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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

Diplomat Magazine
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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

The Embassy of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay marked his country’s Independence Day with a grand and festive reception. Held on August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague, the event drew over 200 distinguished guests from various sectors of Dutch society.

Ambassadors, chiefs of international missions, diplomats, academics, business leaders, and representatives from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with members of the Uruguayan community, all responded to H.E. Ambassador Dr. Álvaro González Otero’s invitation to celebrate ‘Día de la Independencia’—Uruguay’s National Day, commemorating its independence from Brazil in 1825.

H.E. Dr. Álvaro González Otero, Ambassador of Uruguay. National Day 2024 The Hague.

After nearly 200 years of conflict and civil unrest under Spanish and then Brazilian rule, Uruguay has emerged as a country renowned for its welcoming people, stunning landscapes, first-class meat production, and high-quality wine. In recent decades, Uruguayans have enjoyed a stable democracy, a steady improvement in living conditions, and overall well-being.

In a packed room with an animated audience, Ambassador González Otero took the microphone to thank all the attendees for their sincere affection for his people and country. He then proudly expressed:

“Two years have quickly passed since I arrived in this lovely kingdom. Since then, we have started to shift the focus of the Embassy, placing more emphasis on our bilateral relations. The Netherlands and Uruguay have more in common than people might imagine. We share international principles, landscapes, agricultural production, developed services, qualified exports, and a progressive lifestyle.

We also share strong commitments to the well-being of our citizens and visitors, the protection of human rights, environmental sustainability, progressive social policies, and significant efforts towards renewable energy and climate action. Both countries also emphasize education, democratic governance, and active participation in international organizations promoting peace and development. So, we will keep working to boost our bilateral relations.”

Uruguay National Day, August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague.
From the Embassy of Uruguay, Counsellor Pablo Bayarres, Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Hans Akerboom, Deputy Director Protocol and Host Country Affairs from the Netherlands.

Ambassador González Otero then listed some of the most relevant initiatives undertaken by the Embassy over the last few months:

– Uruguayan participation in the World Hydrogen Summit 2024: Led by the Minister of Industry, Energy, and Mining, Ms. Elisa Facio, with over 50 representatives from various sectors of the public and private sectors.

– Active participation in the “26th World Energy Congress.”

– Cooperation Project with Delft Institute for Water Education: Since 2011, Uruguayan professionals specializing in water resources have participated in the Delft Institute program for advanced training. Initially, the program began with 40 scholarships, resulting in 37 professionals successfully completing their studies. This early success led to the program’s relocation and implementation at the Technological University of Uruguay, now featuring regional participation. The program has since had two new editions in 2022 and 2024, expanding to include 17 professionals from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. This development has transformed Uruguay into a regional hub in the field of water resource education.

– Uruguay’s status as one of the 32 signing states of the Ljubljana – The Hague Convention in February 2024.

– Positioning Uruguay as a potential living and working destination for Dutch farmers.

– Interactions with RVO and Port of Rotterdam related to port cooperation.

– Exploring and initiating new cooperation projects with Westland Municipality and Wageningen University.

– Meetings with private sector actors related to agribusiness.

– Preparation for the Capitan Miranda’s visit to Amsterdam: Uruguay’s school tall ship has already confirmed its participation in Sail Amsterdam 2025.

– Multilateral achievements: The Embassy has made progress in multilateral areas, including ongoing contributions and work with international organizations based in The Hague: the ICJ, ICC, OPCW, HCCH, and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Additionally, a closer relationship with The Hague Academy of International Law has been pursued. Significant advances have also been made through the coordinated work of the GRULAC Group in relation to various international organizations.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General , Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Mr Arias spouse, Patricia van Oordt.

Following his remarks, Ambassador González Otero invited the audience to watch a short video about Uruguay, which made a great impression on those present. He expressed, “Uruguay is an exceptional country that has developed a dynamic and robust culture, shaped by a fascinating blend of gaucho traditions, European influences, and the unique Rioplatense spirit. Tango, folklore, candombe, and milonga are examples of its rich artistic musical expression. Uruguayan gastronomy, featuring high-quality meat, wine, and dairy products, especially the beloved ‘dulce de leche,’ delights palates and consistently wins prestigious awards worldwide.”

