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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

The Embassy of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay marked his country’s Independence Day with a grand and festive reception. Held on August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague, the event drew over 200 distinguished guests from various sectors of Dutch society.

Ambassadors, chiefs of international missions, diplomats, academics, business leaders, and representatives from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with members of the Uruguayan community, all responded to H.E. Ambassador Dr. Álvaro González Otero’s invitation to celebrate ‘Día de la Independencia’—Uruguay’s National Day, commemorating its independence from Brazil in 1825.

H.E. Dr. Álvaro González Otero, Ambassador of Uruguay. National Day 2024 The Hague.

After nearly 200 years of conflict and civil unrest under Spanish and then Brazilian rule, Uruguay has emerged as a country renowned for its welcoming people, stunning landscapes, first-class meat production, and high-quality wine. In recent decades, Uruguayans have enjoyed a stable democracy, a steady improvement in living conditions, and overall well-being.

In a packed room with an animated audience, Ambassador González Otero took the microphone to thank all the attendees for their sincere affection for his people and country. He then proudly expressed:

“Two years have quickly passed since I arrived in this lovely kingdom. Since then, we have started to shift the focus of the Embassy, placing more emphasis on our bilateral relations. The Netherlands and Uruguay have more in common than people might imagine. We share international principles, landscapes, agricultural production, developed services, qualified exports, and a progressive lifestyle.

We also share strong commitments to the well-being of our citizens and visitors, the protection of human rights, environmental sustainability, progressive social policies, and significant efforts towards renewable energy and climate action. Both countries also emphasize education, democratic governance, and active participation in international organizations promoting peace and development. So, we will keep working to boost our bilateral relations.”

Uruguay National Day, August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague.
From the Embassy of Uruguay, Counsellor Pablo Bayarres, Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Hans Akerboom, Deputy Director Protocol and Host Country Affairs from the Netherlands.

Ambassador González Otero then listed some of the most relevant initiatives undertaken by the Embassy over the last few months:

– Uruguayan participation in the World Hydrogen Summit 2024: Led by the Minister of Industry, Energy, and Mining, Ms. Elisa Facio, with over 50 representatives from various sectors of the public and private sectors.

– Active participation in the “26th World Energy Congress.”

– Cooperation Project with Delft Institute for Water Education: Since 2011, Uruguayan professionals specializing in water resources have participated in the Delft Institute program for advanced training. Initially, the program began with 40 scholarships, resulting in 37 professionals successfully completing their studies. This early success led to the program’s relocation and implementation at the Technological University of Uruguay, now featuring regional participation. The program has since had two new editions in 2022 and 2024, expanding to include 17 professionals from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. This development has transformed Uruguay into a regional hub in the field of water resource education.

– Uruguay’s status as one of the 32 signing states of the Ljubljana – The Hague Convention in February 2024.

– Positioning Uruguay as a potential living and working destination for Dutch farmers.

– Interactions with RVO and Port of Rotterdam related to port cooperation.

– Exploring and initiating new cooperation projects with Westland Municipality and Wageningen University.

– Meetings with private sector actors related to agribusiness.

– Preparation for the Capitan Miranda’s visit to Amsterdam: Uruguay’s school tall ship has already confirmed its participation in Sail Amsterdam 2025.

– Multilateral achievements: The Embassy has made progress in multilateral areas, including ongoing contributions and work with international organizations based in The Hague: the ICJ, ICC, OPCW, HCCH, and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Additionally, a closer relationship with The Hague Academy of International Law has been pursued. Significant advances have also been made through the coordinated work of the GRULAC Group in relation to various international organizations.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General , Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Mr Arias spouse, Patricia van Oordt.

Following his remarks, Ambassador González Otero invited the audience to watch a short video about Uruguay, which made a great impression on those present. He expressed, “Uruguay is an exceptional country that has developed a dynamic and robust culture, shaped by a fascinating blend of gaucho traditions, European influences, and the unique Rioplatense spirit. Tango, folklore, candombe, and milonga are examples of its rich artistic musical expression. Uruguayan gastronomy, featuring high-quality meat, wine, and dairy products, especially the beloved ‘dulce de leche,’ delights palates and consistently wins prestigious awards worldwide.”

“The work we have done does not mean we are satisfied; we want to continue advancing in a deeper process. The bilateral relationship is already strong, but the potential to strengthen bonds in several key areas is even greater.”

The Ambassador of Uruguay, H.E. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero and the President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, Judge Graciela Gatti Santana with her husband Mr Gustavo Segovia.

The event was conceived to showcase the rich and diverse culture of Uruguay, a nation with a population of approximately 3,495,527 as of 2022.

The national anthems of Uruguay and the Netherlands were performed by the Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos. After the ambassador’s speech, the Embassy paid tribute to two influential musicians: José “El Sabalero” Carbajal and Jaime Roos, who both lived in the Netherlands. Jaime Roos settled in Amsterdam in 1978, where he played bass in several salsa, rock, and jazz groups. He had a son and remained in the Netherlands until 1984 when he returned to Uruguay.

Carbajal spent his days in the Netherlands with his wife, Anke van Haastrecht, and their two children. Anke was invited to share some special stories from their life together.

Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos.
Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez.

The enthusiastic audience enjoyed an authentic performance by talented Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez. The celebration continued with Uruguayan wine, classic savory empanadas, and dulce de leche, which delighted the crowded room and completed the great celebration.

Ambassador González Otero concluded the event by thanking his Embassy team: Counselor Pablo Bayarres, Chancellor Gustavo Morales, his assistant Juan Diego, and Martha Hernández and Sofía Anastasiou. He then led a warm toast for the people of the Netherlands, Uruguay, and the necessary and desired peace in the world.

China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

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China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

By Mariarosaria Iorio, Political Analyst

I. The post-cold war world  

International relations are nowadays characterised by major changes that started at the end of the 80s with the fall of the Berlin Wall.  Indeed, the end of the cold war was marked by the dislocation of the two main political blocks, namely the Soviet Union and the Western World. Such a dislocation resulted in the marginalization of the post-war multilateral system embodied in the United Nations, and the standstill of the multilateral trade negotiations in the late 90s in the context of the World Trade Organisation.  New lines of political thought have been facing each other since then, while reshaping the post-cold war world in a number of fragmented and variable sub-blocks of countries. 

The United States decided to put itself first by concentrating on its internal affairs, while withdrawing from international affairs.  

Europe, the old continent, looks for an efficient strategy towards autonomy from the United States.  Europe also tries, not without difficulty, to create a more cohesive internal and external political approach.  The reality is however evolving rather more towards fragmentation of Europe in favour of European National fragmented interests. Such a fragmentation is the natural consequence of the decadence of the European Institutional and collective actions to the advantage of individual Sates actions and interests.   In sum, what seemed to be a structured and coherent European Union block fighting for the promotion of its economic and political values all over the world has somehow become an alliance at variable geometry both internally and externally.  The disorganisation of the leadership results in a chaotic and unpredictable European External and Internal action. 

Thereof, the empty influence spaces left on the international relations scene has given new international actors the opportunity to emerge.  

Meanwhile, the fragmentation of the European Institutions has also impacted the EU-USA relations within NATO, and affected the security and peace sphere.  Security issues have been on and off on the European agenda.    

In this context, Russia that has lost its empire in the 80s looks now for a new power game. In spite of the disruption of the Soviet Union, Russia attempts either by influence or by force to exercise power in its ancient affiliate countries.  Russia that was supposed to be defeated with the fall of the Berlin Wall takes back its role of opponent to the Western World on the international scene at least as it concerns the international affairs philosophy.  Thus, creating a tension aimed at restoring its power in the world.   

The group of emerging and developing economies that constitute a new variable block with a large portion of population employed in agriculture have emerged as new actors in the world’s geo-political discourses.  At the head of this block on the international scene, there is China.  The shaky international leadership context has indeed given China a new space. China’s   communist past combined with its market-based economic strategy gives it a particular position.  

