in the Arab region through such trainings programmes. As implementing organisation, we can only welcome such initiative and confirm how this is important for the Arab region.
The Matra South Training Programme âAdministration of Justiceâ has been implemented by the T.M.C Asser Institute in the period 2012 â 2014 and is an initiative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (for more information about this programme visit: www.matra-south.nl).
On Charles Bukoskwi
Indeed life is unpredictable
By Guillaume Kavaruganda, Minister Counselor at the Embassy of Rwanda in Netherlands Even though my hobby is reading (fiction and non-fiction) I never fought that one day I will read poetry, until I got a book written by Charles Bukoskwi. The writer was unknown to me by then. I got intoxicated with the book and took the decision to buy and read all he has written. In a very short time I had finished all his 6 novels. The remaining was his prose and poetry.  Since my thirst regarding the author was not satisfied, I started reading his poetry. From then on I changed my mind on poetry. Who is Charles Bukoskwi? Henry Charles Bukowski (born Heinrich Karl Bukowski on August 16, 1920 â and passed away on March 9, 1994) was a German-born American poet, novelist and short story writer. His writing was influenced by the social, cultural, and economic ambience of his home city of Los Angeles. His work addresses the ordinary lives of poor Americans, the act of writing, alcohol, relationships with women, and the drudgery of work. Bukowski wrote thousands of poems, hundreds of short stories and six novels, eventually publishing over sixty books. In 1986 Time called Bukowski a “laureate of American lowlife”. Charles Bukoskwi has changed the way the majority, intellectuals and not, perceived poetry. He is the best known contemporary writers of poetry and prose, and many claim itâs most influential and imitated poet. All of his books have now been published in translation in more than a dozen languages and his worldwide popularity remains undiminished. In writing this column, I want to invite you to discover the author with the hope that you will enjoy his writing as I did. Your feedback would be appreciated. You can use my email gkavaruganda@gmail.com . His books and poetry can be found at American Book Center, in The Hague and Amsterdam. Welcome on board. gkavaruganda@gmail.com19 Billion euros a year lost
By William Rumley-van Gurp.
Thatâs what the report âCTR-ALT-DELâ from the University of Twente says is lost each year for the whole of the Netherlands because of low computer skills. What this means, is that each worker is losing on the average of 7 minutes each hour trying to find a command, do something new, or asking a colleague how to do it. All of this is because people are not getting basic business computer skills training.
One of the problems is that in the Netherlands most computer training is in Dutch. Training courses in English are limited to groups of ten or more and then the trainer is not experienced with a cross cultural situation of the student needs. Moreover, the use of non-native English speakers may not be enough for proper understanding and knowledge transfer, especially when the receivers are also using English as a second or even third language.
I am an American who understands the needs of the International community and with over 16 yearsâ experience providing courses in the Microsoft Office Suite (Word, Excel, PowerPoint). I am very happy working with a group of people from many different backgrounds and languages as they work to learn the technical terms and best business practices in these computer applications.
If you need help with your computer or you see a need with your staff on the computer I can help.
You can find out more on the website or Facebook page below:
www.cftrainingtoday.com or www.facebook.com/CandlesFlameTraining
FĂȘtes de Wallonie et de la CommunautĂ© française de Belgique
By Duke Michael of Mecklenburg.
On Wednesday 24th of September, the Wallonia-Brussels Delegation in The Hague, part of the Embassy of Belgium in the Netherlands, celebrated the Day of Wallonia and the French-speaking community of Belgium. Â Marc Clairbois, Delegate of Wallonia-Brussels, and his wife, Carol Sinon, held a reception at the restaurant GEMber, adjacent to the Gemeentemuseum in The Hague.
On this occasion, ambassadors such as His Excellency Mr Hoornaert, Ambassador of Belgium in the Netherlands, members of the Belgian community and many representations of the Dutch authorities were present. The event was also the occasion to celebrate the bicentenary of Adolphe Sax, the inventor of the saxophone, born in the Walloon city of Dinant. Live music, performed by the Belgian jazz band from LiĂšge âScat Street Bandâ, as well as delicious Belgian food and drinks, contributed to the guestsâ delight.
A few caricatures with an ironic wink to Adolph Sax were also exhibited. Furthermore, it was an opportunity to remind the guests of a few concrete projects between Wallonia-Brussels and the Netherlands in the areas of economics, politics, culture, education and research. In addition, the attention was drawn to upcoming events in Wallonia, for instance Mons 2015, the French Language World Forum in LiĂšge (July 2015) and the bicentenary of the Battle of Waterloo.
A few caricatures with an ironic wink to Adolph Sax were also exhibited. Furthermore, it was an opportunity to remind the guests of a few concrete projects between Wallonia-Brussels and the Netherlands in the areas of economics, politics, culture, education and research. In addition, the attention was drawn to upcoming events in Wallonia, for instance Mons 2015, the French Language World Forum in LiĂšge (July 2015) and the bicentenary of the Battle of Waterloo.