“The work we have done does not mean we are satisfied; we want to continue advancing in a deeper process. The bilateral relationship is already strong, but the potential to strengthen bonds in several key areas is even greater.”

The Ambassador of Uruguay, H.E. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero and the President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, Judge Graciela Gatti Santana with her husband Mr Gustavo Segovia.

The event was conceived to showcase the rich and diverse culture of Uruguay, a nation with a population of approximately 3,495,527 as of 2022.

The national anthems of Uruguay and the Netherlands were performed by the Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos. After the ambassador’s speech, the Embassy paid tribute to two influential musicians: José “El Sabalero” Carbajal and Jaime Roos, who both lived in the Netherlands. Jaime Roos settled in Amsterdam in 1978, where he played bass in several salsa, rock, and jazz groups. He had a son and remained in the Netherlands until 1984 when he returned to Uruguay.

Carbajal spent his days in the Netherlands with his wife, Anke van Haastrecht, and their two children. Anke was invited to share some special stories from their life together.

Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos.
Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez.

The enthusiastic audience enjoyed an authentic performance by talented Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez. The celebration continued with Uruguayan wine, classic savory empanadas, and dulce de leche, which delighted the crowded room and completed the great celebration.

Ambassador González Otero concluded the event by thanking his Embassy team: Counselor Pablo Bayarres, Chancellor Gustavo Morales, his assistant Juan Diego, and Martha Hernández and Sofía Anastasiou. He then led a warm toast for the people of the Netherlands, Uruguay, and the necessary and desired peace in the world.

China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

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China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

By Mariarosaria Iorio, Political Analyst

I. The post-cold war world  

International relations are nowadays characterised by major changes that started at the end of the 80s with the fall of the Berlin Wall.  Indeed, the end of the cold war was marked by the dislocation of the two main political blocks, namely the Soviet Union and the Western World. Such a dislocation resulted in the marginalization of the post-war multilateral system embodied in the United Nations, and the standstill of the multilateral trade negotiations in the late 90s in the context of the World Trade Organisation.  New lines of political thought have been facing each other since then, while reshaping the post-cold war world in a number of fragmented and variable sub-blocks of countries. 

The United States decided to put itself first by concentrating on its internal affairs, while withdrawing from international affairs.  

Europe, the old continent, looks for an efficient strategy towards autonomy from the United States.  Europe also tries, not without difficulty, to create a more cohesive internal and external political approach.  The reality is however evolving rather more towards fragmentation of Europe in favour of European National fragmented interests. Such a fragmentation is the natural consequence of the decadence of the European Institutional and collective actions to the advantage of individual Sates actions and interests.   In sum, what seemed to be a structured and coherent European Union block fighting for the promotion of its economic and political values all over the world has somehow become an alliance at variable geometry both internally and externally.  The disorganisation of the leadership results in a chaotic and unpredictable European External and Internal action. 

Thereof, the empty influence spaces left on the international relations scene has given new international actors the opportunity to emerge.  

Meanwhile, the fragmentation of the European Institutions has also impacted the EU-USA relations within NATO, and affected the security and peace sphere.  Security issues have been on and off on the European agenda.    

In this context, Russia that has lost its empire in the 80s looks now for a new power game. In spite of the disruption of the Soviet Union, Russia attempts either by influence or by force to exercise power in its ancient affiliate countries.  Russia that was supposed to be defeated with the fall of the Berlin Wall takes back its role of opponent to the Western World on the international scene at least as it concerns the international affairs philosophy.  Thus, creating a tension aimed at restoring its power in the world.   

