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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

The Embassy of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay marked his country’s Independence Day with a grand and festive reception. Held on August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague, the event drew over 200 distinguished guests from various sectors of Dutch society.

Ambassadors, chiefs of international missions, diplomats, academics, business leaders, and representatives from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with members of the Uruguayan community, all responded to H.E. Ambassador Dr. Álvaro González Otero’s invitation to celebrate ‘Día de la Independencia’—Uruguay’s National Day, commemorating its independence from Brazil in 1825.

H.E. Dr. Álvaro González Otero, Ambassador of Uruguay. National Day 2024 The Hague.

After nearly 200 years of conflict and civil unrest under Spanish and then Brazilian rule, Uruguay has emerged as a country renowned for its welcoming people, stunning landscapes, first-class meat production, and high-quality wine. In recent decades, Uruguayans have enjoyed a stable democracy, a steady improvement in living conditions, and overall well-being.

In a packed room with an animated audience, Ambassador González Otero took the microphone to thank all the attendees for their sincere affection for his people and country. He then proudly expressed:

“Two years have quickly passed since I arrived in this lovely kingdom. Since then, we have started to shift the focus of the Embassy, placing more emphasis on our bilateral relations. The Netherlands and Uruguay have more in common than people might imagine. We share international principles, landscapes, agricultural production, developed services, qualified exports, and a progressive lifestyle.

We also share strong commitments to the well-being of our citizens and visitors, the protection of human rights, environmental sustainability, progressive social policies, and significant efforts towards renewable energy and climate action. Both countries also emphasize education, democratic governance, and active participation in international organizations promoting peace and development. So, we will keep working to boost our bilateral relations.”

Uruguay National Day, August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague.
From the Embassy of Uruguay, Counsellor Pablo Bayarres, Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Hans Akerboom, Deputy Director Protocol and Host Country Affairs from the Netherlands.

Ambassador González Otero then listed some of the most relevant initiatives undertaken by the Embassy over the last few months:

– Uruguayan participation in the World Hydrogen Summit 2024: Led by the Minister of Industry, Energy, and Mining, Ms. Elisa Facio, with over 50 representatives from various sectors of the public and private sectors.

– Active participation in the “26th World Energy Congress.”

– Cooperation Project with Delft Institute for Water Education: Since 2011, Uruguayan professionals specializing in water resources have participated in the Delft Institute program for advanced training. Initially, the program began with 40 scholarships, resulting in 37 professionals successfully completing their studies. This early success led to the program’s relocation and implementation at the Technological University of Uruguay, now featuring regional participation. The program has since had two new editions in 2022 and 2024, expanding to include 17 professionals from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. This development has transformed Uruguay into a regional hub in the field of water resource education.

– Uruguay’s status as one of the 32 signing states of the Ljubljana – The Hague Convention in February 2024.

– Positioning Uruguay as a potential living and working destination for Dutch farmers.

– Interactions with RVO and Port of Rotterdam related to port cooperation.

– Exploring and initiating new cooperation projects with Westland Municipality and Wageningen University.

– Meetings with private sector actors related to agribusiness.

– Preparation for the Capitan Miranda’s visit to Amsterdam: Uruguay’s school tall ship has already confirmed its participation in Sail Amsterdam 2025.

– Multilateral achievements: The Embassy has made progress in multilateral areas, including ongoing contributions and work with international organizations based in The Hague: the ICJ, ICC, OPCW, HCCH, and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Additionally, a closer relationship with The Hague Academy of International Law has been pursued. Significant advances have also been made through the coordinated work of the GRULAC Group in relation to various international organizations.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General , Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Mr Arias spouse, Patricia van Oordt.

Following his remarks, Ambassador González Otero invited the audience to watch a short video about Uruguay, which made a great impression on those present. He expressed, “Uruguay is an exceptional country that has developed a dynamic and robust culture, shaped by a fascinating blend of gaucho traditions, European influences, and the unique Rioplatense spirit. Tango, folklore, candombe, and milonga are examples of its rich artistic musical expression. Uruguayan gastronomy, featuring high-quality meat, wine, and dairy products, especially the beloved ‘dulce de leche,’ delights palates and consistently wins prestigious awards worldwide.”

“The work we have done does not mean we are satisfied; we want to continue advancing in a deeper process. The bilateral relationship is already strong, but the potential to strengthen bonds in several key areas is even greater.”

The Ambassador of Uruguay, H.E. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero and the President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, Judge Graciela Gatti Santana with her husband Mr Gustavo Segovia.

The event was conceived to showcase the rich and diverse culture of Uruguay, a nation with a population of approximately 3,495,527 as of 2022.

The national anthems of Uruguay and the Netherlands were performed by the Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos. After the ambassador’s speech, the Embassy paid tribute to two influential musicians: José “El Sabalero” Carbajal and Jaime Roos, who both lived in the Netherlands. Jaime Roos settled in Amsterdam in 1978, where he played bass in several salsa, rock, and jazz groups. He had a son and remained in the Netherlands until 1984 when he returned to Uruguay.

Carbajal spent his days in the Netherlands with his wife, Anke van Haastrecht, and their two children. Anke was invited to share some special stories from their life together.

Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos.
Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez.

The enthusiastic audience enjoyed an authentic performance by talented Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez. The celebration continued with Uruguayan wine, classic savory empanadas, and dulce de leche, which delighted the crowded room and completed the great celebration.

Ambassador González Otero concluded the event by thanking his Embassy team: Counselor Pablo Bayarres, Chancellor Gustavo Morales, his assistant Juan Diego, and Martha Hernández and Sofía Anastasiou. He then led a warm toast for the people of the Netherlands, Uruguay, and the necessary and desired peace in the world.

China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

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China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

By Mariarosaria Iorio, Political Analyst

I. The post-cold war world  

International relations are nowadays characterised by major changes that started at the end of the 80s with the fall of the Berlin Wall.  Indeed, the end of the cold war was marked by the dislocation of the two main political blocks, namely the Soviet Union and the Western World. Such a dislocation resulted in the marginalization of the post-war multilateral system embodied in the United Nations, and the standstill of the multilateral trade negotiations in the late 90s in the context of the World Trade Organisation.  New lines of political thought have been facing each other since then, while reshaping the post-cold war world in a number of fragmented and variable sub-blocks of countries. 

The United States decided to put itself first by concentrating on its internal affairs, while withdrawing from international affairs.  

Europe, the old continent, looks for an efficient strategy towards autonomy from the United States.  Europe also tries, not without difficulty, to create a more cohesive internal and external political approach.  The reality is however evolving rather more towards fragmentation of Europe in favour of European National fragmented interests. Such a fragmentation is the natural consequence of the decadence of the European Institutional and collective actions to the advantage of individual Sates actions and interests.   In sum, what seemed to be a structured and coherent European Union block fighting for the promotion of its economic and political values all over the world has somehow become an alliance at variable geometry both internally and externally.  The disorganisation of the leadership results in a chaotic and unpredictable European External and Internal action. 

Thereof, the empty influence spaces left on the international relations scene has given new international actors the opportunity to emerge.  

Meanwhile, the fragmentation of the European Institutions has also impacted the EU-USA relations within NATO, and affected the security and peace sphere.  Security issues have been on and off on the European agenda.    

In this context, Russia that has lost its empire in the 80s looks now for a new power game. In spite of the disruption of the Soviet Union, Russia attempts either by influence or by force to exercise power in its ancient affiliate countries.  Russia that was supposed to be defeated with the fall of the Berlin Wall takes back its role of opponent to the Western World on the international scene at least as it concerns the international affairs philosophy.  Thus, creating a tension aimed at restoring its power in the world.   

The group of emerging and developing economies that constitute a new variable block with a large portion of population employed in agriculture have emerged as new actors in the world’s geo-political discourses.  At the head of this block on the international scene, there is China.  The shaky international leadership context has indeed given China a new space. China’s   communist past combined with its market-based economic strategy gives it a particular position.  

China is The One that can communicate to Russia. China is also The One that can have an influence on the Western economic and political scene as China owns a big part of Western Foreign Debt  

China embeds a horizontal strategy in both its trade and development policies, while producing at low wages.  Its production system coupled with its pragmatic political approach has reshaped the international power structure.  The top-down approach of the Western World faces now the competition created by the horizontal win-win approach proposed by China in both developing and industrialized countries.

Indeed, as a result of the decline of the Western World global hegemony based on market access and economic and social liberalism as a means to ensure economic growth and promote economic development, the vision promoted by China’s discourse, centred on the protection of livelihoods and local sovereign choices finds new adepts.  Furthermore, China has successfully attempted to promote a trade-off approach to international cooperation during the last 20 years.  A cooperation that does not interfere in internal affairs of partner countries as it has often reproached to the Western countries involved in international cooperation.  

As the developing countries leader, China positions itself as the spoke country for the poor.  As a new world powerful economic actor China plays as the guarantor of the Western Economic stability.  China positions itself as the bridge between the rich and the poor.  It is representing a different hegemonic game that only changes in its discourse, while still pursuing its own interests and influence zones.  Such a situation poses the question of the values that the international regime wants to embrace.  Indeed, this changing world results in an increased number of conflicts – be new or historical conflicts.  

