Revolution in democracy with the launch of “ISPD+ Innovation in Diplomacy Network”, the first network that will democratise diplomacy. Last Friday, 23rd May at the International School of Protocol & Diplomacy, Open Doors event inspired by Brussels Jazz  Marathon. An established school of protocol and diplomacy from the heart of Europe, ISPD, has announced last Friday, the launch of the first network of innovation in diplomacy in the world, bringing together more than 90 countries and becoming, from day one, the most diverse platform solely dedicated to innovation in diplomacy. The new concept targets diplomats, official event organizers, protocol professionals, journalists, translators, corporate diplomats, CEO’s and international projects’ managers, and helps them to get back on track with solving the puzzle of modern diplomacy in organizations, governments and companies using proven, real-world tools and techniques. Members learn how to make an immediate impact on the global transformation of diplomacy.  As Thomas Sladko, ISPD Expert in Protocol & Organisation of High Level Events and Austrian Chancellery Deputy Chief of Protocol said “There is no second chance in protocol” News Facts – The mission of the “ISPD+ Innovation in Diplomacy Network” is to democratize diplomacy, to promote global elite of Innovators in diplomacy and to aid, assist, foster and promote the soft diplomacy education of development countries such as Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia. – The main objective of the network is to democratize diplomacy and its knowledge across cultures, valorizing local and national branding towards a global focus. – The new network will start operations on the 1st September 2014 with a launching number of anticipated 1500 members. ISPD+ is powered by the ISPD, The International School of Protocol and Diplomacy, and its founder Ines Pires, “Protocol is about others, not about ourselves”. This is a real-world issues covered by type of membership horizontally organized  operated through a membership offering added value on real-world diplomacy matters. H.E Luis Ritto, ISPD Emeritus Professor and former EU Ambassador to the Holy See and Order of Malta, recently said that “The economic power of the EU has declined sharply in recent times. Europe has since 2008 suffered an unprecedented economic and financial crisis, for which the EU was not prepared and which was tackled in a disunited and inefficient way by the EU political authorities causing decisions to be taken late and with little practical results” For more information about ISPD+ Innovation in Diplomacy contact Julia Stanczak, Communications Officer at j.stanczak@ispdnetwork.org  

On 23 May 2014, National Law University, Delhi, won the final round of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Trial Competition, English version. Pictured here is the winning team with ICC Judge Howard Morrison in ICC Courtroom I in The Hague (Netherlands), from left to right:Judge Morrison, Dhruv Sharma, Amrutanshu Dash, Sanjeevi Seshadri, Ishan Patnaik and Rakesh Jayakumar © ICC-CPI Today, 23 May 2014, National Law University, Delhi, won the final round of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Trial Competition, English version, held in ICC Courtroom I in The Hague (Netherlands). Hebrew University of Jerusalem and China Foreign Affairs University won, respectively, second and third place. The winning team comprises Dhruv Sharma, Amrutanshu Dash, Sanjeevi Seshadri, Ishan Patnaik and Rakesh Jayakumar. The Best Speaker award from the entire English-language competition went to Elizabeth Brown of the University of New South Wales, which competed in the preliminary rounds. This year, 49 teams comprising a total of 290 participants from 35 countries worldwide participated in this year’s English-language simulation exercise on the applicable law and jurisprudence of the ICC. Before a bench composed of ICC Judge Howard Morrison (presiding), Special Assistant to the ICC President Philipp Ambach, and ICC Legal Officer Mary-Anne Power, the teams competed on a fictitious case, presenting oral arguments during an appeals hearing in the roles of Prosecution, Defence and Legal Representatives of a Government. After a break for deliberations, ICC Judge Morrison announced the bench’s decision and an awards ceremony was held for all participants. The finalists’ peers attended the event in the Court’s public galleries and the event was web streamed live on the Court’s official website. The ICC Trial Competition is organised by the Grotius Centre for International Legal Studies of Leiden University, The Hague Campus, with the institutional support of the ICC. Also cooperating on the project are the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (FDFA) of Switzerland, the Planethood Foundation, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg and The Netherlands, the Municipality of The Hague, the Ministry of Security and Justice of the Netherlands, The Hague Institute for Global Justice, the Embassy of Ireland, the Lutfia Rabbani Foundation, and the International Committee of the Red Cross. In the context of its Academic Programme, the ICC supports the organisation of ICC Trial Competitions in Chinese, English, Russian, and Spanish, with a view to also support Arabic and French versions in the future. These initiatives play a critical role in galvanising interest in the Court’s work with academic communities as well as in enhancing promotion and respect for international criminal law. View photographs of the event here.

