By Mitesh Mistry . Associate Publisher in London. Syria; once known as a golden metropolis for holy exploration, architectural beauty and its ancient legacy. It now has unfortunately become the epicenter for the bloodiest and most ill-fated conflict in modern history. Having played host to the greatest and oldest civilizations in times gone by, such as the Persians, Arabs and Ottomans – Syria’s beauty was not only a testament to the development of philosophical, political and medical knowledge, the nation-state served as a perfect example for how wealth, culture and education could help instigate and push forward progressive change from civilization to civilization. This graphic of an ancient paradise is nothing compared to the complete atrocity and war-zone that illustrates Syria today. The bloodshed. The violence. The mayhem. Syria gradually more resembles a lingering humanitarian crisis that is endangering the very integrity of the Syrian nation. Rather than a place for cultural and historic voyage, Syria has simply turned into a battleground; one where Government forces seek to retain power via unconventional means whilst rebel opposition seek a more democratic system of government. There is absolutely no plausible way to summarize the scale of the conflict: 1.2 million people displaced, 2.5 million in need of urgent humanitarian assistance and approximately 180,000 Syrians escaping to neighboring countries like Turkey, Jordan and Iraq. This is not even the half of it! The role of the executive branch and Government is to ensure the safety and welfare of civilians. However this responsibility seems to have no place in Assad’s dictatorial regime. His use of chemical weapons is truly outrageous. There is compelling evidence, complied by UN investigators, to verify that President Bashar al-Assad and his Government forces used chemical weapons to fight off rebel opposition groups. Despite this huge violation of international law, President Assad disputes the claims “The whole story doesn’t even hold together. It’s not realistic. So, no, we didn’t. In one word, we didn’t use any chemical weapons in Ghouta.” So what’s next? It’s hard to predict the next course of action. With the events of the Afghan war and Iraqi invasion still fresh, British Parliament has rejected any call for immediate military intervention, whilst US Senators are increasingly becoming reluctant to support intervention. To add to pressures for the West to intervene, Eastern powers such as Iran, Russia and China have stood by President Assad and his regime. There is simply no clear end in sight. With the UN failing to take immediate action against Assad for violating international law and a further threat of terror groups getting their hands on the chemical weapons within the one year deadline Assad has to remove the weaponry, this could be the start of something disastrous. As for the once enormously wealthy and historic land, it is now practically a warzone with most of the countryside a ‘no man’s land’. Syria is far from a ‘holy land.’

  By Peter Knoope This year, 9/11  passed with little attention; almost unnoticed. However, twelve years on it still stands out as a turning point in history. Two years ago, we looked back at ten years of the Al Qaida threat. There was an optimistic tone in the commemorations at the time. With Osama Bin Laden dead and the “Arab spring” alive, we were convinced that we had seen the worst of it. AQ was history. Today the tide has changed. The Al Qaida brand has reinvented itself and has established a stronger basis than before. We are aware of the position and threat of Al Qaida from Yemen, nobody doubts that Al Qaida related actors like Al Nusra are relevant actors in Syria and there is a an increasing number of “Ansar Al Sharia” movements popping up in different countries including the North African post-Arab spring countries like Tunisia. The question “what has happened?” comes to mind and a number of observations are relevant here. The initial blow of the decapitation of Al Qaida and the fact that the organization had no mobilizing power amongst youths – the youngsters that were the engine behind the Arab popular civil uprisings – had a paralyzing impact on the groups’ organizational and operational capacities. But the breeding ground did not disappear. On the contrary, the element of victimization, perceptions of exclusion, the feelings of alienation and collective deprivation were not addressed. These emotions are important elements in the mobilizing power of Al Qaida and the group’s appeal to their interpretation of the need for Jihad. The picture becomes even clearer when you add to this the fact that there was, at least an initial, vacuum in the security sector in post-conflict environments that permit the space for violent organizations to invade. But there is more. We have seen a rise of foreign fighters flocking into Syria over the last year that is unprecedented.  Many young people from Northern Africa and Europe, but also from Asia and the Middle East continue to join the armed struggle in Syria.  For many young people this has meant that the Al Qaida narrative has been extended into real action. From a talk-shop into an active contribution. It offers an alternative to many that have no perspective in life and believe their future prospects are minimal.. This is no longer about theorizing and long discussions in “Tupperware” like gatherings. No, there is a whole new dimension. In Syria you can prove your manhood, your solidarity, your determination and contribute to the Jihad. We will have to accept that decapitation of terrorist organizations that are rooted in a popular support base either found in local grievances or in international solidarity with the suffering of brothers and sisters in the Middle East, Afghanistan, Bosnia or elsewhere, in itself does not work. We will draw lessons from Afghanistan and Iraq where the military approach to the issue that underpins this attractiveness of the Al Qiada ideology and thinking is not the answer. Al Qaida has been attacked and survived. It has reinvented itself and come back stronger. It is indicative of this reinvention that the Al Nusra movement in Syria does not operate under the AQ brand name. The movement has developed from a military organization with affiliates to a school of thought with groups that adhere to the ideology and the thinking but operate under different names.  Drone strikes will not help to diminish the thinking and the feelings of victimization and humiliation that form the basis of these internationally connected and locally rooted groups. We should – after twelve years of looking for the right answer – be aware of this and draw the conclusion that there is a need for a new approach.  Based on understanding and empathy of the local and international drivers for radical groups and political violence. These may vary in different places. At the same time there is an international element to all this that connects the dots.   There is a strong collective identity, based invariably on religion, which transcends national borders. That faith binds individuals together and determines part of the identity and the outlook in life. If the international community does not master the deeply rooted meaning of that collectivity, it will not be able to solve this issue, neither locally nor internationally. Because, if we keep thinking that decapitation alone will give us the answer, the Al Qaida brand will go from 3.0 to 4.0 and beyond.