China is The One that can communicate to Russia. China is also The One that can have an influence on the Western economic and political scene as China owns a big part of Western Foreign Debt  

China embeds a horizontal strategy in both its trade and development policies, while producing at low wages.  Its production system coupled with its pragmatic political approach has reshaped the international power structure.  The top-down approach of the Western World faces now the competition created by the horizontal win-win approach proposed by China in both developing and industrialized countries.

Indeed, as a result of the decline of the Western World global hegemony based on market access and economic and social liberalism as a means to ensure economic growth and promote economic development, the vision promoted by China’s discourse, centred on the protection of livelihoods and local sovereign choices finds new adepts.  Furthermore, China has successfully attempted to promote a trade-off approach to international cooperation during the last 20 years.  A cooperation that does not interfere in internal affairs of partner countries as it has often reproached to the Western countries involved in international cooperation.  

As the developing countries leader, China positions itself as the spoke country for the poor.  As a new world powerful economic actor China plays as the guarantor of the Western Economic stability.  China positions itself as the bridge between the rich and the poor.  It is representing a different hegemonic game that only changes in its discourse, while still pursuing its own interests and influence zones.  Such a situation poses the question of the values that the international regime wants to embrace.  Indeed, this changing world results in an increased number of conflicts – be new or historical conflicts.  

The dislocation of the traditional leaders of the international relations has definitely created a chaotic and unpredictable scenario.  Chaos has in some cases been chosen as a political strategy to disrupt the post-1945 international regime. Such a disruption has benefitted new actors, and given space to new lines of thought.  These new lines of thought have attacked the existing international framework but has not yet succeeded in creating a new regime.  The increasing unbalance of power and the lack of leadership on the international political scene is risky. 

The reduction by choice of leadership of the United States has indeed resulted in the weakening of the values emerged as a result of the dramatic experience of Second World War, namely freedom of thought and freedom of speech to mention only a few.   We are now facing a much more authoritarian world with force used as a means to manage the political arena.  Dialogue seems to be a rather consuming exercise that has left its place to the use of force.  Force is no longer seen as the last option but rather the opening act for political dialogue.  Nationalism and individual interests are now at the centre of the political game. This trend is taking the world to instability and conflict.  

The peoples of the world are more and more questioning the existing system. People’s needs and expectations are not met.  The new emerged actors, such as China have given the hope of a possible change in the present international system without fundamentally questioning its rationale but rather trying to rip a slate of the cake.  

The struggle for influence among countries has not succeeded in building a peaceful and stable world. Citizens will have to face the challenge of building a new era of peace and stability worldwide.

Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

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Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

S.E. M. Philippe Couvreur est arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982, où il a d’abord occupé le poste d’assistant spécial aux bureaux du greffier et du greffier adjoint de la Cour internationale de Justice.

Il a ensuite exercé les fonctions de Secrétaire, Premier Secrétaire et Secrétaire juridique principal, avant d’être élu Greffier de la Cour en 2000, et réélu en 2007 et 2014. Pour marquer l’anniversaire de ses débuts à la Cour, il y a 35 ans, Diplomat Magazine l’a invité à témoigner de son expérience unique au service de cette institution, des évolutions qu’il a pu y observer, et à partager le regard qu’il porte sur les changements qui ont marqué la Cour et La Haye au cours des trois dernières décennies.
Philippe Couvreur avec le Pape Jean-Paul II prise le 13 mai 1985.
Je suis arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982 — de façon aussi inattendue que j’avais entamé des études de droit treize ans auparavant (mais c’est là une autre histoire…) — pour occuper un poste temporaire à la Cour internationale de Justice. La Cour était alors la seule institution judiciaire internationale existante au plan universel. Son activité, particulièrement faible à la fin des années 1970, ne pouvait en ce temps-là guère laisser présager du succès que rencontrerait la Cour dans les décennies à venir. Mon bienveillant maître de Louvain, le professeur Paul de Visscher, fils du célèbre internationaliste Charles de Visscher, unique juge belge à la Cour, m’avait prédit des jours aussi sereins qu’heureux, écoulés à lire et à écrire des ouvrages dans la solitude des imposants murs de la bibliothèque du Palais de la Paix…
Les mémoires ont été dûment déposés dans l’affaire El Salvador c. Honduras dans la salle Bol le 1 juin 1988, l’affaire du Différend frontalier terrestre, insulaire et maritime.
En rejoignant la Cour, un frais matin d’avril, dont je garde un souvenir très précis, le jeune juriste que j’étais découvrit, non sans étonnement, une organisation de taille très modeste, le Greffe, qui en est l’organe administratif, alors composé de moins d’une quarantaine de fonctionnaires. Le fonctionnement de la Cour reposait entièrement sur cette équipe restreinte de personnel permanent, auquel s’ajoutait, selon que de besoin, un personnel temporaire pour faire face au surcroît de travaux linguistiques et de sténodactylographie lors des sessions (publiques et privées) de la Cour. Je me rappelle avoir été frappé par la personnalité haute en couleur de certains de ces traducteurs indépendants, dont la grande culture littéraire m’émerveillait. Cette structure très économique du Greffe impliquait une grande polyvalence de ses membres, et les Secrétaires de la Cour — ses fonctionnaires supérieurs — étaient appelés, en sus de leurs travaux de recherches juridiques, de préparation des documents de la Cour, et de rédaction de la correspondance diplomatique, à assumer eux-mêmes l’essentiel des tâches linguistiques (traduction et interprétation) et d’information, ainsi que la supervision de nombreuses activités administratives et logistiques.
La Grande salle de Justice, l’affaire Relative au Timor Oriental (Portugal c. Australie) Arrêt du 30 juin 1995.
Il n’était nullement rare qu’un nouveau venu comme moi ait à passer week-ends et nuits blanches au Palais de la Paix à effectuer les travaux les plus divers… allant jusqu’à imprimer et polycopier, sur de vieilles machines à stencils ronéotype, des décisions dont la Cour devait donner la lecture en séance publique le lendemain ! Dès mon arrivée au Greffe, j’ai eu le bonheur et le privilège d’être initié et associé à l’ensemble des fonctions de l’institution sous la patiente supervision de personnalités d’exception, tels que MM. Torres Bernárdez et Pillepich, alors respectivement Greffier et Greffier adjoint. J’en ai retiré le plus grand bénéfice, puisque cette immersion sans préparation dans toutes les facettes de l’activité du Greffe m’a permis d’acquérir de ce dernier une connaissance unique — de l’intérieur — et sous tous ses aspects —, un acquis particulièrement précieux au moment où j’ai été amené, bien des années plus tard, à assumer la délicate responsabilité d’en assurer la gestion au plus haut niveau. Devenir un fonctionnaire du Greffe au début des années 1980 signifiait accepter de se couler sans discussion dans un moule à tous égards exigeant, et se donner corps et âme, avec humilité et discrétion, à l’institution, sans penser à soi ni parler de soi. Depuis ces années d’initiation, j’ai été le témoin de profondes transformations de la Cour, rendues inévitables à la fois pour répondre à l’accroissement considérable de ses activités, avec la disparition du monde bipolaire qui avait relégué le règlement judiciaire à un rôle quelque peu marginal, et pour saisir les opportunités nouvelles offertes, notamment, par le progrès des technologies et de la communication. Entre 1982 et aujourd’hui, le nombre de fonctionnaires a ainsi presque triplé (il a quasiment doublé depuis l’an 2000, année de ma première élection en tant que Greffier). L’organisation du travail a été progressivement spécialisée entre les divers départements, juridique, linguistique et chargé de l’information, qui furent créés en 1997, et les services techniques. Par ailleurs, les Membres de la Cour ne disposèrent pas, pendant longtemps, de « référendaires » — ils s’y sont d’ailleurs longtemps refusés—, et l’assistance apportée aux juges en matière judiciaire était principalement répartie entre les fonctionnaires du Département des affaires juridiques.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur avec la Reine Beatrix photo prise pendant le 50 eme anniversaire de la Cour (18-04-1996).
Les cinq premiers postes de juristes référendaires ne furent obtenus de l’Assemblée générale et créés qu’en 2002, à l’issue de difficiles négociations que je me souviens avoir menées avec beaucoup de plaisir et d’intérêt ; le nombre de ces postes s’est progressivement accru, pour s’élever à quinze aujourd’hui. Les divers développements qui ont marqué le monde au cours des dernières décennies n’ont pas manqué de soulever pour la Cour de nouveaux défis. Comme c’est le cas pour toute institution, elle n’a pu les relever en faisant table rase des enseignements de son histoire ni, à l’inverse, en ne saisissant pas toutes les opportunités offertes par le temps présent. A ces différents égards, la Cour est certainement parvenue, au fil des ans, à assurer un équilibre, toujours délicat, entre changements et continuité. La continuité de la Cour est bien sûr inscrite dans son Statut, qui fait partie intégrante de la Charte des Nations Unies, et reflétée dans ses méthodes judiciaires, qui ont été très largement élaborées par sa devancière, la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, et héritées d’elle. Cette continuité historique était particulièrement présente lorsque j’ai rejoint le Greffe. Ainsi, en manière d’anecdote, divers hauts fonctionnaires alors en poste avaient eux-mêmes côtoyé, au début de leur carrière, d’anciens fonctionnaires de la Cour permanente. Tous nourrissaient à l’égard de cette dernière le plus grand respect. Il régnait d’ailleurs dans les couloirs du Palais de la Paix une atmosphère feutrée et délicieusement surannée, évocatrice de la défunte Société des Nations. Je me souviens en avoir encore utilisé maintes fournitures de bureau ! La continuité jurisprudentielle et procédurale entre les deux Cours constitue pour les Etats une garantie importante de sécurité et de prévisibilité juridiques. Cette continuité, juridique et historique, de même que l’expérience accumulée en plus de quatre-vingt-dix ans d’exercice de la fonction judiciaire, sont pour la Cour un facteur crucial de légitimité.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur vec le Roi Willem-Alexander photo prise pendant le 70 eme anniversaire de la Cour (20-04-2016).
En même temps, la Cour a eu, à l’évidence, à s’adapter aux changements du monde réel dans lequel elle opère, comme aux nécessités et opportunités nouvelles de chaque époque traversée. L’une des transformations notoires auxquelles j’ai assisté fut l’ouverture croissante de la Cour sur l’extérieur : longtemps à l’écart, à dessein, des organes politiques des Nations Unies, la Cour a souhaité se faire plus et mieux entendre de ces organes et des Etats membres. Elle a ainsi rompu avec ce qui était parfois perçu comme un « splendide isolement » au sein des Nations Unies, même si elle défend toujours jalousement son autonomie. La Cour doit en outre désormais également tenir compte des nombreuses autres juridictions, internationales ou régionales, qui ont été créées ces dernières années, et veiller, autant que possible, à assurer l’harmonie du « concert judiciaire » que permet ce foisonnement de cours et tribunaux sur la scène internationale. Davantage ouverte sur la communauté internationale et ses réalités, la Cour s’est montrée de plus en plus attentive, non seulement à sa place dans l’Organisation des Nations Unies, mais aussi à la poursuite des objectifs de celle-ci et à sa mission propre au service du règlement pacifique des différends internationaux. Des différends de plus en plus complexes, tant juridiquement que factuellement, en même temps que politiquement plus denses, lui ont été soumis. En révisant constamment, selon que de besoin, ses méthodes de travail, elle a su les résoudre rapidement et efficacement, à un coût particulièrement modeste pour la communauté internationale, tout en assurant le développement du droit. Enfin, pour conclure sur une note plus prosaïque, mais qui est loin d’être négligeable, je ne peux taire la chance que j’ai eue de connaître l’extraordinaire développement de la ville de La Haye au cours des 35 dernières années. Celle-ci offre aujourd’hui à la Cour, comme aux nombreuses institutions internationales qui s’y sont installées à sa suite, une qualité de vie et un cadre de travail uniques, qui sont très loin de ressembler à ce que j’ai trouvé en y arrivant. A l’image de l’imposante stature du Palais de la Paix où elle siège, symbole mondialement connu de la justice internationale, la Cour est une institution solidement établie. En dépit des périodes de doute ou de désaffection qu’elle a traversées par le passé, son rôle est unanimement salué au sein de la communauté internationale et le recours à ses services par les Etats n’a jamais été aussi soutenu. 35 ans après, je continue de mesurer chaque jour le privilège qui est le mien de servir au mieux de mes capacités l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies. —– Les photos dans l’article sont une courtoisie de la Cour International de Justice.