By Bonnie Klap, Editor in Chief. It is no doubt astonishing to many that  in a wealthy country like The Netherlands, a country contributing one of the highest percentages of its GDP in the world  to Foreign Aid, more than one million of its own  people live in relative poverty.  The sad truth is that, due to a variety of reasons, one of which is of course the economic crisis,  the incomes of these people are below a certain marker for poverty . Thirty-five thousand  families comprising  of 85,000 persons in total  are, at times,  not able to put enough food on the table. Fortunately there is “Voedselbank Nederland,” ( Foodbank Netherlands),  a non-profit organization with 8300 hardworking volunteers, all dedicated to help these people feed their families. Founded in 2002 this organization works together with food companies, who donate food products which would otherwise be discarded. For instance  foods, of which  the ’sell-by date’ on the package has expired, but  are otherwise  perfectly edible, are donated to the voedselbank. The benefits are  clearly twofold: feeding a family in need and preventing  the squandering of food and resources.  Every Monday the food companies communicate with the Voedselbank informing  them which foods are going to be donated, leaving the 8300 volunteers to the complicated task of compiling a  foodbasket containing a variety of quality, preferably healthy foods. It is yet another example of the importance of volunteers. Increasingly a wide array of  support and services in The Netherlands rely on volunteers – either part-time or full-time –  to operate. Indeed, without volunteers  the Diplomat Magazine would not exist! Even the Dutch Royal couple, King Willem Alexander and his charming wife Queen Maxima, are convinced of the importance of volunteer work and strive to give a good example. Despite their busy  schedules,  they can be seen doing volunteer work from time to time.  Fortunately, there is quite an impressive number of volunteers in The Netherlands, but  there is always a need for a few more. Food for thought.  

By Motoo Noguchi, Chair of the Board of Directors.

International Criminal Court (ICC) is well-known in The Hague as the first permanent international criminal tribunal in the history of mankind which punishes the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. However, it may not be well-known that the Trust Fund for Victims (TFV) at the ICC is similarly the first of its kind in the history of international criminal justice in providing reparations and assistance to victims of these crimes. In fact, the aspect of reparative justice is one of the core elements of the Rome Statute and perhaps the most innovative and ambitious one.

The TFV has two main mandates: to implement Court-ordered reparations for victims (reparations mandate) and to provide physical, psychological, and material support to victims (assistance mandate). In the absence of finalized criminal convictions so far, the TFV has been active with the assistance mandate since 2008 in northern Uganda and the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The number of direct beneficiaries of programmes in these countries has amounted to more than 120,000.

The TFV’s assistance includes a wide variety of activities, from the provision of orthopedic surgery and artificial limbs to micro-financing schemes for victims of sexual and gender based violence to peace education at peace schools for youth including former child soldiers. The TFV’s assistance addresses the sufferings of victims not as those of isolated individuals but as those of family and community members, and therefore aims to assist them in returning to an important member of the family and community. Through community sensitization, the TFV also tries to improve social and cultural environments which often put victims in double-victimization such as discrimination against victims of rape.

The TFV depends its financial basis for the assistance mandate entirely on voluntary contributions from the States and donations from private sectors. This also applies to the reparations mandate, except when assets of the convicted person or assets originating from forfeiture or fine constitute a main source. Every year, the TFV spends approximately around €2 million for programmes under the assistance mandate, but there are still many victims who are beyond the reach of ongoing programmes. Hundreds of thousands of victims, who have nobody else to cry for help, are waiting for the TFV’s interventions to be expanded.