The dislocation of the traditional leaders of the international relations has definitely created a chaotic and unpredictable scenario.  Chaos has in some cases been chosen as a political strategy to disrupt the post-1945 international regime. Such a disruption has benefitted new actors, and given space to new lines of thought.  These new lines of thought have attacked the existing international framework but has not yet succeeded in creating a new regime.  The increasing unbalance of power and the lack of leadership on the international political scene is risky. 

The reduction by choice of leadership of the United States has indeed resulted in the weakening of the values emerged as a result of the dramatic experience of Second World War, namely freedom of thought and freedom of speech to mention only a few.   We are now facing a much more authoritarian world with force used as a means to manage the political arena.  Dialogue seems to be a rather consuming exercise that has left its place to the use of force.  Force is no longer seen as the last option but rather the opening act for political dialogue.  Nationalism and individual interests are now at the centre of the political game. This trend is taking the world to instability and conflict.  

The peoples of the world are more and more questioning the existing system. People’s needs and expectations are not met.  The new emerged actors, such as China have given the hope of a possible change in the present international system without fundamentally questioning its rationale but rather trying to rip a slate of the cake.  

The struggle for influence among countries has not succeeded in building a peaceful and stable world. Citizens will have to face the challenge of building a new era of peace and stability worldwide.

Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

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Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

S.E. M. Philippe Couvreur est arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982, où il a d’abord occupé le poste d’assistant spécial aux bureaux du greffier et du greffier adjoint de la Cour internationale de Justice.

Il a ensuite exercé les fonctions de Secrétaire, Premier Secrétaire et Secrétaire juridique principal, avant d’être élu Greffier de la Cour en 2000, et réélu en 2007 et 2014. Pour marquer l’anniversaire de ses débuts à la Cour, il y a 35 ans, Diplomat Magazine l’a invité à témoigner de son expérience unique au service de cette institution, des évolutions qu’il a pu y observer, et à partager le regard qu’il porte sur les changements qui ont marqué la Cour et La Haye au cours des trois dernières décennies.
Philippe Couvreur avec le Pape Jean-Paul II prise le 13 mai 1985.
Je suis arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982 — de façon aussi inattendue que j’avais entamé des études de droit treize ans auparavant (mais c’est là une autre histoire…) — pour occuper un poste temporaire à la Cour internationale de Justice. La Cour était alors la seule institution judiciaire internationale existante au plan universel. Son activité, particulièrement faible à la fin des années 1970, ne pouvait en ce temps-là guère laisser présager du succès que rencontrerait la Cour dans les décennies à venir. Mon bienveillant maître de Louvain, le professeur Paul de Visscher, fils du célèbre internationaliste Charles de Visscher, unique juge belge à la Cour, m’avait prédit des jours aussi sereins qu’heureux, écoulés à lire et à écrire des ouvrages dans la solitude des imposants murs de la bibliothèque du Palais de la Paix…
Les mémoires ont été dûment déposés dans l’affaire El Salvador c. Honduras dans la salle Bol le 1 juin 1988, l’affaire du Différend frontalier terrestre, insulaire et maritime.
En rejoignant la Cour, un frais matin d’avril, dont je garde un souvenir très précis, le jeune juriste que j’étais découvrit, non sans étonnement, une organisation de taille très modeste, le Greffe, qui en est l’organe administratif, alors composé de moins d’une quarantaine de fonctionnaires. Le fonctionnement de la Cour reposait entièrement sur cette équipe restreinte de personnel permanent, auquel s’ajoutait, selon que de besoin, un personnel temporaire pour faire face au surcroît de travaux linguistiques et de sténodactylographie lors des sessions (publiques et privées) de la Cour. Je me rappelle avoir été frappé par la personnalité haute en couleur de certains de ces traducteurs indépendants, dont la grande culture littéraire m’émerveillait. Cette structure très économique du Greffe impliquait une grande polyvalence de ses membres, et les Secrétaires de la Cour — ses fonctionnaires supérieurs — étaient appelés, en sus de leurs travaux de recherches juridiques, de préparation des documents de la Cour, et de rédaction de la correspondance diplomatique, à assumer eux-mêmes l’essentiel des tâches linguistiques (traduction et interprétation) et d’information, ainsi que la supervision de nombreuses activités administratives et logistiques.
La Grande salle de Justice, l’affaire Relative au Timor Oriental (Portugal c. Australie) Arrêt du 30 juin 1995.
Il n’était nullement rare qu’un nouveau venu comme moi ait à passer week-ends et nuits blanches au Palais de la Paix à effectuer les travaux les plus divers… allant jusqu’à imprimer et polycopier, sur de vieilles machines à stencils ronéotype, des décisions dont la Cour devait donner la lecture en séance publique le lendemain ! Dès mon arrivée au Greffe, j’ai eu le bonheur et le privilège d’être initié et associé à l’ensemble des fonctions de l’institution sous la patiente supervision de personnalités d’exception, tels que MM. Torres Bernárdez et Pillepich, alors respectivement Greffier et Greffier adjoint. J’en ai retiré le plus grand bénéfice, puisque cette immersion sans préparation dans toutes les facettes de l’activité du Greffe m’a permis d’acquérir de ce dernier une connaissance unique — de l’intérieur — et sous tous ses aspects —, un acquis particulièrement précieux au moment où j’ai été amené, bien des années plus tard, à assumer la délicate responsabilité d’en assurer la gestion au plus haut niveau. Devenir un fonctionnaire du Greffe au début des années 1980 signifiait accepter de se couler sans discussion dans un moule à tous égards exigeant, et se donner corps et âme, avec humilité et discrétion, à l’institution, sans penser à soi ni parler de soi. Depuis ces années d’initiation, j’ai été le témoin de profondes transformations de la Cour, rendues inévitables à la fois pour répondre à l’accroissement considérable de ses activités, avec la disparition du monde bipolaire qui avait relégué le règlement judiciaire à un rôle quelque peu marginal, et pour saisir les opportunités nouvelles offertes, notamment, par le progrès des technologies et de la communication. Entre 1982 et aujourd’hui, le nombre de fonctionnaires a ainsi presque triplé (il a quasiment doublé depuis l’an 2000, année de ma première élection en tant que Greffier). L’organisation du travail a été progressivement spécialisée entre les divers départements, juridique, linguistique et chargé de l’information, qui furent créés en 1997, et les services techniques. Par ailleurs, les Membres de la Cour ne disposèrent pas, pendant longtemps, de « référendaires » — ils s’y sont d’ailleurs longtemps refusés—, et l’assistance apportée aux juges en matière judiciaire était principalement répartie entre les fonctionnaires du Département des affaires juridiques.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur avec la Reine Beatrix photo prise pendant le 50 eme anniversaire de la Cour (18-04-1996).
Les cinq premiers postes de juristes référendaires ne furent obtenus de l’Assemblée générale et créés qu’en 2002, à l’issue de difficiles négociations que je me souviens avoir menées avec beaucoup de plaisir et d’intérêt ; le nombre de ces postes s’est progressivement accru, pour s’élever à quinze aujourd’hui. Les divers développements qui ont marqué le monde au cours des dernières décennies n’ont pas manqué de soulever pour la Cour de nouveaux défis. Comme c’est le cas pour toute institution, elle n’a pu les relever en faisant table rase des enseignements de son histoire ni, à l’inverse, en ne saisissant pas toutes les opportunités offertes par le temps présent. A ces différents égards, la Cour est certainement parvenue, au fil des ans, à assurer un équilibre, toujours délicat, entre changements et continuité. La continuité de la Cour est bien sûr inscrite dans son Statut, qui fait partie intégrante de la Charte des Nations Unies, et reflétée dans ses méthodes judiciaires, qui ont été très largement élaborées par sa devancière, la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, et héritées d’elle. Cette continuité historique était particulièrement présente lorsque j’ai rejoint le Greffe. Ainsi, en manière d’anecdote, divers hauts fonctionnaires alors en poste avaient eux-mêmes côtoyé, au début de leur carrière, d’anciens fonctionnaires de la Cour permanente. Tous nourrissaient à l’égard de cette dernière le plus grand respect. Il régnait d’ailleurs dans les couloirs du Palais de la Paix une atmosphère feutrée et délicieusement surannée, évocatrice de la défunte Société des Nations. Je me souviens en avoir encore utilisé maintes fournitures de bureau ! La continuité jurisprudentielle et procédurale entre les deux Cours constitue pour les Etats une garantie importante de sécurité et de prévisibilité juridiques. Cette continuité, juridique et historique, de même que l’expérience accumulée en plus de quatre-vingt-dix ans d’exercice de la fonction judiciaire, sont pour la Cour un facteur crucial de légitimité.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur vec le Roi Willem-Alexander photo prise pendant le 70 eme anniversaire de la Cour (20-04-2016).
En même temps, la Cour a eu, à l’évidence, à s’adapter aux changements du monde réel dans lequel elle opère, comme aux nécessités et opportunités nouvelles de chaque époque traversée. L’une des transformations notoires auxquelles j’ai assisté fut l’ouverture croissante de la Cour sur l’extérieur : longtemps à l’écart, à dessein, des organes politiques des Nations Unies, la Cour a souhaité se faire plus et mieux entendre de ces organes et des Etats membres. Elle a ainsi rompu avec ce qui était parfois perçu comme un « splendide isolement » au sein des Nations Unies, même si elle défend toujours jalousement son autonomie. La Cour doit en outre désormais également tenir compte des nombreuses autres juridictions, internationales ou régionales, qui ont été créées ces dernières années, et veiller, autant que possible, à assurer l’harmonie du « concert judiciaire » que permet ce foisonnement de cours et tribunaux sur la scène internationale. Davantage ouverte sur la communauté internationale et ses réalités, la Cour s’est montrée de plus en plus attentive, non seulement à sa place dans l’Organisation des Nations Unies, mais aussi à la poursuite des objectifs de celle-ci et à sa mission propre au service du règlement pacifique des différends internationaux. Des différends de plus en plus complexes, tant juridiquement que factuellement, en même temps que politiquement plus denses, lui ont été soumis. En révisant constamment, selon que de besoin, ses méthodes de travail, elle a su les résoudre rapidement et efficacement, à un coût particulièrement modeste pour la communauté internationale, tout en assurant le développement du droit. Enfin, pour conclure sur une note plus prosaïque, mais qui est loin d’être négligeable, je ne peux taire la chance que j’ai eue de connaître l’extraordinaire développement de la ville de La Haye au cours des 35 dernières années. Celle-ci offre aujourd’hui à la Cour, comme aux nombreuses institutions internationales qui s’y sont installées à sa suite, une qualité de vie et un cadre de travail uniques, qui sont très loin de ressembler à ce que j’ai trouvé en y arrivant. A l’image de l’imposante stature du Palais de la Paix où elle siège, symbole mondialement connu de la justice internationale, la Cour est une institution solidement établie. En dépit des périodes de doute ou de désaffection qu’elle a traversées par le passé, son rôle est unanimement salué au sein de la communauté internationale et le recours à ses services par les Etats n’a jamais été aussi soutenu. 35 ans après, je continue de mesurer chaque jour le privilège qui est le mien de servir au mieux de mes capacités l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies. —– Les photos dans l’article sont une courtoisie de la Cour International de Justice.