The group of emerging and developing economies that constitute a new variable block with a large portion of population employed in agriculture have emerged as new actors in the world’s geo-political discourses.  At the head of this block on the international scene, there is China.  The shaky international leadership context has indeed given China a new space. China’s   communist past combined with its market-based economic strategy gives it a particular position.  

China is The One that can communicate to Russia. China is also The One that can have an influence on the Western economic and political scene as China owns a big part of Western Foreign Debt  

China embeds a horizontal strategy in both its trade and development policies, while producing at low wages.  Its production system coupled with its pragmatic political approach has reshaped the international power structure.  The top-down approach of the Western World faces now the competition created by the horizontal win-win approach proposed by China in both developing and industrialized countries.

Indeed, as a result of the decline of the Western World global hegemony based on market access and economic and social liberalism as a means to ensure economic growth and promote economic development, the vision promoted by China’s discourse, centred on the protection of livelihoods and local sovereign choices finds new adepts.  Furthermore, China has successfully attempted to promote a trade-off approach to international cooperation during the last 20 years.  A cooperation that does not interfere in internal affairs of partner countries as it has often reproached to the Western countries involved in international cooperation.  

As the developing countries leader, China positions itself as the spoke country for the poor.  As a new world powerful economic actor China plays as the guarantor of the Western Economic stability.  China positions itself as the bridge between the rich and the poor.  It is representing a different hegemonic game that only changes in its discourse, while still pursuing its own interests and influence zones.  Such a situation poses the question of the values that the international regime wants to embrace.  Indeed, this changing world results in an increased number of conflicts – be new or historical conflicts.  

The dislocation of the traditional leaders of the international relations has definitely created a chaotic and unpredictable scenario.  Chaos has in some cases been chosen as a political strategy to disrupt the post-1945 international regime. Such a disruption has benefitted new actors, and given space to new lines of thought.  These new lines of thought have attacked the existing international framework but has not yet succeeded in creating a new regime.  The increasing unbalance of power and the lack of leadership on the international political scene is risky. 

The reduction by choice of leadership of the United States has indeed resulted in the weakening of the values emerged as a result of the dramatic experience of Second World War, namely freedom of thought and freedom of speech to mention only a few.   We are now facing a much more authoritarian world with force used as a means to manage the political arena.  Dialogue seems to be a rather consuming exercise that has left its place to the use of force.  Force is no longer seen as the last option but rather the opening act for political dialogue.  Nationalism and individual interests are now at the centre of the political game. This trend is taking the world to instability and conflict.  

The peoples of the world are more and more questioning the existing system. People’s needs and expectations are not met.  The new emerged actors, such as China have given the hope of a possible change in the present international system without fundamentally questioning its rationale but rather trying to rip a slate of the cake.  

The struggle for influence among countries has not succeeded in building a peaceful and stable world. Citizens will have to face the challenge of building a new era of peace and stability worldwide.

Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

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Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

S.E. M. Philippe Couvreur est arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982, où il a d’abord occupé le poste d’assistant spécial aux bureaux du greffier et du greffier adjoint de la Cour internationale de Justice.