Here is what I would like to cordially invite you to play a lead role by raising awareness and strengthening political and financial support for the TFV. That will allow the TFV to be a more powerful vehicle to bring justice for victims of the most serious international crimes. Despite the nature of crimes as “international”, the sufferings and loss of individual victims are local and personal. Their lives have unfortunately turned to be difficult by conflicts beyond their control. Your leadership will certainly help them restore their hope and dignity, recover their lives, and return to respectful members of the community.

By Amanda Taylor, Research Assistant T.M.C. Asser Instituut The Centre for the Law of EU External Relations (CLEER)- hosted by the T.M.C. Asser Instituut in The Hague- will convene the second conference relating to its current research project “Human Security: a new framework for enhanced human rights in the EU’s foreign security and migration policies”. This project is implemented with the support of the Lifelong Learning Programme (LLP) of the European Union. On the fourth of July 2014 the conference at T.M.C Asser Instituut will break new ground through its focus on the potential impact that the concept of Human Security can have, from a legal perspective, on the application of EU rules pertaining to asylum and border controls. Every Member State of the European Union is, in some way, affected by mixed movements of persons entering the territory from a third country. As a result, over the past few years, a complex set of challenges have been brought to the forefront, with many Member States struggling to co-ordinate their responses when faced with increasing numbers of economic migrants, irregular migrants and/or persons seeking international protection. This, in turn, has placed a spotlight on asylum instruments developed by the Union, who have had legislative competence in the field of migration, border controls and asylum since the nineties. Union legislation along with policy programmes have been geared to the creation of a Common European Asylum System and a common policy on external border control. A main objective of the system has been to harmonise domestic legislation on minimum standards of protection for those in need. However, these legislative instruments have been put to the test in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and other events such as the on-going Syrian crises with academics criticising Member States selectivity of EU provisions and their poor enforcement. In turn, Member States, themselves, have criticised notions of “burden sharing” and “solidarity” as being unequal, with certain countries bearing the brunt of EU asylum obligations. It is in this environment that the CLEER conference seeks to cultivate a new approach to the topic through its evaluation of the CEAS in the light of the Human Security paradigm. A notion which is yet to be used in the context of European asylum law, but one which could enrich protection standards, since refugee movements  are inextricably linked to and highly indicative of human insecurity. With a forum of expert speakers from both academic and practitioner backgrounds, the objective of the conference will be to trigger an inter-disciplinary debate taking stock and appraising recent legal and policy developments in the CEAS through the lens of Human Security. The conference will be of direct interest to everyone working and studying in the area of Freedom, Security and Justice of the EU, notably the asylum and refugee fields. Each panel will be followed by a question and answer session allowing for the audience to participate in the debate, thereby forging new perspectives on EU asylum law and its protection regime. For more information on the conference click here. The event is free of charge, however registration is required. Please register here.  