Deepening Dominican-Dutch Relations Through History and Cooperation

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Deepening Dominican-Dutch Relations Through History and Cooperation

Diplomat Magazine celebrates the enduring relationship between the Dominican Republic and the Kingdom of the Netherlands—a friendship built on mutual respect, historical depth, and a shared commitment to peace and justice, the mottos that define the city of The Hague.

In his remarks to Diplomat Magazine, H.E. Mr. Carlos de la Mota, Ambassador of the Dominican Republic to the Netherlands, reflected on the long and evolving history of relations between both nations.

“The relationship between the Dominican Republic and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, spanning more than 168 years, has witnessed constant exchange and dynamism since its inception,” Ambassador De la Mota affirmed. “Although time transforms routes and our flags change, the bonds that unite us not only remain but have grown stronger. They are a testament to the friendship, respect, and cooperation that define our peoples.”

The ambassador emphasized that the ties between the Dominican Republic and the Netherlands go back much further than the establishment of formal diplomatic relations.

“By the end of the 16th century, Dutch ships were already trading with the northern part of our island, in Puerto Plata and Montecristi,” he explained. “These cities received Dutch influence in their colorful façades and sloping roofs, evoking the Caribbean aesthetic that the Netherlands helped to spread throughout the islands of the Kingdom. In that coming and going of ships, Hispaniola became a meeting point—a natural bridge between Europe and America.”

“As early as 1613, the first native settler of New Amsterdam—today New York—was Juan Rodrigues, a mulatto from Hispaniola, now the Dominican Republic,” the ambassador said. “His life represents one of the earliest connections between the Caribbean and the Kingdom of the Netherlands at the dawn of transatlantic trade. These stories remind us that our shared history is not only about commerce, but about people, ideas, and cultural exchange.”

He went on to recall the contribution of families of Dutch Caribbean origin to Dominican society.

“In 1813, Noel Henríquez Altías, born in Curaçao, arrived in our country. His legacy went beyond economic activity—his descendants included Francisco Henríquez y Carvajal, professor, physician, and former president of the Republic. His wife, Salomé Ureña, is one of the great poets of our history, and their children—Max, Camila, and Pedro Henríquez Ureña—became leading figures in Latin American literature and diplomacy,” Ambassador De la Mota noted.

Turning to the present, Ambassador De la Mota underlined the Dominican Republic’s economic and social progress in recent years.

“Today, the Dominican Republic is a beacon of light in our region,” he said with pride. “In 2024, our economy registered the highest growth in Latin America at 5%. We were also the second most visited country in the region, welcoming approximately 11 million tourists. These achievements reflect our political and economic stability, as well as a favorable climate for foreign investment.”

“Last year, bilateral trade reached US$643 million,” the ambassador explained. “This year alone, between January and August 2025, our exchange has already reached US$547 million—representing a 30% increase compared to the same period in 2024. These figures show that our economic partnership is vibrant, diversified, and full of potential for future growth.”

Beyond economic and historical links, both nations share a vision for a fairer and more sustainable world.

“Our countries are united by common values,” Ambassador De la Mota emphasized. “We both believe in the protection of human rights, the defense of multilateralism, and the global fight against climate change. These are not just diplomatic principles—they are moral commitments that define our actions on the world stage.”

Paying tribute to the Dominican community in the Netherlands the ambassador declared:

“The Kingdom of the Netherlands is the third European country with the largest number of Dominicans—more than 18,000—along with more than 10,000 mixed families between Dominicans and Dutch citizens from the Caribbean islands,” the ambassador said. “These families are the living bridge between our nations, strengthening our human connection every day through their work, values, and love for both countries.”

As Ambassador De la Mota concluded, the Dominican Republic and the Netherlands continue to stand as partners in dialogue, development, and mutual understanding.

“Our friendship has deep roots and a bright future,” he affirmed. “It is a relationship that celebrates our shared history, embraces our cultural richness, and looks ahead with confidence toward a world of cooperation, peace, and opportunity.”

The Question of Palestine: A Test of the World’s Commitment to Justice

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The Question of Palestine: A Test of the World’s Commitment to Justice

By Mr. Ammar M.B. Hijazi, Head of Palestinian Mission

The Question of Palestine is a story of compounded injustices that was ironically borne in the halls of the nascent United Nations in 1947. At the time, international law and diplomacy were used coercively to erase Palestine and the Palestinian people. But since then, the Palestinian people have been on a determined and impressive journey of setting precedents and building protections based on the very legal framework that was first employed to cast them out of international discourse and consideration. 

This Palestinian pursuit was painstaking. For decades, many states abandoned their obligations under international law. The end result was tragically predictable: normalized criminality and entrenched impunity that regarded systematic violations of Palestinian dignity and human rights as an “unhelpful” part of the reality.  States knowingly and irresponsibly rendered preemptory and jus cogens norms moot while claiming that this selectivity does not undermine the entire international law-based order. This transformed the Question of Palestine into a global litmus test of integrity and commitment to international law, especially because Palestine has insisted on this path despite political bullying, threats, and sanctions. 

Palestine’s determined efforts in the pursuit of justice and accountability at the World’s Courts are conducted in this context. At the core, the target was and remains to preserve and elevate Palestine’s rightful place in the rights and law-based international system. In the past years, this pursuit has come to embody a far larger endeavor with global reach. Today, this legal and diplomatic approach is more important than ever, especially in light of the genocide, ongoing dispossession and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, and entrenched illegal colonial regime of occupation and apartheid.

The landmark rulings of 9 July 2004 and 19 July 2024, as well as 22 October 2025  by the international Court of Justice corrected the narrative, legal framework, and perspective of the reality. The ICJ rejected the political gymnastics of side-tracking and minimizing fundamentals and put the core issues back where they belong: front and centre. It recognized the profound power asymmetries that define the situation on the ground, rejecting the erroneous presentation of the question of Palestine as “a conflict” where both sides have equal responsibility and claim. The ICJ determination addressed this once and for all and opened a pathway of hope. 

In legal terms, the erroneous attempts to equate between occupier and occupied has been finally nullified, ending decades of normalized occupation and providing the colonizer with a free hand to pursue the ethnic cleansing of Palestine from its Palestinian people and annexing it, all while invoking the false flag of “self-defense” with minimal international resistance. Crucially, the ICJ determination on the illegality of occupation in the OPT laid out clearly what the obligations of states are under international law and they include ensuring accountability.   

The Court’s historic determinations stripped states of the excuses to avoid action before it. This is empowering to civil society organizations and legal experts around the world who now have a definitive determination they can build on to ensure that their governments comply with their binding obligations in international law, including respecting and realizing Palestinian rights.

The battle is far from over but the way forward is irrefutable: ending the illegal occupation, in line with the historic ICJ ruling of July 2024, and UN resolutions, realizing the Palestinian people’s inalienable rights including to self-determination, return, and an independent sovereign Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, and providing reparations as required. This is the only path to achieving peace and security for all peoples in the region. Not genocide. Not sideshows. Not endless subjugation. And definitely, not privatized colonization.    