Africa Day Festivities 2025

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Africa Day Festivities 2025

By Roy Lie Atjam

Theme: The Year of Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations

Objective: to forge a unified African Common Position on reparations, drawing insights from experts, member states, and key stakeholder

Significance: “As we commemorate Africa Day 2025, we proudly celebrate the 62nd anniversary of the founding of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), now known as the African Union (AU), established in 1963”.

On 27 May 2025, the Group of African Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, alongside Her Excellency Ms. Maria Isabel Resende Encoge, the Ambassador of the Republic of Angola and Dean of the Group of African Diplomatic Corps,  hosted the Africa Day 2025 celebrations.

Ambassadors attending Africa Day 2025.

Her Excellency Dean Ms. Maria Isabel Resende Encoge delivered  inspiring remarks that underscore the significance of our united aspirations and the quest for justice.

“First of all, allow me to welcome all those who honour us with their presence at this commemorative event in allusion to the 62nd anniversary of the establishment of

Africa Day, on 25 May 1963, when African Heads of State enthusiastically created the Organization of African Unity (OAU), now the African Union, ensuring, among other things, the total emancipation of the African continent, after centuries of colonial oppression, the consequences of which are still being faced in the different geographies of our continent and by people of African descent throughout the world.

Africa Day 2025

For this reason, we underline the relevance of “justice for all Africans and Afro-descendants through reparations”, as part of the process of achieving an increasingly egalitarian environment among men, regardless of their colour, ethnicity, religion or gender.

Furthermore, diplomatic efforts continue as a valid path towards the recovery of cultural artifacts and African heritage looted during colonization and slavery as an important mechanism for historical reparation.

H.E. Ms Caroline Chipeta Kitana, Ambassador of Tanzania.

Similar to the period in which African independence was achieved, the current global geopolitical scenario is marked by events of various kinds, namely armed conflicts,climate change, food crises, among others, thus requiring greater acuity in the use of diplomatic resources so that the best solutions are found in the shortest possible time frames, paving the way for the achievement of collective goals, with emphasis on

the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the African Union’s Agenda 2063.

In this regard, allow me to express our recognition and gratitude for the crucial role of international solidarity in achieving African independence, and to emphasize that once again, we are called to convert challenges into opportunities, overcoming the obstacles arising from the current situation, in search of a better future that extends to all, based on the principles of the United Nations Charter, the Constitutive Act of the African Union and other related instruments.

H.E. Mr. Vusimuzi Madonsela, Ambassador of South Africa at Africa Day 2025.
H.E. Ms Salima Abdelhak, Ambassador of Algeria.

I wish everyone a Happy Africa Day, the Cradle of Humanity, a continent so diverse and rich, with vibrant cultures and immense potential, and above all, a friendly and very happy people, as can be seen in this present human context.

I conclude my speech by saluting our unity, saluting our efforts to find African solutions to African problems, saluting our contribution to a better world”.

Musical ensembles from Angola, Morocco and Sudan contributed vibrant performances of music and dance. Additionally, various countries seized the opportunity to delight the guests with an array of exquisite culinary dishes from their country.

A dazzling celebration, thanks to the enthusiastic participation of a large number of attendees.

Africa Day 2025

Ambassadors of Panama and Peru Visit Saxion University of Applied Sciences

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Ambassadors of Panama and Peru Visit Saxion University of Applied Sciences

By Eduardo Antonio Carreño Campos, Carlos Enrique Díaz Villanueva
and  Kristoff Derveaux

On May 7, Saxion University of Applied Sciences had the honor of welcoming the Ambassadors of Panama, H.E. Ms. Sally Loo Hui,  and Peru, H.E. Ms. Franca Deza Ferreccio, who together with Mr. Eduardo Antonio Carreño Campos and Mr. Carlos Enrique Díaz Villanueva, education attachés of these diplomatic missions accredited in The Hague, visited our main campus in Enschede. The purpose of the visit was to introduce the ambassadors to Saxion, the Civil Engineering program, and the research group Sustainable Areas and Soil Transitions (SAST). This visit marked an important step toward strengthening future collaboration.