Il a ensuite exercé les fonctions de Secrétaire, Premier Secrétaire et Secrétaire juridique principal, avant d’être élu Greffier de la Cour en 2000, et réélu en 2007 et 2014. Pour marquer l’anniversaire de ses débuts à la Cour, il y a 35 ans, Diplomat Magazine l’a invité à témoigner de son expérience unique au service de cette institution, des évolutions qu’il a pu y observer, et à partager le regard qu’il porte sur les changements qui ont marqué la Cour et La Haye au cours des trois dernières décennies.
Philippe Couvreur avec le Pape Jean-Paul II prise le 13 mai 1985.
Je suis arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982 — de façon aussi inattendue que j’avais entamé des études de droit treize ans auparavant (mais c’est là une autre histoire…) — pour occuper un poste temporaire à la Cour internationale de Justice. La Cour était alors la seule institution judiciaire internationale existante au plan universel. Son activité, particulièrement faible à la fin des années 1970, ne pouvait en ce temps-là guère laisser présager du succès que rencontrerait la Cour dans les décennies à venir. Mon bienveillant maître de Louvain, le professeur Paul de Visscher, fils du célèbre internationaliste Charles de Visscher, unique juge belge à la Cour, m’avait prédit des jours aussi sereins qu’heureux, écoulés à lire et à écrire des ouvrages dans la solitude des imposants murs de la bibliothèque du Palais de la Paix…
Les mémoires ont été dûment déposés dans l’affaire El Salvador c. Honduras dans la salle Bol le 1 juin 1988, l’affaire du Différend frontalier terrestre, insulaire et maritime.
En rejoignant la Cour, un frais matin d’avril, dont je garde un souvenir très précis, le jeune juriste que j’étais découvrit, non sans étonnement, une organisation de taille très modeste, le Greffe, qui en est l’organe administratif, alors composé de moins d’une quarantaine de fonctionnaires. Le fonctionnement de la Cour reposait entièrement sur cette équipe restreinte de personnel permanent, auquel s’ajoutait, selon que de besoin, un personnel temporaire pour faire face au surcroît de travaux linguistiques et de sténodactylographie lors des sessions (publiques et privées) de la Cour. Je me rappelle avoir été frappé par la personnalité haute en couleur de certains de ces traducteurs indépendants, dont la grande culture littéraire m’émerveillait. Cette structure très économique du Greffe impliquait une grande polyvalence de ses membres, et les Secrétaires de la Cour — ses fonctionnaires supérieurs — étaient appelés, en sus de leurs travaux de recherches juridiques, de préparation des documents de la Cour, et de rédaction de la correspondance diplomatique, à assumer eux-mêmes l’essentiel des tâches linguistiques (traduction et interprétation) et d’information, ainsi que la supervision de nombreuses activités administratives et logistiques.
La Grande salle de Justice, l’affaire Relative au Timor Oriental (Portugal c. Australie) Arrêt du 30 juin 1995.
Il n’était nullement rare qu’un nouveau venu comme moi ait à passer week-ends et nuits blanches au Palais de la Paix à effectuer les travaux les plus divers… allant jusqu’à imprimer et polycopier, sur de vieilles machines à stencils ronéotype, des décisions dont la Cour devait donner la lecture en séance publique le lendemain ! Dès mon arrivée au Greffe, j’ai eu le bonheur et le privilège d’être initié et associé à l’ensemble des fonctions de l’institution sous la patiente supervision de personnalités d’exception, tels que MM. Torres Bernárdez et Pillepich, alors respectivement Greffier et Greffier adjoint. J’en ai retiré le plus grand bénéfice, puisque cette immersion sans préparation dans toutes les facettes de l’activité du Greffe m’a permis d’acquérir de ce dernier une connaissance unique — de l’intérieur — et sous tous ses aspects —, un acquis particulièrement précieux au moment où j’ai été amené, bien des années plus tard, à assumer la délicate responsabilité d’en assurer la gestion au plus haut niveau. Devenir un fonctionnaire du Greffe au début des années 1980 signifiait accepter de se couler sans discussion dans un moule à tous égards exigeant, et se donner corps et âme, avec humilité et discrétion, à l’institution, sans penser à soi ni parler de soi. Depuis ces années d’initiation, j’ai été le témoin de profondes transformations de la Cour, rendues inévitables à la fois pour répondre à l’accroissement considérable de ses activités, avec la disparition du monde bipolaire qui avait relégué le règlement judiciaire à un rôle quelque peu marginal, et pour saisir les opportunités nouvelles offertes, notamment, par le progrès des technologies et de la communication. Entre 1982 et aujourd’hui, le nombre de fonctionnaires a ainsi presque triplé (il a quasiment doublé depuis l’an 2000, année de ma première élection en tant que Greffier). L’organisation du travail a été progressivement spécialisée entre les divers départements, juridique, linguistique et chargé de l’information, qui furent créés en 1997, et les services techniques. Par ailleurs, les Membres de la Cour ne disposèrent pas, pendant longtemps, de « référendaires » — ils s’y sont d’ailleurs longtemps refusés—, et l’assistance apportée aux juges en matière judiciaire était principalement répartie entre les fonctionnaires du Département des affaires juridiques.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur avec la Reine Beatrix photo prise pendant le 50 eme anniversaire de la Cour (18-04-1996).