Many might say that humanity is at an age where diplomacy and international law are dying. There is plenty of evidence to merit such a devastating conclusion, not the least of which is the two-year live-streamed genocide committed in Gaza with impunity. We believe this conclusion is premature. Humanity is fighting the battle of a lifetime between racist militaristic populism and responsible diplomacy that is anchored in international law. The battle is far from over. We owe future generations to ensure that legality wins.

The One-China Principle is Unshakable

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The One-China Principle is Unshakable

By Mr Zhang Yi, Charge d’affaires ad interim of the Embassy of People’s Republic of China in the Netherlands.

Recently the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China designated October 25th as the Commemoration Day of Taiwan’s Restoration. This decision embodies the firm resolve of the Chinese people to safeguard national sovereignty and territorial integrity and our unyielding commitment to achieving national reunification.

1, Historical and Legal Facts Stand Unchallenged

Taiwan has been an inseparable part of China since ancient times. However in July 1894, Japan launched a war of aggression against China, and in April 1895, the defeated Qing government of China was forced to cede Taiwan and the Penghu Islands to Japan.

On December 9, 1941, the Chinese government declared war against Japan’s aggression, and proclaimed that all treaties, conventions, agreements, and contracts regarding relations between China and Japan had been abrogated, and that China would recover Taiwan and the Penghu Islands. The Cairo Declaration of 1943 stated that all the territories Japan has stolen from China, such as Manchuria, Taiwan and the Penghu Islands, should be restored to China. The Potsdam Proclamation of 1945 reaffirmed that “the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out.” When Japan signed the instrument of surrender, it accepted these obligations in full.

On October 25, 1945, the ceremony to accept Japan’s surrender in Taiwan Province took place in Taipei, symbolizing the restoration of Taiwan and the Penghu Islands to China’s sovereign administration.

With the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the Central People’s Government became the sole legitimate authority representing all of China. Since then, the PRC has exercised full sovereignty over China, including Taiwan.

  • UN Resolution 2758 Affirms the One-China Principle

On October 25, 1971, the 26th Session of the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 2758 by an overwhelming majority including the Netherlands. The resolution restored all China’s lawful rights to the People’s Republic of China, recognized its government as the sole legitimate representative of China to the UN, and expelled the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek who had unlawfully occupied China’s seat.

It should be noted that at the time when the Resolution 2758 was discussed at the 26th session of the UN General Assembly, certain countries persisted in attempts to obstruct the process, and primarily erected a “Dual Representation” draft resolution, which combined “confirming the representation of the People’s Republic of China” with “retaining the representation of the Republic of China(Taiwan),” essentially trying to create “two Chinas” within the UN. A significant number of UN Member States voiced strong opposition, asserting the proposal was “illegal and inconsistent with reality, justice and the principles of the UN Charter.” After the General Assembly passed Resolution 2758, the “Dual Representation” draft resolution was consequently not put to the vote and was effectively invalidated.

Resolution 2758 definitively resolved China’s representation in the UN politically, legally, and procedurally, and reaffirmed the one-China principle. It also made clear that China has only one seat at the UN, leaving no space for any notion of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan.”

Since then, the UN has consistently referred to Taiwan as “Taiwan, Province of China” in official documents. Resolution 2758 stands as a milestone of justice and international consensus, reflecting the collective will of the vast majority of countries that uphold the one-China principle.

  • A Broad International Consensus

In the 54 years since the adoption of Resolution 2758, the number of countries maintaining diplomatic relations with China has risen from just over 60 to 183, all committed to the one-China principle. Successive UN Secretaries-General have reaffirmed that the entire UN system must act in accordance with this resolution.

The one-China principle has become a universally recognized norm in international relations and a solemn political commitment made by all countries having diplomatic ties with China.

4，National Reunification: An unstoppable trend

Taiwan’s restoration in 1945 marked the rightful return of lost territory to the motherland. Today, reaffirming the one-China principle and preserving the fruits of the victory over fascism are essential to peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and beyond. On this principle, there can be no ambiguity or compromise.

Though the civil war and foreign interference after 1945 left the two sides of the Taiwan Strait politically divided, China’s sovereignty and territory have never been split and never will be. For decades, the Chinese government has pursued peaceful reunification with utmost sincerity and determination while resolutely opposing separatism and external interference. Achieving reunification represents the common aspiration of all Chinese people.

The reality of one China is unshakable and irreversible. Assertions by a few that “Taiwan’s status is undetermined” are unfounded and dangerous. They distort history and threaten stability. Any attempt to distort or reinterpret Resolution 2758 denies the outcomes of World War II, undermines the authority of the UN, and disrupts the post-war international order. Such actions run counter to history and are doomed to fail.

China’s resolve to achieve complete reunification is steadfast. History cannot be rewritten, and the future of Taiwan will and must be decided by all Chinese people together.

Four Centuries Forward: The Thai–Dutch Strategic Partnership

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Four Centuries Forward: The Thai–Dutch Strategic Partnership

By H.E. Mr. Asi Mamanee, Ambassador of Thailand to the Kingdom of the Netherlands

In 2024, Thailand and the Netherlands celebrated 420 years of diplomatic relations — one of the longest continuous partnerships between Europe and Asia. What began with 17th-century maritime trade has evolved into a multifaceted partnership spanning technology, agriculture, sustainable development, and innovation.

Today, the Netherlands remains Thailand’s largest investor from the European Union, while Thai companies increasingly use the Netherlands as their gateway to European markets. Bilateral trade between the two countries reached USD 7.4 billion (7,404.27 million) in 2024. These figures underscore the strong and growing economic interdependence between the two nations, built on practical cooperation and shared strategic interests that have deepened over time.

Connecting Two Nations

Strengthening the practical foundations of our partnership remains a top priority. Thailand and the Netherlands share a common vision to enhance connectivity and foster closer ties among our peoples, businesses, and institutions. In this spirit, we look forward to promoting greater mobility between our two nations, which will play a pivotal role in driving future exchanges — bringing government officials, entrepreneurs, researchers, and students ever closer together. Enhanced connectivity will serve as a powerful catalyst for innovation, collaboration, and enduring friendship between our two kingdoms.

During the recent Thailand–Netherlands Political Consultation held in The Hague in September 2025, both countries reaffirmed their commitment to advancing cooperation. As Thailand pursues its Ignite Thailand 2030 vision to become a regional innovation hub, the Netherlands offers complementary, world-class expertise in areas ranging from advanced manufacturing to sustainable agriculture.

Building on Proven Success

The strongest foundation of Thai–Dutch cooperation lies in areas where both countries have achieved concrete results. Dutch expertise in water management has contributed to Thai flood control systems and agricultural water efficiency. Similarly, Dutch innovations in precision agriculture, greenhouse technology, and sustainable food production address Thailand’s specific needs in agricultural productivity and climate adaptation. These collaborations demonstrate what works: clear objectives, technical expertise, and measurable outcomes.

Exploring New Frontiers

Thailand is actively working to deepen partnerships in frontier technology sectors, particularly advanced manufacturing and semiconductors. Building on its strong electronics manufacturing base, skilled workforce, and strategic location at the heart of ASEAN, Thailand stands ready to collaborate with Europe’s leading technology innovators to co-create resilient, sustainable, and future-oriented value chains.

The Netherlands hosts some of Europe’s most advanced capabilities in semiconductor equipment manufacturing, precision engineering, and photonics. Driven by the global supply chain crisis and the geopolitical push for regional resilience, Thailand aims to position itself as a reliable, strategic partner in secure regional production networks.

Collaboration is being explored in areas such as advanced semiconductor assembly, packaging and testing, photonics, and green energy technologies. The Knowledge-to-Knowledge (K2K) model — which prioritises research partnerships and talent exchange before large-scale industrial commitments — offers a pragmatic pathway for initial cooperation in these complex, high-tech fields.

Translating Policy into Action

The Royal Thai Embassy in The Hague has initiated several targeted programmes to translate high-level policy into practical cooperation:

  • Investment Showcase: In June 2025, the Embassy co-hosted a seminar on the Bio-Circular-Green (BCG) Economy in the Eastern Economic Corridor (EEC), showcasing investment opportunities and inviting Dutch companies to partner in clean energy and circular innovation. In September 2025, the Embassy participated in the 5th Thai–Netherlands Business Forum, organised by Thailand’s Board of Investment, to highlight investment opportunities in Thailand.
  • Human Capital Development: In August 2025, the Embassy supported Thai engineering students to attend the Eindhoven Semicon Summer School, focusing on the critical development of human capital through hands-on training.
  • Technical Fact-Finding Mission: In September 2025, Dutch representatives visited Thailand’s semiconductor ecosystem. These reciprocal exchanges are vital for Dutch stakeholders to gain a deeper understanding of Thailand’s technical capabilities and to identify areas for future collaboration.
H.E. Mr. Asi Mamanee, Ambassador of Thailand during the interview.