In recent years, students of the Civil Engineering program of Saxion carried out two educational projects for organizations in Panama (IDIAP http://www.idiap.gob.pa/) and Peru (OTASS https://www.gob.pe/otass). These projects were possible thanks to the connections established between Saxion and Latin American organizations through their embassies in The Hague. Additionally, one student completed an on-site internship with a Panamanian company, further strengthening the collaboration and practical learning experience.

Program of the Day – The day began with presentations introducing the ambassadors to Saxion as an educational and research institution. The ambassadors of Peru and Panama then presented their respective countries, highlighting their strengths and challenges. The municipality of Enschede also participated, sharing their challenges related to climate adaptation. The municipality was invited as part of Saxion’s ambition to be a strong regional partner and to collaborate on addressing local challenges.

Presentation on Peru at Saxion Univertiy.
Presentation by the Municipality of Enschede.

After a quick lunch filled with pleasant conversations, the research groups SAST and Sustainable Building Technology (SBT) were introduced. Opportunities for collaboration on research projects were discussed, with the aim of strengthening our shared knowledge base and learning from one another.

Students Take the Stage

A key part of the program was the presentation of the Civil Engineering curriculum, which will be offered entirely in English starting in the 2025–2026 academic year. This opens the door for students from Panama and Peru to study in Enschede.

Two student groups presented their educational projects. The first group showcased their graduation project on climate-adaptive, circular, and traffic-oriented redesign of a residential area. The second group focused on the renovation of a bridge in Amsterdam and the associated logistical processes. The ambassadors showed great interest in the projects.

Excursion and Closing

On this sunny day, a mini-excursion was organized to Kristalbad, a well-known water management and sanitation regional project carried out by the Vechtstromen Water Authority. The ambassadors were given a guided tour and expert explanation on the project objectives. Upon returning to Saxion, they also visited the Trendy Water Centre, where technologies for reusing water of various qualities/sources were demonstrated—technologies that could also be applied in other countries.

The day concluded with a drink, and the ambassadors were presented with a “Bag to School” as a token of appreciation.

Looking Ahead

We look back on a very successful and enjoyable day. Collaboration with Panama and Peru will be further strengthened through additional educational and research projects.

The role of the ambassadors is crucial in this, as they serve as a bridge between their countries and Saxion.

Once again, we extend our sincere thanks to both ambassadors for visiting our university in Enschede.

Denmark Introduces New Agreement to Attract International Workers from Selected Countries

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Denmark Introduces New Agreement to Attract International Workers from Selected Countries

On 30 June 2025, the Danish government introduced a new agreement to facilitate the recruitment of international workers from 16 designated non-EU countries. The initiative, known as the Collective Agreement–based Business Scheme, is aimed at securing skilled labour under regulated and fair working conditions.

The scheme allows employers to hire foreign nationals from a selected list of countries: the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, India, China, Japan, Brazil, Singapore, Malaysia, Ukraine, Moldova, Albania, North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia. According to the Ministry of Employment, the selection is based on the countries’ status as key trade partners or as candidates for EU membership.

Under the new framework, positions must be covered by a Danish collective labour agreement, either within the private sector or public institutions. The salary threshold has been reduced to DKK 300,000 annually (approximately EUR 40,000), provided the role is covered by such an agreement.

Danish new labor law for foreigners. Foto Hasse Ferrold.

To participate in the scheme, employers must be certified by the Danish Agency for International Recruitment and Integration (SIRI). The system also includes new measures to prevent labour exploitation and ensure orderly recruitment. These include compulsory ID cards for workers on large construction sites and enhanced monitoring of work conditions.

The new agreement replaces previous transitional schemes and forms part of Denmark’s ongoing efforts to balance labour market needs with protections against social dumping. It is expected to be implemented in coordination with employers’ associations and trade unions, maintaining Denmark’s labour market model.

Africa Day at UN City

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Africa Day at UN City

June 2025, UN City, Copenhagen

In commemoration of the 62nd anniversary of the founding of the Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) in 1963, the Group of African Ambassadors accredited to the Kingdom of Denmark hosted a successful and well-attended Africa Day reception at UN City in Copenhagen. The 2025 African Union theme, “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations,” guided the spirit of the event.

H.E. Mr. Mohamed Karim Fouad Sherif, Ambassador of Egypt. Photo Hasse Ferrold.

The celebration brought together diplomats, Danish officials, UN representatives, and members of civil society. Notable speakers included:

Her Excellency the Ambassador of South Africa, H.E. Ms. Fikile Sylvia Magubane who represented the Dean of the Diplomatic Corps H.E. Ms. Mina Marie Baldé Laurent, Ambassador of Côte d’Ivoire delivered welcoming remarks.

H.E. the Ambassador of the Arab Republic of Egypt, H.E. Mr. Mohamed Karim Fouad Sherif serving as the current Chair of the African Group in Denmark, who opened the evening.

Mr. Karsten Hønge, Member of the Danish Parliament, who served as Guest of Honour and addressed the importance of Denmark-Africa partnerships.

Leila Pakkala, Director of UNICEF Supply Division. Photo Hasse Ferrold.

Ms. Leila Pakkala, Director of UNICEF Supply Division, who spoke on behalf of the ten UN resident agencies in Copenhagen. She reaffirmed the UN’s commitment to sustainable development, equity, and global cooperation with the African continent.

Photo Hasse Ferrold Africa Day 24 06 2025 UN CITY Copenhagen

Following the formal program, participants enjoyed a festive and generous African dinner, celebrating the diversity and rich culinary heritage of the continent. The evening provided a warm atmosphere for networking, cultural exchange, and reflection on Africa’s global contributions.

The reception was widely regarded as a great success, reaffirming the importance of Africa Day.

Ambassador Modi Ephraim on Dutch-Israeli Relations

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Ambassador Modi Ephraim on Dutch-Israeli Relations

Preserving Friendship Amid Changing Realities

A Conversation with the Israeli Ambassador to the Netherlands

As Israel marks 75 years of diplomatic relations with the Kingdom of the Netherlands, H.E. Mr. Modi Ephraim, Ambassador of Israel to the Netherlands, reflects on the strength of this longstanding partnership, the challenges of the current geopolitical climate, and his vision for the future of bilateral relations. In this exclusive Diplomat Magazine interview, Ambassador Ephraim speaks about the evolving Dutch position on Israel, antisemitism in Europe, and the need for constructive diplomacy rooted in shared democratic values.

Your Excellency, you recently expressed concern in De Telegraaf that the Netherlands had made a “historic mistake” by supporting a European investigation into Israel’s actions in Gaza. Could you elaborate on what you meant by this, and what consequences you foresee?

“It is true that I was disappointed, given that this initiative came from a friendly country that should understand Israel’s difficult position. I cherish the longstanding and warm bilateral relations and the support we received following the atrocities of October 7. The Netherlands immediately spoke out in support of Israel and did a lot to help the return of hostages from Gaza.”

You also remarked that the Netherlands has shifted from a discreet diplomatic partner to one that is more publicly critical. How has this change affected bilateral cooperation in areas such as security, innovation, and trade?

“The Netherlands and Israel have longstanding and warm ties, and this is reflected in the various forms of bilateral cooperation. I had the pleasure of welcoming several delegations from Israel, and several Dutch delegations have visited Israel as well. There are so many fields where the bilateral relations have a huge potential, including medical appliances, agro-tech, hydrogen and food security.”

Now that the previous Dutch government is no longer in office and a new coalition is forming, do you foresee an opportunity for Dutch-Israeli relations to reset or improve? What would you like to see from the new leadership?

“This year we marked 75 years of de jure recognition of Israel by the Netherlands. For more than 75 years, we have enjoyed the fruits of the warm friendship between our two countries. The support was also reflected when we organized an October 7 commemoration in Amsterdam, which Prime Minister Dick Schoof participated in.”