Les cinq premiers postes de juristes référendaires ne furent obtenus de l’Assemblée générale et créés qu’en 2002, à l’issue de difficiles négociations que je me souviens avoir menées avec beaucoup de plaisir et d’intérêt ; le nombre de ces postes s’est progressivement accru, pour s’élever à quinze aujourd’hui. Les divers développements qui ont marqué le monde au cours des dernières décennies n’ont pas manqué de soulever pour la Cour de nouveaux défis. Comme c’est le cas pour toute institution, elle n’a pu les relever en faisant table rase des enseignements de son histoire ni, à l’inverse, en ne saisissant pas toutes les opportunités offertes par le temps présent. A ces différents égards, la Cour est certainement parvenue, au fil des ans, à assurer un équilibre, toujours délicat, entre changements et continuité. La continuité de la Cour est bien sûr inscrite dans son Statut, qui fait partie intégrante de la Charte des Nations Unies, et reflétée dans ses méthodes judiciaires, qui ont été très largement élaborées par sa devancière, la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, et héritées d’elle. Cette continuité historique était particulièrement présente lorsque j’ai rejoint le Greffe. Ainsi, en manière d’anecdote, divers hauts fonctionnaires alors en poste avaient eux-mêmes côtoyé, au début de leur carrière, d’anciens fonctionnaires de la Cour permanente. Tous nourrissaient à l’égard de cette dernière le plus grand respect. Il régnait d’ailleurs dans les couloirs du Palais de la Paix une atmosphère feutrée et délicieusement surannée, évocatrice de la défunte Société des Nations. Je me souviens en avoir encore utilisé maintes fournitures de bureau ! La continuité jurisprudentielle et procédurale entre les deux Cours constitue pour les Etats une garantie importante de sécurité et de prévisibilité juridiques. Cette continuité, juridique et historique, de même que l’expérience accumulée en plus de quatre-vingt-dix ans d’exercice de la fonction judiciaire, sont pour la Cour un facteur crucial de légitimité.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur vec le Roi Willem-Alexander photo prise pendant le 70 eme anniversaire de la Cour (20-04-2016).
En même temps, la Cour a eu, à l’évidence, à s’adapter aux changements du monde réel dans lequel elle opère, comme aux nécessités et opportunités nouvelles de chaque époque traversée. L’une des transformations notoires auxquelles j’ai assisté fut l’ouverture croissante de la Cour sur l’extérieur : longtemps à l’écart, à dessein, des organes politiques des Nations Unies, la Cour a souhaité se faire plus et mieux entendre de ces organes et des Etats membres. Elle a ainsi rompu avec ce qui était parfois perçu comme un « splendide isolement » au sein des Nations Unies, même si elle défend toujours jalousement son autonomie. La Cour doit en outre désormais également tenir compte des nombreuses autres juridictions, internationales ou régionales, qui ont été créées ces dernières années, et veiller, autant que possible, à assurer l’harmonie du « concert judiciaire » que permet ce foisonnement de cours et tribunaux sur la scène internationale. Davantage ouverte sur la communauté internationale et ses réalités, la Cour s’est montrée de plus en plus attentive, non seulement à sa place dans l’Organisation des Nations Unies, mais aussi à la poursuite des objectifs de celle-ci et à sa mission propre au service du règlement pacifique des différends internationaux. Des différends de plus en plus complexes, tant juridiquement que factuellement, en même temps que politiquement plus denses, lui ont été soumis. En révisant constamment, selon que de besoin, ses méthodes de travail, elle a su les résoudre rapidement et efficacement, à un coût particulièrement modeste pour la communauté internationale, tout en assurant le développement du droit. Enfin, pour conclure sur une note plus prosaïque, mais qui est loin d’être négligeable, je ne peux taire la chance que j’ai eue de connaître l’extraordinaire développement de la ville de La Haye au cours des 35 dernières années. Celle-ci offre aujourd’hui à la Cour, comme aux nombreuses institutions internationales qui s’y sont installées à sa suite, une qualité de vie et un cadre de travail uniques, qui sont très loin de ressembler à ce que j’ai trouvé en y arrivant. A l’image de l’imposante stature du Palais de la Paix où elle siège, symbole mondialement connu de la justice internationale, la Cour est une institution solidement établie. En dépit des périodes de doute ou de désaffection qu’elle a traversées par le passé, son rôle est unanimement salué au sein de la communauté internationale et le recours à ses services par les Etats n’a jamais été aussi soutenu. 35 ans après, je continue de mesurer chaque jour le privilège qui est le mien de servir au mieux de mes capacités l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies. —– Les photos dans l’article sont une courtoisie de la Cour International de Justice.