A Partnership of Mutual Interest

As Thailand and the Netherlands enter their fifth century of diplomatic relations, the partnership continues to thrive in line with shared strategic interests. Collaboration now spans a wide range of sectors, reflecting a joint understanding that sustainable partnerships rely on diversification. Success in long-established areas such as water management has built a foundation of trust and confidence — enabling both nations to explore bold new frontiers in future-defining, high-technology sectors.

The coming years will determine whether policy commitments translate into functioning partnerships. The 420-year history of Thai–Dutch relations offers a solid foundation, yet the partnership’s future relevance will depend on what both nations choose to build together today. As Thailand and the Netherlands embark on this next chapter, they do so with a blend of ambition and realism — guided by the same mutual respect, trust, and practical cooperation that have sustained their friendship for over four centuries.

Azerbaijan’s Urban Evolution: From Historical Heritage to Smart City Visions at the World Urban Forum

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Azerbaijan’s Urban Evolution: From Historical Heritage to Smart City Visions at the World Urban Forum

As part of its coverage on sustainable urban development, Diplomat Magazine engaged in a conversation with H.E. Mr. Mammad Ahmadzada, Ambassador of Azerbaijan to the Kingdom of the Netherlands. In his contribution, the ambassador reflected on Azerbaijan’s urban evolution and preparations to host the 13th World Urban Forum (WUF13) in 2026. He highlighted the country’s journey from a rich historical heritage to a new era of innovation, sustainability, and smart city development, offering valuable perspectives for global dialogue and cooperation.

As the world looks ahead to the 13th World Urban Forum (WUF13), to be held in Baku from 17 to 22 May 2026, Azerbaijan is preparing to showcase its distinctive path of urban transformation. From its ancient and medieval heritage to the transformative oil boom era to modern infrastructure advancements and today’s pioneering smart city initiatives, Azerbaijan offers insights that transcend its borders. This is particularly relevant as WUF13 will address pressing global urban challenges such as housing – a key concern for the Netherlands and many other countries.

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A Glorious Past: Azerbaijan’s Architectural Heritage

Azerbaijan’s urban tradition is deeply rooted in its architectural and cultural heritage, spanning from prehistoric times through the medieval era. One of the earliest testimonies to human settlement is found in Gobustan, a remarkable archaeological site renowned for its ancient petroglyphs and rock carvings dating back tens of thousands of years. The Gobustan Rock Art Cultural Landscape, recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, offers invaluable insights into early human life and creativity, establishing the deep historical foundation upon which Azerbaijan’s later urban traditions were built.

Moving forward through history, the Old City of Baku (Icherisheher) – another UNESCO World Heritage Site, stands enclosed by ancient walls and features iconic landmarks such as the Maiden Tower and the 15th-century Palace of the Shirvanshahs. These monuments reflect a fusion of diverse historical periods and architectural styles, highlighting Azerbaijan’s unique position at the crossroads of civilizations.

Urban planning in medieval Azerbaijan demonstrated remarkable foresight. Cities such as Baku, Shamakhi, Ganja, Shaki, and Shusha were thoughtfully organized around caravanserais, mosques, bathhouses, and marketplaces. These urban centres featured advanced water supply systems and neighbourhood-based social structures that fostered a human-centered model long before modern planning principles emerged. Notably, the mountain village of Lahij stands out for its ancient and well-preserved urban layout, including a sophisticated water and sewerage system – parts of which date back more than a thousand years – highlighting enduring engineering ingenuity.

The First Oil Boom: A New Urban Era

The discovery of oil in the late 19th century dramatically transformed Azerbaijan’s urban landscape. Baku quickly emerged as one of the world’s first modern industrial cities, attracting architects and engineers from across Europe. Grand boulevards, eclectic architecture, and civic buildings defined this transformative era. Influenced by Beaux-Arts and Neoclassical styles, landmarks such as the Ismailiyya Palace, the Baku City Duma (now the Executive Power Building), and the Mukhtarov Palace (Palace of Happiness) helped shape Baku into a city of ambition, wealth and vision.

Urban infrastructure expanded rapidly, with tram lines, parks, and apartment buildings reflecting a new social order. This cosmopolitan architectural identity laid the foundation for further development in the mid-20th century, which introduced a distinctive style and urban planning approach characterized by monumental public buildings, expansive residential complexes, and wide avenues designed to serve a growing industrial population. Emphasizing grandiosity and symbolism of the era, this period’s architectural spirit is evident in monumental structures such as the Government House and the Gulustan Palace.

Modern Architectural Marvels: Innovation Meets Identity

The 21st century has ushered in a new wave of architectural creativity in Azerbaijan, coinciding with its nation’s independence and rapid economic growth. Baku now hosts internationally acclaimed projects that merge contemporary design with a strong sense of national identity.

Among the most iconic is the Heydar Aliyev Centre, designed by the late Zaha Hadid. Its fluid, futuristic form challenges conventional architectural norms, symbolizing Azerbaijan’s embrace of innovation. The Flame Towers, representing Azerbaijan’s historic connection with fire and energy, have become defining landmarks overlooking the Caspian Sea.

Another landmark is the Baku Crystal Hall, originally built to host the Eurovision Song Contest, which showcases cutting-edge engineering and continues to serve as a premier venue for large-scale international events. Other notable projects include the Azerbaijan Carpet Museum, designed to resemble a rolled carpet – an homage to Azerbaijan’s intangible cultural heritage – and the Baku Convention Center, which functions as a hub for global engagement.

Modern mixed-use developments such as Port Baku Residence and Mall combine luxury living with coastal views, while Deniz Mall, with its sleek design and diverse retail options, has become a premier destination for shopping and leisure. The ambitious Crescent Development Project envisions a striking waterfront complex symbolizing Baku’s forward-looking urban transformation.

Complementing these developments, numerous world-renowned five-star hotels have established a presence in Baku, enhancing the city’s appeal as a luxury travel destination and reinforcing its role on the international stage.

This wave of architectural innovation extends beyond the capital, driving modernization and regional development across Azerbaijan.

Importantly, these projects prioritize sustainability and eco-friendly principles. Extensive work along Baku’s seaside boulevard, large-scale greening initiatives, and thoughtfully designed parks underscore Azerbaijan’s commitment to environmental stewardship and sustainable development – values prominently showcased when the country hosted COP29.

Housing Challenges at the Heart of WUF13: A Shared Concern

As WUF13 highlights housing – a challenge for urban planners worldwide, including in the Netherlands – Azerbaijan’s evolving housing strategies provide valuable insights.

Rapid urbanization, especially in Baku and its surroundings, has driven rising housing demand. In response, Azerbaijan has launched integrated urban renewal projects that prioritize both functionality and aesthetics.

A flagship initiative is the Baku White City project, which transforms a former industrial zone known as Black City into a sustainable, vibrant urban district. Featuring mixed-use developments, green spaces, and modern transport connections, the project adheres to principles of environmental rehabilitation. White City stands as a model for post-industrial urban regeneration and land reclamation, relevant to Dutch cities facing similar spatial and sustainability challenges.

Another significant development is Sea Breeze, a private urban project along the Caspian coast that combines luxury coastal living with sustainable planning. This resort-style town features its own infrastructure, commercial zones, and residential areas, demonstrating how public-private partnerships can simultaneously support housing and tourism.

These high-end projects foster architectural experimentation, expand housing typologies, and create employment opportunities – key components of a comprehensive urban strategy.

Rebuilding from the Ground Up: Smart and Sustainable Urban Renewal

Azerbaijan’s most compelling urban development experience today is unfolding across its recently liberated territories. These regions, long deprived of infrastructure, have become the focus of one of Eurasia’s most ambitious reconstruction efforts.

At the heart of this process is the Policy of Great Return, a national initiative aimed at ensuring the safe and sustainable resettlement of displaced persons to their ancestral lands by providing modern infrastructure, housing, and essential social services. As part of this effort, comprehensive master plans are underway to construct dozens of new cities and hundreds of villages from the ground up, emphasizing sustainable design, smart technologies, and community-centered development, with rapid progress being made.

Key projects include:

  • Smart Villages and Cities: A flagship example is the Aghali Smart Village in Zangilan, a pilot project integrating renewable energy, digital governance, and modern agriculture – one of the world’s first post-conflict smart settlements.
  • Transportation Infrastructure: Thousands of kilometers of roads and modern highways are being constructed to connect previously isolated areas. The Fuzuli International Airport, completed in under a year, symbolizes rapid recovery and is complemented by new airports in Zangilan and Lachin. High-speed rail lines and strategically located tunnels not only enhance civilian connectivity but also strengthen regional trade – vital as Azerbaijan positions itself as a hub along the Middle Corridor linking Europe and Asia.
  • Cultural Heritage Rehabilitation: Among the most significant efforts is the restoration of Shusha, Azerbaijan’s cultural capital, a powerful symbol of national identity and resilience. The rehabilitation of Shusha and other historic sites underscores the country’s commitment to preserving its rich heritage.

These initiatives extend beyond physical reconstruction – they aim to restore community life, encourage repopulation, and stimulate economic development, aligning closely with WUF13’s core themes of inclusivity, resilience, and sustainability.