The Impact of Language and Rhetoric

The conflict in Gaza continues to generate strong opinions internationally. Some Dutch officials, including the mayor of Amsterdam, have used terms like “genocide” to describe Israel’s actions. You responded publicly to these comments—could you clarify how such rhetoric affects diplomatic engagement and perceptions of Israel?

“What we see is that such baseless rhetoric affects society. There is an unprecedented rise in antisemitism, with record numbers of incidents registered. I recall last year the opening of the national Holocaust Museum. President Herzog participated in the opening by His Majesty King Willem-Alexander. The museum serves as an important tool in educating new generations about the Shoah, to ensure we will never forget. However, the opening of the museum was overshadowed and over shouted by antisemitic mobs. Obscene slogans were shouted during the opening ceremony at participants. Children and Holocaust survivors had to endure insults and threats while authorities did nothing. Since then, the hate has only grown bolder. Fueled by inaction, it festers. Jewish students no longer feel safe on university campuses now dominated by hate-filled activists. Religious symbols are hidden out of fear. And in November, when we commemorated Kristallnacht, a pogrom unfolded on the streets of Amsterdam.”

Remembering October 7

What message would you like to convey to the Dutch public who may be critical of Israel’s military operations in Gaza, particularly in light of humanitarian concerns?

“They should not forget how this war started. Israel did not choose this war. On October 7, Israel was attacked by barbarian terrorists who raped, tortured and burned people. More than 1200 people were killed on that day. Hundreds of hostages were taken into the tunnels of Gaza, and to this day tens of hostages are held captive under unimaginable circumstances. We cannot rest until all the hostages are back home. Israel wants peace, as is shown by the success of the Abraham Accords in the region.”

As ambassador in the legal capital of the world, how do you balance Israel’s rejection of ICC jurisdiction with The Hague’s deep identification with international justice?

“There should be no manipulation in order to politicize the courts. If this is allowed, it will be a problem for the entire world, not only for Israel.”

Looking ahead, what are your diplomatic priorities for strengthening Israeli–Dutch relations in the next year? Are there new areas of collaboration you are seeking to promote despite recent political tensions?

“As mentioned before, there are various areas of collaboration that have potential for benefit for both Israel and the Netherlands. This also includes renewable energy and crisis management, as we saw during the COVID pandemic. I hope to soon see the resumption of more flights between the two countries to promote tourism both ways.”

Standing with the Jewish Community

With growing concerns about antisemitism in Europe, including in the Netherlands, what role do you see for your embassy in addressing the safety and inclusion of Jewish communities here?

“I consider myself not only ambassador of Israel, but also ambassador for the Jewish people. From the first day of my mission here, I have made it a priority to connect and work with the Jewish community. They serve as a bridge between our two countries. It is important that anyone and everyone can be themselves without fear. It is paramount that clear action is taken against any form of antisemitism. The Jewish community has a long and rich history in this beautiful country.”

What do you believe is most misunderstood about Israel’s position or actions in this current conflict, and how can diplomacy help bridge that gap in understanding?

“The Netherlands is a different environment, and this creates misunderstanding about the reality Israel finds itself in. The State of Israel is committed to the safety and security of its citizens. Our fight is not against the Palestinians, but against Hamas. Israel has to defend itself. We can never allow another October 7 to happen again.”

Demographic Shifts and Policy Challenges

The Netherlands has traditionally been a close partner of Israel and played a mediating role in the region, partly rooted in its historical responsibility after the Holocaust, in which over 100,000 Dutch Jews perished. However, the country’s demographics have changed significantly in recent decades, with a growing Muslim population that is more vocal in domestic and foreign policy debates. How do you perceive this shift affecting the Netherlands’ position towards Israel and the broader Middle East? And how should this be balanced with its historical relationship with the Jewish community and the State of Israel?

“It is important that decisions that are made by the Dutch government, are made in the interest of the Netherlands. It cannot be that radical minorities force changes in policy by praising Hamas. Israel and the Netherlands share the values of democracy. I am confident that the longstanding relations will continue to grow.”

At Diplomat Magazine, we thank H.E. Mr. Modi Ephraim for his time and openness in answering our questions. We remain a neutral platform and are not responsible for the content of ambassadorial statements. Our goal is to support open dialogue and thoughtful diplomacy by providing space for the voices of those who represent their nations in The Hague.

Cameroon National Unity Day 2025

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Cameroon National Unity Day 2025

Theme: “Defence Forces and Cameroonian people in harmony to safeguard peace and national unity, bedrock of a strong and prosperous Cameroon”.

Cocktail on the Occasion of the 53rd Cameroon National Day Celebration in The Hague, Kurhaus Hotel, on May 23, 2025. Many fellow ambassadors along with senior officials of the Netherlands, International representatives, friends of Cameroon and members of the Cameroonian diaspora in the Netherlands and beyond. A  delightfully flamboyant atmosphere reigned in the Pronk Hall of the Kurhaus.

Ambassador H.E. Ms. Madeleine Liguemoh Ondoua delivered her welcome address:

“ On May 20, We commemorate the decision by referendum to make Unity the cornerstone of the Cameroonian Nation consecrated by the Unitary State. Unity in diversity and in peace, geared towards achieving a Great Nation, under the motto: “Peace, Work and Fatherland”. Thus, the theme chosen this year, ‘Army and Nation, united for a Cameroon turned towards peace and prosperity’, reflects the appeal of the Head of State, His Excellency Paul Biya.

Cameroon and the Netherlands enjoy long-standing relations based on mutual respect, technical cooperation, economic exchanges and cultural diplomacy. This cooperation was recently strengthened by the signing of MoUs:

  • With the FANEC/NAFTEC/NFS Consortium structure and the Cameroon Chamber of Agriculture, Fisheries, Livestock and Forestry,
  • between Cameroon’s Ministry of Water and Energy and the Dutch partners in the MINKOUMA hydroelectric project;
  • between the Dutch company African Construction and the municipalities of Cameroon, to rehabilitate certain roads.

Other highlights include last September’s visit by the ING bank to Cameroon and the announcement of funding for numerous projects in the agricultural sector, as well as the increase in the number of missions by Dutch equipment manufacturers to Cameroon over the last two years.

In addition, trade relations with the Netherlands have been consolidated, with the Netherlands now ranked Cameroon’s 1ᵉʳ trading partner since 2023 and one of the main destinations for products such as cocoa powder, cocoa paste and oils.

At the multilateral level, Cameroon has a stronger presence in multilateral organization based in the Netherlands, with which it pursues its constructive engagement.  ,

Ambassador Liguemoh Ondoua with friends of Cameroon.

This evening’s ceremony brings to a close a week of intense activities organised alongside the celebration of the 53rd edition of the National Day, focusing on sport, culture and innovation including:

  • a Mass of thanksgiving for Cameroon;
  • a football tournament involving eleven teams from the Diplomatic Corps, the Dutch and Cameroonian communities. The Moroccan team won the tournament. The tournament was accompanied by an exhibition of works of art and a cultural event
  • an international film festival, a major innovation of this year’s event in the Netherlands, which was only possible, thanks to a fruitful partnership with the International Institute of Social Studies.

This first edition of the International Film Festival ended with the signing of a Declaration of Intent between Cameroonian and Dutch cultural players on 22 May 2025.

At this point, I would like to express my deep gratitude to the dynamic team of staff at the Embassy and to all the people and partners who made this week such a success. Without being exhaustive, we salute the contribution of:

  • The Autonomous Port of Douala ;
  • CIMPOR .
  • COCOA VALLEY;
  • UTAMTSI ;
  • WHAT WATER ;
  • Des Senteurs & du Goût ;
  • ICON Production ;
  • International Institute of Social Studies ;
  • Le Festival International du Film Panafricain ;
  • L’Alliance Française ;
  • The City Council of The Hague;
  • The City Council of Wassenaar,
  • The NGOs  GREAT The Hague and STEK Den Haag ;
  • MBOARTS ;
  • DONATELA CREATIONS

Before closing my remarks, I would like to share a few words with our compatriots. Ladies and Gentlemen of the Cameroonian Community,

Your dynamism in your professional and personal occupations makes you Ambassadors for Cameroon on a daily basis. Under the leadership of the President of the Republic, Paul Biya, and its institutions, our country is resolutely committed to development and progress. Progress that is naturally strewn with trials that we will undoubtedly overcome, thanks to our unity in diversity, the sense of common belonging, and our sincere commitment.