Between Law and Life: Building Bridges with Quiet Power

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Between Law and Life: Building Bridges with Quiet Power

By Alexandra Paucescu

Some life stories follow a straight line. Others move across borders, disciplines and historical turning points. When I sat down with Shqipe Hajredini Doli, it became clear that her journey belongs firmly to the second category.

‘I grew up in a city that teaches you resilience without putting it in a textbook,’ she tells me with a smile. Pristina, she says, shaped both her professional determination and her instinct to look at institutions not as abstract constructions, but as living frameworks that affect daily life.

Her academic path began in law. ‘Law fascinated me because it’s not just about rules, it’s about balance,’ she explains. After completing her legal studies, she pursued a Master in European Legal Studies at the University of Hamburg. ‘Germany taught me discipline,’ she laughs. ‘And punctuality. Very punctual punctuality.’ Later, she completed a Doctorate in Political Science, focusing on governance, public policy and the relationship between legal systems and political realities.

Activity for diplomatic community at Atrium Den Haag.

Her career spans more than two decades across national institutions, NGOs and international organizations. She began in legislative drafting and legal reform. ‘At the beginning, I was literally working on texts that would shape institutions. It’s a strange feeling, you type a sentence and you know it might outlive your entire career.’ Over time, her work expanded into broader institutional reform and, more recently, into human rights. ‘Without human rights, governance is just administration,’ she says simply.

Languages have been a constant thread. Growing up in the former Yugoslavia meant early exposure to linguistic diversity. ‘I’ve always loved languages. They are not just tools to speak, they are tools to understand. When you switch languages, you almost switch personality slightly.’ She pauses. ‘It’s the closest thing to peaceful shape-shifting.’

Ambassadors Spouse’s Association ASA 2025.

Beyond her professional life, she is first and foremost a mother of two sons. ‘They keep me grounded. They also keep me technologically updated,’ she adds dryly. Artistic expression, especially painting and photography, offers balance. Ancient history remains a passion. ‘History is humbling. You realize that most political crises are not as original as we think.’

When I ask about food, her answer is immediate: ‘Cuisine is diplomacy without microphones.’ Coming from Kosovo, Mediterranean flavors remain emotionally close. ‘Food carries memory. One dish can bring back an entire decade.’ She firmly believes gastronomy is a powerful tool of cultural diplomacy. ‘When people share a table, they lower their defenses. It’s very difficult to argue aggressively while asking someone to pass the olive oil.’

Activities I organized in The Hague for ASA.

Her international mobility began early. As a teenager, she moved independently to Austria and later to the United States. ‘Moving abroad alone teaches you two things: independence and how to pack efficiently.’ Germany played a key role during her academic years, but she has also developed a strong appreciation for the Netherlands. ‘I admire the Dutch balance between structure and openness.’ Still, she admits she feels emotionally split between Southern Europe’s warmth and Northern Europe’s order. ‘Ideally, I would like Southern weather with Northern administration.’