Azerbaijan and the Netherlands: Shared Urban Futures

Azerbaijan’s urban evolution presents valuable insights for Dutch planners, architects, and policymakers attending WUF13. Both countries exemplify innovative approaches to spatial challenges, ecological sustainability, and inclusive housing development. Azerbaijan’s historical adaptability – from medieval walled cities to post-oil-boom metropolises and smart rural settlements – tells a unique story of resilience. Meanwhile, the Netherlands, with its global expertise in sustainable urbanism and water management, stands as a key partner for future cooperation.

Azerbaijan’s urban journey is one of transformation – bridging past, present, and future. As WUF13 gathers global leaders to address urban challenges, particularly housing, Azerbaijan is ready to share its experience, insights, and vision. From Baku’s iconic skyline to smart villages rising in liberated territories, Azerbaijan invites the world to witness not only how cities are built, but how they are reborn.

ICC Registrar Visits Poland and Ukraine to Strengthen Cooperation

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ICC Registrar Visits Poland and Ukraine to Strengthen Cooperation

From 27 October to 1 November 2025, the Registrar of the International Criminal Court (ICC), Mr. Osvaldo Zavala Giler, carried out an official visit to Poland and Ukraine aimed at reinforcing cooperation with national counterparts and ensuring the continued effectiveness of the Court’s operations concerning the situation in Ukraine.

In Poland, the Registrar was received by Mr. Waldemar Żurek, Minister of Justice and Prosecutor General of the Republic of Poland. The meeting offered an opportunity to convey the Court’s gratitude for Poland’s steadfast political and practical support to the ICC. Discussions underscored the importance of maintaining strong cooperation with the Court, upholding the rule of law, and safeguarding judicial independence in the face of external challenges.

In Ukraine, the Registrar’s mission focused on sustaining the ICC’s operational continuity, including the activities of the Court’s Country Office in Kyiv.

Mr. Zavala Giler held meetings with Mr. Oleksandr Karasevych, State Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine; Ms. Lyudmila Petrivna Sugak, Deputy Minister of Justice for European Integration; and Mr. Oleksii Khomenko, First Deputy Prosecutor General. The discussions reaffirmed the ICC’s ongoing commitment to its work in Ukraine and emphasized the importance of continued cooperation and institutional support for the Court’s operations.

The Registrar also met with Mr. Rolf Holmboe, Head of the European Union Advisory Mission (EUAM) to Ukraine, to exchange views on shared priorities and the European Union’s continued support for the ICC’s mandate.

During his stay in Kyiv, Mr. Zavala Giler visited the ICC Country Office and met with staff members, commending their professionalism, dedication, and resilience in fulfilling their duties under challenging conditions. He expressed his deep appreciation for their contribution to advancing the Court’s work despite the complex security and operational environment.

Spain’s National Day Celebrated in The Hague

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Spain’s National Day Celebrated in The Hague

On the occasion of the National Day of Spain, H.E. Ms. Consuelo Femenía Guardiola, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Spain, hosted a well-attended reception at the Residence of Spain in The Hague on October 14. Ambassadors, national and international authorities, and distinguished members of the Spanish community filled the elegant rooms adorned with works by Spanish masters, reflecting the country’s rich cultural heritage.

In her address, Ambassador Femenía reflected on Spain’s growing diplomatic role in an increasingly complex international environment.

“This year,” she said, “we continue to witness a deterioration of international relations through a less cooperative diplomacy and, at times, a fierce use of force. In this scenario, Spain is increasing its diplomatic and political profile to show that another reality is possible. In front of today’s challenges, we must uphold our vision with a long-term perspective, and respond united — as Spaniards and as Europeans.”

Quoting His Majesty King Felipe VI’s recent speech before the United Nations General Assembly, Ambassador Femenía recalled:

“Spain is a nation with millenary roots and a clear universal vocation that has contributed decisively to shaping the history of the world. It stands at the historical origin of both globalization and international law, as well as of medieval parliamentarism and contemporary liberal democracy.”

“With the perspective that centuries give us,” the King added, “we can clearly see that our best moments come when we move forward open to, and engaged with, the world — driven by a Spanish society that is an example of commitment to human dignity and solidarity with the most disadvantaged.”

The Ambassador emphasized her firm belief in diplomacy’s transformative power:

“After more than thirty years in diplomacy, I cannot think any other way. We must remain faithful to our values of openness, plurality, and respect for others. Yet, when our wellbeing and prosperity can no longer be taken for granted, we must become stronger actors, not mere spectators. It is time for Europe’s awakening and for deeper cooperation with our partners.”

Ambassador Femenía expressed gratitude to countries that offered assistance during recent natural disasters in Spain, notably the Netherlands, which swiftly extended technical help after the devastating DANA storm in Valencia.

Addressing global crises, she reaffirmed Spain’s commitment to peace and human rights:

“When bombs fall over a territory and its people, we cannot look the other way. In the Middle East, we are witnessing a humanitarian tragedy of immense proportions. We must continue to work toward a credible peace process and the two-state solution. Spain remains steadfast in its support for Palestine to become a full member of the United Nations and in fighting impunity for atrocities.”

She also reiterated Spain’s unwavering support for Ukraine, highlighting her country’s involvement in negotiations in The Hague, including efforts to establish a register of damages and a claims commission.

Spain, she noted, remains a committed member of NATO and continues to strengthen its development cooperation and humanitarian action in line with the Foreign Action Strategy 2025–2028. The recent 4th Conference on Financing for Development held in Seville served as an important platform to mobilize support for the world’s most vulnerable nations.

The Ambassador reminded the audience that this year also marks the 50th anniversary of the end of the dictatorship in Spain and the adoption of the Spanish Constitution, milestones that symbolize the country’s democratic resilience. To commemorate this, the Embassy will organize a conference at the Clingendael Institute featuring high-level speakers, followed later by a cultural event with acclaimed film director Pedro Almodóvar.

Addressing her compatriots, Ambassador Femenía shared a heartfelt message:

“A mis conciudadanos, quiero saludaros y reconocer una vez más que sois ejemplo de solidaridad. In this changing global landscape, each of us—businesses, students, civil society, and public servants—has a role to play. As we move from an era of globalization toward one where resilience and risk diversification are essential, Spain’s strong economic performance and the achievements of our companies abroad are more strategic than ever.”

Concluding her remarks, she thanked all attendees for joining in the celebration and reaffirmed the spirit of friendship that unites both nations:

“Long live the friendship between Spain and the Netherlands!”

Romania “at the Gate of Storms[1]” and Without a Strategic Narrative

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Romania “at the Gate of Storms[1]” and Without a Strategic Narrative

“A nation without a strategic vision has no future, only reflexes.”
— adaptation after Raymond Aron


By Lieutenant General Corneliu Pivariu (ret)

 

The Meaning of a Strategic Signal

The announcement regarding the withdrawal of part of the American troops from Romania[2] is not merely an operational adjustment of the U.S. presence on NATO’s eastern front. Rather, it is a strategic signal that must be read in the context of a world undergoing reconfiguration. At a time when the global balance of power is under multiple pressures — from the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East to the emergence of a new Eurasian economic axis — any change in the U.S. military footprint in Eastern Europe carries major significance. It demonstrates the evolution toward a multipolar world in which the United States can no longer act as “the world’s policeman.”

Romania, situated “at the gate of storms,” in a buffer zone between Russia, the Balkans, and the Black Sea, is directly exposed to these shifts. This partial withdrawal should not be viewed through panic or conspiracy theories, but as a test of strategic maturity: does Romania have its own vision of its place in the Euro-Atlantic security architecture? Or does it continue to define its position merely through reflexes of loyalty to its partners?

Unable to properly assert its own interests and present its true strategic importance, Romania must escape the political stagnation in which it finds itself and act with strategic vision to preserve its future.

The Political Level – Between Loyalty and Lack of Vision

Politically, Washington constantly adjusts its global posture. If during 2022–2024 the focus was on consolidating the eastern flank, we are now witnessing a rebalancing — a redistribution of resources toward other areas of interest, including the Indo-Pacific and the Middle East. This is not a withdrawal from NATO commitments, but a strategic optimization, in a world where the United States must carefully calibrate its military and financial presence.

Nevertheless, we cannot fail to observe that this rebalancing takes place in Romania and not in Poland, which is also on the eastern flank. Most likely, this is due to a certain political “de-synchronization” that Romania has demonstrated over the 35 years since the events of December 1989, during which it has had to live under the vision of the politicians who governed it[3].

The problem is not what the United States is doing, but what Romania is not doing. For more than three decades, Romania’s strategic discourse has been limited to formulas such as “strategic partnership”, “firm commitment”, “full support for allies.” Although diplomatically correct, these do not constitute a strategic narrative. Romania needs its own story about itself: about its role in the region, its national interests, the balance between security and development.

The absence of such a narrative results in dependence on the perceptions of others. Countries in the region offer contrasting models: Poland asserts itself as a regional leader through massive defense investments; Hungary cultivates its sovereign and mediator profile; Turkey plays the role of pivot between geopolitical blocs. Romania, by contrast, defines itself through strategic silence — it reacts, often belatedly, but rarely acts.