This unity and commitment make us say that << Impossible is not Cameroonian >>. Therefore, let us never lose sight of the need to remain united and work together respectfully to strengthen national unity.

Before proceeding with the pleasant ritual of raising a toast in honor of the friendly relations between the Republic of Cameroon and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, I would like to hand over an honorary distinction awarded by the President of the Republic to a Brilliant compatriot.

Monsieur Guy Andela, au nom du Président de la République et en vertu des pouvoirs qui nous sont conférés, nous vous faisons Chevalier de l’ordre de la Valeur.

Finally, I ask you to raise your glasses for unity, peace, the prosperity of Cameroon, and the fortification of relations between the Netherlands and Cameroon.”

The rich and diverse gastronomy of Cameroon was confidently showcased to the guests, perfectly complemented by the vibrant rhythms of Cameroonian music. The presence of colorfully dressed Cameroonian women invigorated the festive atmosphere, ensuring the evening was an unforgettable experience. Attendees enthusiastically praised and appreciated this remarkable event.

The NATO Meeting in The Hague and the Latest Developments in the International Security Environment

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The NATO Meeting in The Hague and the Latest Developments in the International Security Environment

Conclusions and Lessons for Military and Intelligence Services

“Geopolitics does not forgive ignorance and does not reward indecision.” — adapted from Zbigniew Brzezinski


By Corneliu Pivariu

The NATO meeting held in The Hague on June 24-25, 2025, took place in a tense and fluid international context, where the rules-based global order is under pressure, and the European security architecture continues to be deeply affected by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. The persistence of the conflict in Ukraine, the escalation of tensions in the Middle East, the strengthening of the Sino-Russian strategic partnership, and the reconfiguration of global power balances define a critical stage for Euro-Atlantic collective security. The meeting serves as an essential preparatory moment for the NATO Summit in Washington in July 2025, where the Alliance’s strategic directions for the coming years will be established.

Concurrently, the world is witnessing rising tensions in the Middle East, intensifying rivalries among great powers in the Indo-Pacific, and the proliferation of hybrid and cyber conflicts. In this context, analyzing the Hague meeting is crucial for understanding the direction in which NATO is redefining its strategic role, while evaluating the lessons learned is necessary for both the armed forces and the intelligence communities of member states.

The Hague Meeting – Strategic Messages and NATO Priorities

The meeting in The Hague conveyed several clear signals:

  • Reaffirmation of Allied solidarity and strengthening collective defense capabilities, particularly on Europe’s eastern flank;
  • Acceleration of the implementation of regional defense plans, part of NATO’s new deterrence and response strategy;
  • Increased support for Ukraine, including through more robust supply lines for weapons, technical assistance, and operational intelligence sharing;
  • Assessment of the readiness of Allied military capabilities in relation to the new concept of “multi-domain defense” (land, air, sea, space, cyber).

The meeting laid the groundwork for the July Summit, where additional member state contributions to the defense budget and the strengthening of NATO’s relations with global partners, particularly in the Pacific region, are expected to be formalized.

The International Security Environment – Three Major Trends

1. Persistence of the War in Ukraine – The conflict appears to be entering a phase of strategic attrition, with the risk of becoming a protracted “frozen conflict.” Russia continues to adapt its tactics, combining massive missile and drone strikes on civilian infrastructure with an offensive narrative in the international information space. NATO faces a dilemma: how to effectively support Ukraine without directly escalating the conflict.

2. Instability in the Middle East – The strategic rivalry between Israel and Iran has intensified, with the direct involvement of non-state actors supported by Tehran (Hezbollah, Houthis). The Gaza conflict has generated a wave of regional insecurity, and maritime security in the Red Sea and the Strait of Hormuz is constantly threatened.

A significant geopolitical and strategic development is the recent U.S. attack on key targets in Iran’s nuclear program, including uranium enrichment facilities and research centers suspected of developing nuclear weapons. The operation, conducted with high-precision means and supported by intelligence from regional partners, was limited but strategic: it sent a clear signal regarding the U.S. red line on nuclear proliferation in the region, while also raising risks of conflict escalation.

3. Escalating Tensions in the Indo-Pacific – Although NATO has no operational mandate in the Indo-Pacific, the meeting highlighted growing concerns about China’s actions: pressure on Taiwan, militarization of the South China Sea, indirect support for Russia, and the use of emerging technologies for surveillance, hybrid influence, and cyber espionage. NATO reaffirmed the need for enhanced cooperation with regional partners—Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand—to deter attempts to alter the status quo by force.

Internal Challenges for the Alliance: Budgets, Cohesion, Performance Criteria

Despite demonstrated unity, NATO faces challenges regarding:

  • Uneven defense budgets (not all states meet the 2% GDP[1] threshold);
  • Persistent bilateral frictions (Turkey-Greece, Hungary-Ukraine, though the latter is not a NATO member), as well as positions expressed prior to the meeting by officials from Slovakia and Italy[2];
  • The influence of domestic politics on military and intelligence efficiency.

A controversial issue was the impact of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) policies promoted in some Western structures. These are criticized for potentially undermining merit- and performance-based selection, to the detriment of operational efficiency—with possible negative effects in crisis situations.

Military Lessons – Adapting to the Reality of 21st-Century Warfare

  • The importance of information superiority and rapid response at tactical, operational, and strategic levels, essential for the success of any operation.
  • The need for genuine interoperability among member states’ military systems.
  • Reevaluation of logistical capabilities.
  • Strengthening air defense and anti-drone capabilities, based on lessons from Ukraine.
  • The strategic and technological flexibility of the U.S. enables operations beyond the European theater.
  • The relevance of preventive deterrence capabilities returns as a key point on the security agenda.

Lessons for Intelligence Communities

  • Information warfare requires enhanced capacity to detect disinformation.
  • Human resource policies must be reevaluated: meritocracy must take precedence.
  • The need for genuine cooperation among Allied intelligence services.
  • Strengthening protection against infiltrations and betrayals.

Specific Lessons for Romania in the Military Domain

For Romania, the current context presents both opportunities and significant risks:

  • Its geostrategic position on NATO’s eastern flank grants it a key role in deterring Russia. Accelerating military modernization is essential.
  • Intelligence services must enhance their capacity for anticipation and protection of critical infrastructure.

Romania needs an updated national security doctrine based on real threats, which should include:

  • Accelerating military modernization programs, with emphasis on ISR (intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance) capabilities, drones, air defense, and A2/AD (anti-access/area denial) systems;
  • Developing regional training and rapid response centers in cooperation with NATO allies;
  • Strengthening logistical and strategic transport infrastructure along the Black Sea-Carpathians-Western Europe axis;
  • Joint training and enhanced interoperability with NATO forces deployed in the region;
  • Reassessing territorial defense strategies for potential medium-intensity, short-duration conflicts;
  • Deepening and operationalizing bilateral partnerships within NATO;
  • Rapidly rebuilding the defense industry (with immediate focus on ammunition production[3]) through firm and urgently implemented decisions.

Through professionalism, strategic coherence, and political will, Romania can play a role commensurate with its geographic position and the current historical context.

Lessons for Romania – Intelligence and Information Dimension

  • Reevaluation of selection, training, and promotion processes within intelligence services, emphasizing meritocracy, professionalism, and accumulated experience;
  • Rethinking operational-intelligence doctrines in an environment marked by hybrid wars and complex cyber threats, optimizing the TEHINT/HUMINT balance to better utilize human capital while considering financial constraints;
  • Enhancing strategic anticipation capacity through operational partnerships with similar structures in NATO and EU states;
  • Adapting the organizational culture of intelligence services to address new generations of threats, including narrative influence, disinformation, and covert non-military operations.