By Henri Estramant, Diplomat Magazine’s Diplomatic Adviser in Brussels.  Baron Estramant, has interviewed the former King of Egypt about the ongoing unstable situation in his homeland. King Fuad II, was a child monarch from 26 July 1952 to 18 June 1953 when Egypt was proclaimed a republic. He was only six months old when his father King Farouk abdicated to appease revolutionary, anti-monarchist forces in Egypt. He was the last “monarch” of the Mohammed Ali Dynasty that had ruled Egypt since 1805. You were nominally the 12^th monarch of the Mohammed Ali Dynasty, and 3^rd “King of Egypt and Sudan” for a brief period between 26 July 1952 and 18 June 1953. Albeit you did not grow up in Egypt you see yourself as an Egyptian and a man with a “duty” towards Egypt. How responsible do you feel for your country, and how can you achieve anything from your exile in Switzerland? I have always felt that I have a “duty” towards Egypt. There was a period when it would had been unwise for me to undertake anything concerning Egypt. Times have changed and hopefully are going to get better. Opportunities may arise in the future where I could promote Egypt in one way or another from wherever I live. You were merely 6 months old when you became the constitutional yet nominal “King of Egypt”, since then you have lived in exile mostly in Monaco, France, Morocco and Switzerland. What is your current status? Are you allowed to visit Egypt? Do you travel with an Egyptian passport? When were you there last? Are you now in a self-imposed exile? I am an Egyptian Citizen. I can go to Egypt whenever I wish and I was last there four years ago.  As I could go and live there at any time I chose, the term self-imposed exile, which was true a few years ago, is inappropriate today. Call it a diplomatic decision. There is a bit of revival, perhaps mostly nostalgic for royalty around the world once an oppressive regime falls. We experienced it in Afghanistan where the former monarch even became “Father of the Nation”, in Libya the Prime Minister asked parliament to restore the honour of Al Senussi. In the Balkans the end of Communism brought a wave of interest for the members of their deposed royal houses, however, the royals heirs were long kept away from Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, etc.  On the other hand, all the interest and media coverage has led to no political or cultural role for the heirs of deposed royal houses, with the exception of Cambodia in 1993 or the purely ceremonial role given to King Mohammed Zaher Shah of Afghanistan. Are you not missing out by staying away from Egypt? Could you not return to your country without being involved into its complicated politics? Egypt is coming out of a serious political turmoil. My presence there could had been misconstrued or misused even if I had kept myself totally out of politics. I have never wished to be a burden or an involuntary hindrance to the Egyptian Authorities. I do not have to live there to serve my country. You have stated in the past that you do not support any monarchist political parties or endorse any political movements. Would you rather see yourself as a cultural ambassador for your country? I would welcome the opportunity to serve Egypt as a cultural ambassador or in any other useful capacity. However, it must be well understood that I would undertake such a duty  only with the approval and cooperation of the Egyptian Government in power. The nostalgia for a monarchical system has been reverberating in Libya whereas in Egypt the monarchical past has not sparked the same enthusiasm, particularly not amongst the younger generation which makes up the bulk of the population.  Do you think it might have to do with the bad image spread during the last 60 years against your father King Farouk I? Some people might portray your dynasty as foreign because of its Albanian-Turkish roots? The bad image that was so falsely spread during the last 60 years against my father King Farouk has been greatly corrected over the last few years and another picture emerges today. A lot remains to be done. I am confident that historians and some are already at work, will restore the truth about my father’s reign and work as it was so badly distorted after his abdication. Politically you are not relevant, yet, one day you may be called upon in playing a role, even if ceremonial in contemporary Egypt. What are your visions? How do you think you can be useful to your country? What would be the ideal and realistic scenario for you? I think I have already answered that question. Future events are in the hands of Allah. Your eldest son and heir, HRH The Prince of the Sa’id (Upper Egypt), Mohammed Ali, wed last year a grand-daughter of Afghanistan’s last monarch, Princess Noal Zaher Khanum, in Istanbul. He was even born in Cairo unlike his siblings. Did you have to request a special permission for it back in 1979? How active is your eldest son in the Egyptian cause? How close does he follow the ongoing developments in Egypt? Yes, a special permission was given by the late President Sadat for my eldest son to be born in Egypt. Of course, he keeps himself fully aware of anything that has to do with Egypt. His involvement is however limited for the very simple reason that he has to work like any ordinary human being to earn his daily bread.

How active are your other two children, Princess Fawzia and Prince Fakhr Eddin? Like her elder brother, Princess Fawzia works for her living. She did spend a few months in Egypt some four years ago and worked in a commercial office for a while. Prince Fakhr El Din is still studying. Are you/your family currently involved in any charities or humanitarian aid for the Egyptian people? Again, we have to be very careful as to any involvement my family may have in Egypt and ensure it is not misinterpreted. As far as any participation we may have in charities or humanitarian aid, it must remain within the realm of the private sphere of our lives. Have you considered dispatching one of your children or another junior member of the Royal House to Egypt to pave the way for your return, even if only as a private citizen? I am not a person who rejects help. However, in the event of any likely return to Egypt, I fail to see at present the necessity or need to dispatch a member of the Royal House to pave the way for me. As an Egyptian what changes would you like to see taking place in Egypt? Better social justice and standards of  living.  Better education and enhanced equality of opportunities for all. Finally but not least, peace and political stability for Egypt without which the former cannot be achieved.