The Military Dimension – Between Presence and Relevance

From a military perspective, the partial withdrawal of U.S. troops does not signify abandonment, but rather a resilience test for Romania’s Armed Forces and national defense system. For years, Romania has relied on allied presence as a security guarantee. Yet external guarantees cannot substitute internal responsibility.

Without a realistic national defense strategy, grounded in its own priorities, Romania risks becoming merely a logistical territory, not a strategic actor. The military infrastructure developed with allied support (the Mihail Kogălniceanu base, the facilities at Câmpia Turzii or Deveselu) must be matched by a competitive national defense industry capable of ensuring minimal autonomy in times of crisis.

At present, Romania continues to lean on the symbolism of the “NATO umbrella” without building its own shield. In a multipolar world where alliances are increasingly flexible, real security is measured in internal capability, not in the number of joint declarations.

The current state of the Romanian Armed Forces unfortunately reflects a growing gap between political rhetoric and operational reality.

In terms of personnel, the army faces a chronic shortage of active troops and reservists. The average age exceeds 40, and voluntary recruitment fails to offset retirements and professional migration. Military education has been partially modernized, but tactical training and adaptation to new forms of warfare (hybrid, cyber, informational) remain insufficient, especially at unit level.

Regarding equipment, Romania has made specific advances (Patriot systems, HIMARS, Piranha armored vehicles, F-16 modernization), but without national industrial and logistical coherence. The absence of an integrated strategy leaves acquisitions largely dependent on imports and allied initiatives, with limited contribution to the domestic defense economy.

As for the national defense industry, it survives more through inertia than vision[4]. Many capacities are unused or technologically outdated, and the production chain no longer covers even basic needs in ammunition, maintenance, and individual equipment. Recent attempts at revitalization (such as reopening powder production in Făgăraș[5]) are welcome, but cannot replace the lack of a coherent defense industrial policy coordinated between the Ministry of Economy and the Ministry of National Defense.

Overall, Romania’s military system operates under a structural imbalance: insufficient and partially unprepared personnel, modern equipment but poorly integrated, an inert defense industry, and growing reliance on allied infrastructure. Without a long-term national program reconnecting training, procurement, and domestic production, Romania risks remaining a military transit corridor, not a source of strategic regional resilience.

Romania Between Globalism and Strategic Sovereignty

The absence of a national strategic narrative is visible in Romania’s relation to major global trends. In the context of the confrontation between globalism and sovereignty, Romania has failed to define its own position. The country oscillates between full attachment to Western structures and a latent, content-less sovereigntism.

A state that does not know its priorities cannot claim a regional leadership role. A strategic narrative is not merely a communication exercise, but a national thinking framework: it links foreign policy objectives to economic, energy, defense, and cultural goals.

Without such a framework, Romania risks becoming a transit gate for the interests of others — a buffer zone between spheres of influence, but without true decision-making power. In the absence of a coherent strategy, even the best partnerships become dependencies, and allied presence risks being perceived more as a substitute for internal vision than as the result of conscious planning.

The Need for a Strategic Compass

The partial withdrawal of American troops from Romania is a test of geopolitical clarity. It is not a loss of protection, but an opportunity for reflection. It shows that Romania needs, more than ever, its own strategic compass — an integrated vision of defense, economy, and diplomacy.

A state that aspires to stability and respect must speak through initiative, not reflex. Romania has the resources, geographic position, and historical experience to become a pillar of regional balance, but this cannot be achieved without a coherent internal vision. Yet, the politicians who have led the country for the past 35 years are preoccupied with petty interests, eager to please one side or another to preserve their privileges, and lack strategic vision.

A national strategic research center, a politically educated elite in geopolitics, and an informed society are the minimum conditions for formulating a credible national narrative.

Without it, Romania risks remaining what it has gradually become: a gate open to storms, but without a lighthouse to foresee them. Yet Romania is not condemned to be a gate to storms — it can become the lighthouse that signals them. The choice lies entirely with us.

Brașov, 29 October 2025

[1] An expression inspired by the title of Eusebiu Camilar’s book “Poarta furtunilor” (The Gate of Storms), published by Editura Militară in 1955, which recounts episodes from medieval history, when Romania stood at the crossroads of three empires: Russian, Ottoman, and Habsburg.

[2] The decision to suspend the rotation of a U.S. brigade — which was to be deployed across several allied countries, including Romania — was communicated by Romania’s Ministry of National Defense on 29 October 2025. It was specified that approximately 1,000 U.S. troops will remain on Romanian territory, and that the modification concerns primarily the Mihail Kogălniceanu Air Base (the only location where the rotation of the brigade will no longer take place).

[3] Immediately after 1989, Romania missed the opportunity to unite with the Republic of Moldova, and even concluded a treaty with the USSR, which was already on the verge of collapse. Romania’s integration into the European Union and NATO was achieved with a delay of 5–6 years, after other Eastern European states had already been accepted. This was due to internal reasons: the absence of a consistent political elite, economic fragmentation, and delayed reforms.

Although the political leadership in the United States changed, Romania remained attached to the political orientation of the Obama and Biden administrations, without adapting to the strong conservative shift that occurred in 2024–2025. This is also illustrated by the presence in the Bucharest government, in positions of primary importance, of personalities well-known for their political preferences and public statements openly opposed to the current administration in Washington, including recently through the nomination of a new Deputy Prime Minister and the continued posting in Washington of an underperforming ambassador.

[4] According to data available from September–October 2025, a significant number of enterprises within the National Company Romarm S.A. and its network of military-profile subsidiaries (Uzina Mecanică Cugir, Plopeni, Dragomirești, Sadu, Mija, Carfil, Moreni, Metrom, etc.) do not have their revenue and expenditure budgets approved for the current year.

[5] In December 2005, powder production at the Făgăraș Powder Plant was largely halted. It was only on 27 August 2025 that the Romanian state signed a contract with Rheinmetall — Germany for the construction of a new strategic powder production facility for ammunition, more than three years after the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine.

The Middle East and North Africa: Strategic Competition, Energy and Security Reconfiguring the Global Balance

Diplomat Magazine
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The Middle East and North Africa: Strategic Competition, Energy and Security Reconfiguring the Global Balance

“True power in the 21st century no longer lies solely in the strength of arms, but in the ability to connect resources, routes and people.” “In the Middle East, reality changes faster than perceptions, and perceptions often shape reality.”
By Lieutenant General Corneliu Pivariu (ret)

MENA as a Key Space of Global Rebalancing

The Middle East and North Africa – known under the acronym MENA – represent, more than ever, a crossroads of history, religion, energy, and geopolitics.
Here, millennial civilizations, contemporary ideologies, and global economic interests collide and reshape themselves in a continuous process.

We live in an era where transformations unfold at the pace of a historical revolution, and developments in this region have repercussions that reverberate worldwide.
After more than seven decades of almost uninterrupted conflict, MENA now stands at the centre of a new strategic competition where energy, technology, and political influence intertwine within a transforming architecture of power.

The region has become the symbol of the emerging multipolar world – one without a single hegemon, but with a complex network of regional and global powers that cooperate, compete, and condition one another.
This multipolarity does not signify fragmentation, but rather a redistribution of decision-making centres and their adaptation to a logic of strategic interdependence.

Energy and Strategic Interdependence

Energy remains the keystone of power in the Middle East.
The Gulf States – Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates – still hold a dominant share of the world’s oil and gas reserves.
However, they no longer play the passive role of resource suppliers. Over the past two decades, these countries have evolved into strategic decision centres, diversifying their economies and investments in technology, infrastructure, defence, and green energy.

A new form of power is thus emerging: not the one that merely extracts the resource, but the one that transforms it, directs it, and connects it.
Green hydrogen, solar energy from the Maghreb, trans-Saharan interconnections, maritime corridors, and port infrastructures now form the circulatory system of the global economy. Energy has become not only the source but also the language of contemporary geopolitics.

As shown in my previous analyses on BRICS and “Globalisation 2.0”, the redistribution of energy and technological flows is shifting the global centre of gravity from the Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific, with MENA serving as the critical interface between the Global South and the industrialised North.
Energy corridors – from Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb to Suez and the Eastern Mediterranean – are the arteries through which not only energy, but global stability itself, flows.

Europe, faced with its own energy vulnerability since 2022, is rediscovering MENA’s strategic role – not merely as an alternative source, but as an indispensable partner for energy transition and global security.

Strategic Competition among Major Powers

Nowhere is the new global contest for influence more visible than in MENA.
The United States, China, Russia, the European Union, and regional actors – India, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Egypt, and others – simultaneously compete for space, resources, and narrative control.

The United States seeks a balance between partial disengagement and sustained influence, relying on selective partnerships and the consolidation of the Abraham Accords.
China promotes a subtle strategy: through the Belt and Road Initiative and its mediation role (e.g., between Iran and Saudi Arabia), it asserts itself as a major economic and diplomatic actor – without direct military presence.
Russia, though weakened by the war in Ukraine, maintains strategic anchors in Syria, Iran, and Algeria, cultivating asymmetric networks of influence.
The European Union remains the main trade partner, yet still lacks a coherent security strategy for the region.