General Conclusions

The NATO meeting in The Hague in 2025 was significantly influenced by the U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, which amplified global tensions and highlighted the fragility of international security. The decisions taken, from strengthening collective defense to intensifying intelligence cooperation, reflect NATO’s efforts to adapt to a volatile strategic environment. The Hague meeting reaffirms NATO as a cornerstone of Euro-Atlantic security. The Alliance faces a complex strategic equation: a conventional war in the East (Ukraine), asymmetric risks in the South (Middle East, North Africa), and systemic global competition with China. In this context, NATO’s ability to remain credible, cohesive, and effective will depend on modernizing doctrines, internal unity, and global projection capacity.

For Romania, this is an opportunity to position itself as a relevant regional actor, provided it has a clear strategic vision, an adapted defense policy, and a national security system aligned with NATO’s operational and value standards. It is also a moment for deep reflection on the quality of political and institutional leadership in defense and security, in an increasingly uncertain and unpredictable international context.

Paper presented at the international webinar organized by EURODEFENSE – Bucharest, Romania, on June 26, 2025

Note on Methodology

This analysis was based on official NATO documents, public statements by Alliance leaders, and assessments published by international strategic and security think tanks such as RUSI, IISS, Foreign Affairs, Chatham House, RAND Corporation, and others.

[1] As of 2024, 23 out of the 32 NATO member states have reached or exceeded the 2% of GDP threshold for defense budgets.
However, disparities persist: countries such as Spain (~1.3%), Canada, Italy, and Belgium still fall short of this level.

At the NATO Summit in The Hague (June 2025), a more ambitious target was adopted: 5% of GDP by 2035, divided into two components: 3.5% for direct military expenditures and 1.5% for infrastructure, cybersecurity, and resilience. The first intermediate report is scheduled for 2029, and some countries—such as Spain—have secured “flexibility” to align gradually.

Only a few states (Poland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia) have already announced their commitment to reach 5% in the coming decades; most of the others have more ambitious goals than 2%, but remain below 3–4%.

This transition marks a “quantum leap” in Europe’s defense capability and reflects both the political pressure from the United States and the strategic focus toward 2029–2035, in an increasingly tense global context.

[2] Recent statements from leaders of NATO member states have reflected differing visions for the Alliance’s future.Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico evoked the possibility of withdrawing from NATO “under certain conditions,” suggesting that neutrality could become a strategic option for his country (see: Euractiv Slovakia, June 2025).
Similarly, Italy’s Minister of Defense, Guido Crosetto, stated that “NATO no longer makes sense in its current form,” advocating for profound reform and for expanding the Alliance’s mission to include new strategic areas, including the Global South (La Repubblica, June 20, 2025).

Although these statements do not represent the official positions of their respective governments, they reflect internal rhetoric that could influence perceptions of the Alliance’s unity.

[3] Although the war in Ukraine has already been ongoing for three years, the powder factory in Victoria (Brașov County), which has been in preservation since 2004, has still not been reactivated and is only now set to be rebuilt through a strategic partnership between ROMARM and the German company Rheinmetall.

The investment, estimated at over €400 million (including €47 million through the European ASAP program), aims to establish a modern production facility for energetic powders (TNT, RDX), with a projected completion date in 2027.

Although the relaunch enjoys government support, the project faces structural difficulties: lack of active production, outdated infrastructure, recurring salary issues, and controversies surrounding the company’s management—despite the high strategic importance for the national defense industry.

The Power of Dialogue

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The Power of Dialogue


First Anniversary of the International Day for Dialogue Among Civilizations and Peaceful Coexistence


The Hague | June 10, 2025

On the occasion of the first anniversary of the International Day for Dialogue Among Civilizations, the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the Kingdom of the Netherlands, in collaboration with Diplomat Magazine, hosted a reception at the emblematic Peace Palace in The Hague.

Held in the Peace Palace’s auditorium, the event welcomed a carefully selected group of guests from the diplomatic corps, international courts, media, and academia—creating a unique platform to honour the values of dialogue, mutual understanding, and peaceful coexistence.

H.E. Mr. Jian Tan, Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China.

The event began with opening remarks delivered by Mr. John Dunkelgrün, Editor of Diplomat Magazine, standing in for the magazine’s Publisher and Founder, Dr. Mayelinne De Lara, who was unexpectedly abroad on a personal trip. In his speech, Mr. Dunkelgrün reflected on the importance of the day:

“Here, in the very halls of international law and diplomacy, we reaffirm our shared commitment to the permanent values of freedom, justice, dignity, and peace. In a world where these values are too often tested, dialogue among civilizations remains our most powerful tool—for managing differences, for building bridges, and imagining a future rooted in respect and shared humanity.”

The program continued with a short video highlighting the global call for intercultural dialogue, followed by a keynote address by H.E. Mr. Jian Tan, Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

In his address, Ambassador Tan recalled China’s role in proposing the UN resolution that established June 10 as the International Day for Dialogue Among Civilizations—a resolution adopted unanimously by all UN member states in 2023. He praised the Peace Palace as a symbol of the international rule of law and emphasized that diversity is a strength—not a source of division.

“The International Day for Dialogue among Civilizations is meant for better understanding, enhanced cooperation and human progress, for peace and development. Each civilization has its own strengths,” the Ambassador stated. “There is no such thing as a superior or inferior civilization… Harmony is a salient feature of Chinese culture. Confucius said, ‘Do not do to others as you would not have them do to you.’”

He also reminded the audience of the importance of people-to-people exchange, and highlighted the deeper principle guiding China’s foreign engagement:

“President Xi Jinping in the Global Civilization Initiative put forward in 2023, said that China advocates the respect for the diversity of civilizations, advocates the common values of humanity: peace, development, equity, justice, democracy, and freedom.

Yes, these are common values, not exclusive to any one culture. They belong to all mankind. Dialogue is to break barriers and build bridges. Dialogue is to enhance understanding and cooperation.”

Ambassador Tan emphasized that China does not export ideology but rather seeks cooperation through trade and dialogue, and he praised the Netherlands for its global leadership in climate change adaptation. “ China will continue working with all other countries under the UN framework to build a world where diverse civilizations coexist, justice is upheld by law, and inclusiveness benefits all.”

Following the speeches, guests enjoyed a culturally inspired reception in the Peace Palace’s celebrated gardens, with refreshments reflecting Chinese culinary traditions and ample opportunity for diplomatic and cross-cultural exchange.

The event concluded with a warm acknowledgment of all attendees, including members of the International Court of Justice. Organizers expressed special appreciation for the presence of Judges and the Registrar, who were able to join following the conclusion of their duties.

With its iconic setting at the Peace Palace and its message of unity and dialogue, this commemoration marked a meaningful beginning to what is expected to become an annual tradition of intercultural understanding and global cooperation.

Diplomat Magazine is proud to have supported this historic moment and remains committed to creating platforms for diplomacy and intercultural exchange.

NATO and China are not contenders

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NATO and China are not contenders

                                  

By Prof. Xiaoyang Zhang

NATO and China are not allies. Nor are they on good terms as partners. This was so in history and is also the case at the present time.

Created after the World War II, NATO is a political and military coalition, embracing thirty-two member States currently, mostly from the West led by the US.  Originally, NATO was to counter-balance the Soviet Union and its satellite Eastern European countries. The bedrock principles for NATO members to adhere to could be well detected in the North Atlantic Treaty, i.e. the NATO’s founding protocol.

In light of the North Atlantic Treaty, collective defence is NATO’s lifeline, and NATO members must be in full compliance with the Charter of the United Nations as to ensure global security and justice.

New China (i.e. the People’s Republic of China) was founded by the Chinese Communist Party in 1949. Unsurprisingly, new China and its ideological mentor Soviet Union were intimate comrades for quite a long period of time.

As opposed to NATO, the Warsaw Pact was launched in the mid 1950s, standing side by side with the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, an economic inter-nation organization forged by the Soviet Union with a view to economically supporting each other within the Eastern bloc.

In this connection, the Warsaw Pact was hammered out as a staunch collective defence mechanism standing up to NATO and protecting the Eastern bloc, which was spearheaded and orchestrated by the Soviet Union. Thus, a Western bloc shielded by NATO and an Eastern bloc shored up by the Warsaw Pact appeared to balance the world’s layout then. This sort of geopolitical stand-off permeated most of the Cold War time. Notably, China did not join the Warsaw Pact, and it consistently proclaimed itself as an non-alliance sovereign nation, though a communist country in essence.  

In a strict sense, NATO is not an international organization other than a strategic alliance sharing identical ideologies. Even in today’s time, long after the collapse of the Soviet-controlled Eastern bloc and the Soviet Union itself, arresting military conflicts and collectively safeguarding peaceful territories for all NATO’s member nations remains NATO’s unaltered aim.

To that end, there have been eight Strategic Concepts in aggregate formally made public by NATO at various points in time. The NATO 2022 Strategic Concept is the latest one.

The 2022 Strategic Concept illustrates NATO’s updated tactics to deal with some of the most thorny issues in today’s world.  Previously, China had never been mentioned in any Strategic Concept which NATO officially enacted. But in the 2022 Strategic Concept, China has been manifested for the first time as one of NATO’s predominant targets to tame. The endorsed NATO 2030 agenda mentioned that initiative, too. But just a couple of years back, the relevant NATO summit communiqué and report merely unveiled their concern that the challenges stemming from China’s rapid development may menace the integrity of international orders that are highly valued by NATO members at all times. They seemed not to take such supposition too seriously.

The 2022 Strategic Concept lays bare NATO’s stance on China in a quite different way. It seems to suggest that Euro-Atlantic security is facing systemic challenges from China. And China is first of all complained about its murky military strategies, ambitions and possible expansion. China is further criticized to have somewhat leveraged some of its monopolies over science and technology, and worse still, to have utilized its economic prowess to slight well-established global principles based on universal perspectives on democracy, freedom and justice. Most startlingly, the 2022 Strategic Concept envisages the ongoing pally relations between Beijing and Moscow as a contributing factor exacerbating the problems encountered by maintaining current international order and world peace.

China vehemently impugned NATO’s admonitions. In response, China timely put forward its Law on Foreign Relations, where the three Initiatives (i.e. the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilization Initiative) are incorporated.

On the whole, NATO and China both have to concede that their present relations are clearly at an arm’s length, in spite of the sad accident during the Kosovo War in 1999 when NATO forces bombed China’s Embassy in Belgrade, giving rise to horrendous staffer casualties. Nonetheless, craving peace and development and accepting the plausible complementarities that might exist between one another can be a less threatening third route. Either China or NATO members (even those de facto NATO members/partners like Australia, Japan, and the Philippines, etc.) may need to consider this option in a wisely manner.

Regardless of ideologies, NATO and China are supposedly two responsible forces in political, economical and national defence senses. They have mutual obligations to shelter natural justice and global safety from any brutal impairment. This common goal is achievable not necessarily between close military allies on the same camp, so long as NATO and China are able to eschew contending against each other and resourcefully tap into collaboration as two conspicuously useful stakeholders in stead of unreasonably irreconcilable adversaries.

About the author:

Xiaoyang Zhang, Professor, Beijing Foreign Studies University School of Law

El Salvador and International Law

Diplomat Magazine
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El Salvador and International Law

Reflections from The Ambassador Lecture Series at Maastricht University

On 27 May 2025, H.E. Mr. Agustín Vásquez Gómez, Ambassador of the Republic of El Salvador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, delivered a compelling lecture at the Faculty of Law of Maastricht University, titled “El Salvador in International Law: From Historical Challenges to a Legal Framework for Security and Development.”

Ambassador Vásquez Gómez is a senior career diplomat currently serving his second term in The Hague. During his previous posting (2014–2020), he held several leadership roles, including President of the Fourth Review Conference of the OPCW and Chairman of its Executive Council. He also served as El Salvador’s first Ambassador to Türkiye and later as Permanent Representative to the Organisation of American States (2021–2023). Since 2000, he has held senior positions in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, specialising in multilateral diplomacy, international negotiations, security, and development cooperation.

From deep challenges to hope

Opening the lecture, Ambassador Vásquez Gómez offered a thoughtful reflection on the historical evolution of the country since its establishment as a Republic in the 19th century. He highlighted the complex political and social challenges that have shaped its path, including periods marked by profound inequalities. At the time, the absence of effective international accountability mechanisms underscored the limitations of the global legal framework in responding to large-scale injustices.

The Ambassador explained that the conclusion of the internal armed conflict brought a renewed sense of hope and a collective aspiration for lasting peace. However, the post-conflict period also revealed complex and unforeseen challenges. Social disruptions driven by transnational influences gradually weakened community cohesion and contributed to the rise of organized criminal structures. Over time, these dynamics gave way to widespread insecurity, with gang-related violence becoming a deeply entrenched concern to a point that in 2015 El Salvador was ranked as the most violent country in the world. Nevertheless, since 2019, the country has witnessed tangible signs of progress. Efforts aimed at strengthening institutions, improving public security, and fostering a culture of civic trust have begun to mark a significant turning point in the national landscape.

H.E. Mr. Agustín Vásquez Gómez, during The Ambassador Lecture Series at Maastricht University.

Three Milestones of Engagement with International Law

El Salvador’s engagement with international law has evolved through a series of defining moments that underscore its commitment to peaceful dispute resolution, democratic consolidation, and the defense of sovereign principles.

In its pursuit of regional stability, the country has turned to international legal institutions to address complex issues related to territorial integrity and cross-border relations, opting for dialogue and adjudication over confrontation. This approach not only brought resolution to longstanding differences but also reinforced confidence in legal mechanisms as tools for peace.

International law also played a fundamental role in El Salvador’s democratic transition. Moreover, El Salvador has demonstrated that, through principled engagement with international fora, states of all sizes can effectively uphold their rights and interests. These experiences reflect a strategic and constructive use of international law to advance national priorities, strengthen the rule of law, and contribute to a more just and rules-based international order.

Judge José Gustavo Guerrero: A Salvadoran Legacy

Ambassador Vásquez Gómez paid tribute to Judge José Gustavo Guerrero, one of El Salvador’s foremost legal figures. Guerrero was the final President of the Permanent Court of International Justice and the inaugural President of the International Court of Justice. He played a foundational role in shaping core principles of international law, including pacta sunt servanda (now enshrined in Article 26 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties) and the sovereign equality of States (Article 2(1) of the UN Charter).

In 1940, Guerrero famously refused to evacuate the Peace Palace in The Hague as troops during the Nazi era approached, symbolising his unwavering commitment to international justice. He also served as El Salvador’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and authored foundational legislation for the country’s Foreign Service. His legacy is commemorated each year on his birthday, 26 June.

El Salvador Today: Reform and Security

Today, El Salvador presents a striking case of transformation. From civil war and criminal violence, the country has emerged as one of the safest in the region. The turning point came with the election of President Nayib Bukele in 2019 and the implementation of the Territorial Control Plan. This initiative prioritised security alongside substantial investments in education, health, and infrastructure. Over 82,000 gang members were imprisoned, and homicide rates fell dramatically.

The Ambassador addressed concerns raised by international organisations regarding the treatment of prisoners, emphasising the moral dilemma: “Where were these voices when entire communities were being held hostage by criminals?” While affirming the importance of prisoners’ rights, he argued that the collective right to live in peace and dignity must also be respected.

A Platform for Dialogue

The event formed part of The Ambassador Lecture Series, a bi-monthly initiative convened by Professor Fabián Raimondo at the Faculty of Law of Maastricht University. Organised with the assistance of the European Law Students’ Association (ELSA) Maastricht and under the auspices of the Maastricht Centre for Human Rights, the series offers a platform for ambassadors to reflect on international law, international relations and/or diplomacy from a national perspective. This lecture marked the conclusion of the 2024–2025 academic year. The series will resume in September.

For further inquiries about The Ambassador Lecture Series, please contact Professor Raimondo at fabian.raimondo@maastrichtuniversity.nl

Authors: Magdalena Latalska, Ester Špaková, Gaia Ziliani, Maya Herrlett, Nehir Tuyluoglu and Lena Einhorn.

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