Meanwhile, India discreetly expands its economic and technological footprint in the Gulf and East Africa, while BRICS+ increasingly emerges as an attractive platform for Arab states seeking to diversify their financial and energy partnerships.

Regional actors are also asserting greater autonomy:
– Iran capitalises on the “axis of resistance” (Hezbollah, the Houthis, Shiite militias);
– Saudi Arabia diversifies its partnerships and aspires to a global role within BRICS+;
– Turkey adopts a flexible stance between NATO, Russia, and the Muslim world;
– Israel, as I have shown in the study “Super Sparta”, strengthens its technological and intelligence superiority, but faces a serious erosion of image and growing diplomatic isolation amid the Gaza crisis.

In the logic of the new realpolitik, competition is no longer purely military but also narrative: each actor strives to define the meaning of world order, to impose its own framework of legitimacy and its own version of international normality.

Security and Instability – Fragile Equilibria

The Gaza crisis remains the epicentre of tensions.
After a year of open conflict, the human and political toll is tragic: tens of thousands of victims, massive destruction, a paralysed peace process, and a climate of hatred fuelling new generations of radicalism.
The elimination of Hamas and Hezbollah leaders has not brought stability – only a pause between two phases of the same confrontation.

The war in Gaza has become a symbol of a world increasingly unable to negotiate lasting peace – the latest agreement concluded in Egypt being a telling example.
Behind the military confrontation lies a battle for narrative control: who is the aggressor, who is the victim, and who defines the legitimacy of action?
This is the purest expression of the strategic narrative – a concept that redefines the relationship between power and perception in the 21st century.

The expansion of the conflict through attacks from Yemen and the pressure on Red Sea maritime routes shows that regionalised warfare has already become a reality.
Against this backdrop, Egypt, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia attempt cautious mediation efforts, but the lack of consensus among major powers keeps peace as a more declarative than substantive objective.

Security in MENA today is a fragile mosaic in which local stability depends on global balances, and each conflict represents a link in a broader geopolitical chain.
In a deeper historical sense, we are witnessing a reactivation of post-Ottoman fragmentations, where symbolic frontiers have returned stronger than geographic ones.

Romania and MENA – Between Experience and Opportunity

Romania has a solid and long-standing tradition of dialogue and balance in the Middle East, dating back to the Cold War era.
During the 1970s and 1980s, Romanian diplomacy was respected in Cairo, Damascus, Tehran, and Tel Aviv – as well as in Washington, Beijing, and other capitals – for its capacity to maintain open channels between antagonistic camps.

After 1990, this vocation gradually faded.
Foreign policy focused almost exclusively on the Euro-Atlantic vector, while regional expertise diminished.
Nevertheless, the current context provides a genuine opportunity for strategic re-engagement – even if the present diplomatic leadership seems little, if at all, concerned with seizing it.

Romania could act along three main directions:

  1. Energy and infrastructure – through the Port of Constanța and the Rail2Sea and Danube2Sea projects, which could logistically connect Eastern Europe with the Mediterranean and MENA, strengthening its position within the Three Seas Initiative.
  2. Education and cultural diplomacy – by expanding university cooperation with Arab states and creating a framework for training regional specialists, continuing the former tradition of expertise and balance.
  3. Mediation diplomacy – by reviving a foreign policy based on credibility, continuity, and active balance.

A major advantage for Romania is that it is a European state without a colonial past in the region, a trait that offers it genuine potential for credible partnership with the Global South.

As highlighted in Global Geopolitical Evolutions up to 2050, Romania has the vocation of a bridge between North and South, between Europe and the Orient, provided it assumes a pragmatic, not merely declarative, role within the global architecture.

MENA as the Laboratory of the New World Order

The Middle East and North Africa have become the testing ground of the multipolar order.
Here intersect the new forms of power: economic, energetic, technological, and informational.
Here, too, the parameters of European security are indirectly being shaped.

The region is no longer merely an object of great power competition, but an autonomous actor capable of influencing global trends.
For Romania, the challenge is clear: not to observe these transformations from the sidelines, but to take part in them – through dialogue, expertise, and vision.

In a world where the “force of arms” is increasingly replaced by the power of connections, true influence will be measured by the ability to understand, anticipate, and connect.
The future will not belong solely to the greatest powers, but also to those who can build bridges between them – and Romania has the chance to be among these, if it ceases to act merely as a docile executor of directives from Brussels or elsewhere, and instead acts with professionalism and strategic vision.

Presentation delivered at the 11th MEPEI Forum “Middle East from Chaos to the New (Dis)Order”, Bucharest, 30 October 2025.

Selective Bibliography

  1. International Energy Agency (IEA), World Energy Outlook 2025, Paris, 2025.
  2. Chatham House, Middle East Energy Transition: Opportunities and Risks, London, 2024.
  3. Brookings Institution, The New Middle East Order: Power and Partnership in the Post-Oil Era, Washington DC, 2024.
  4. RAND Corporation, US Strategic Posture in the Middle East 2023–2030, Santa Monica, 2023.
  5. International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), The Military Balance 2025, London, 2025.
  6. Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), BRICS+ and the Global South: Implications for Energy and Security, Washington, 2024.
  7. Miskimmon, A., O’Loughlin, B., Roselle, L., Strategic Narratives: Communication Power and the New World Order, Routledge, 2013.
  8. United Nations ESCWA, Arab Regional Outlook 2025: Connectivity, Energy, and Climate Transition, Beirut, 2025.
  9. Corneliu Pivariu, Global Geopolitical Evolutions up to 2050, Financial Intelligence, Bucharest, 2025.

Building bridges between strategic cultures

Diplomat Magazine
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Building bridges between strategic cultures

By Captain Edouard Jonnet, French Defence Attaché in the Netherlands

France and the Netherlands are both NATO and EU founding members, but have inherited sometimes differing strategic cultures. The war in Ukraine, the situation in the Middle East and the Caribbean, among others, lead us to rethink how to defend our shared interests. As a defense attaché, one of my duties is to cultivate a shared strategic thinking and foster our “intellectual re-armament”.

Beyond the percentages of GDP allocated to defense, this intellectual re-armament should allow us to shape our military capabilities in a way that will enable us to prevail in the event of a high-intensity conflict. In this spirit, the participation of the Netherlands as guests of honour in the Paris Defense and Strategy Forum last March and the Franco-Dutch Defense Talks in September are examples of how to build bridges between our strategic cultures.

In the past months, several developments had a positive impact on the build-up of a common strategic culture.

Lessons learned from WWII encourage us to develop a common strategic culture. The 2024 twining between the municipalities of Kapelle and Orry La Ville supports this way forward.

At the beginning of the Second World War, France was the only country to deploy large units to support Dutch Armed forces in Brabant and Zeeland in May 1940. Most remarkably, after the capitulation, Dutch troops in Zeeland kept fighting for a few more days under French command. Nowadays, French soldiers who died in the Netherlands during WWII are buried in the town of Kapelle. To a certain extent, the poor coordination between French and Dutch forces back in 1940 had been nurtured by the lack of a shared strategic culture. This lesson learned from history should not be forgotten now.

It is also worth noting that, in similar fashion, Dutch forces fought on French soil. The Princess Irene brigade took part in the battle of Normandy in 1944, and Dutch soldiers are buried in the cemetery of Orry La Ville. In 2024, Orry La Ville and Kapelle have officialized their twinning programme, during a moving ceremony in Orry[1].

Training with similar equipment is a catalyst for a common strategic culture build up

In terms of capabilities, the acquisition by the Netherlands of four Orka-class submarines from Naval Group and its Dutch partners marks a turning point[2]. Beyond the industrial links that will emerge from this cooperation, it is also an opportunity to build up a shared strategic thinking on submarine warfare and therefore contribute together to the security of Europe in the coming decades. As a defense attaché, but more importantly as a submariner, I am of course very enthusiastic about this perspective. Several other projects regarding helicopters, mine warfare, radars and smaller equipment are also great opportunities to build bridges between our strategic cultures, just like radars or other.

Organizations’ rapprochement eases a common strategic culture

The creation of a Joint Force command[3] in the Dutch ministry of defense is a very interesting move. The Dutch organization will be more joint and closer to the French organigram. This kind of rapprochement should not be underestimated. Officers will definitely be more eager to exchange information if they don’t struggle to grasp someone else’s organization.

In a way, evolutions towards similar organigrams and decision-making processes are key topics for bringing strategic cultures closer.

Even if there is still room for improvement in order to bring our strategic cultures ever closer, the evolutions of the last few years have been significant and encourage us to move forward with greater energy and will.

Finally, strategic culture is about learning who we are, and understanding each other. It may be the most decisive step of the much-needed intellectual rearmament of Europe.

[1] https://www.kapelle.nl/orry-la-ville-et-kapelle

[2] https://www.defensie.nl/actueel/nieuws/2024/06/12/politieke-steun-voor-bouw-onderzeeboten-door-naval-group

[3] https://www.defensie.nl/actueel/nieuws/2025/09/04/met-joint-force-command-beter-voorbereid-op-grootschalig-conflict

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