Speaking about Kosovo, she becomes both reflective and proud. ‘Kosovo is young, energetic and sometimes impatient, but in a good way.’ She describes it as a country with ‘a big heart and an even bigger ambition.’ For her, resilience is not a slogan but a lived experience. ‘We learned to build while still healing.’

Her view of the diplomatic community is pragmatic. ‘Diplomacy is about relationships. Policies matter, of course. But trust is built over coffee, not only in conference rooms.’ She finds the international diplomatic environment intellectually stimulating and culturally rich. ‘You are constantly learning how other societies think.’

The conversation naturally turns to diplomatic spouses. ‘People often assume we simply attend events,’ she says with a knowing smile. ‘In reality, many diplomatic spouses have their own careers, expertise and ambitions. Sometimes we pause them. Sometimes we reinvent them.’ She sees the role as complementary to official representation. ‘We are informal bridges. We connect with communities, professional networks, cultural initiatives. It’s soft influence, but it’s real.’

Do diplomatic spouses have power? ‘Absolutely,’ she replies without hesitation. ‘Not institutional power, but relational power. The power to create understanding. To reduce prejudice. To open doors that formal titles sometimes cannot.’ She adds, ‘It’s quiet power. But quiet doesn’t mean weak.’

Dr. Shqipe Doli

One of her proudest professional moments came in the period following Kosovo’s Declaration of Independence. ‘Those years were intense. We were building institutions almost in real time.’ She was directly involved in legal and policy development processes critical to state consolidation. ‘It was demanding, complex and sometimes exhausting. But also incredibly meaningful. You could see the impact of your work.’

As our conversation draws to a close, I ask about her life motto. She reflects for a moment. ‘Live intentionally,’ she says. ‘Commit fully to what you do but stay curious.’ Growth, for her, comes from stepping beyond comfort zones. ‘If something challenges you slightly, it’s probably good for you.’ She smiles again. ‘Except maybe extreme sports. I prefer intellectual risk.’

Kosovo National Day 2026. Picture by Studio Dijkgraaf

In a world of shifting alliances and complex negotiations, her perspective is a reminder that diplomacy is not only conducted in official halls. It is also shaped by personal conviction, cultural intelligence and the quiet determination to build bridges, one conversation at a time.


About the author:

Alexandra Paucescu

Alexandra Paucescu- Author of “Just a Diplomatic Spouse” Romanian, management graduate with a Master in business, cultural diplomacy and international relations studies.

She speaks Romanian, English, French, German and Italian,  gives lectures on intercultural communication and is an active NGO volunteer.

Municipal Elections 2026: International Residents Invited to Shape the Future of The Hague

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Municipal Elections 2026: International Residents Invited to Shape the Future of The Hague

On Wednesday 18 March 2026, residents of The Hague will head to the polls for the municipal elections — a key democratic moment for everyone who calls the city home. For many of the city’s more than 70,000 international residents who may be eligible to vote, this is an opportunity to help shape the future of their new hometown.

As Mayor Jan van Zanen reminds us:
“Wednesday, March 18, you help to shape the future of our city. Use your voice. Use your vote. Kom op voor Den Haag.”

Who can vote?

You are eligible to vote in the municipal elections if you:

  • Are 18 years or older on 18 March 2026;
  • Were registered in a Dutch municipality on 2 February 2026;
  • Hold Dutch nationality, the nationality of another EU member state, or have been legally living in the Netherlands for at least five uninterrupted years as of 2 February 2026.

Can I vote if I am not Dutch?

Yes — many internationals can vote in local elections.

  • EU nationals may vote if registered in a Dutch municipality.
  • Non-EU nationals may vote if they have held a valid residence permit for at least five uninterrupted years as of 2 February 2026. This includes residence permits issued by the IND or MFA for diplomats working at intergovernmental organisations.
  • Employees of embassies and consulates (and their family members) who do not hold Dutch nationality are not eligible to vote.

In short: EU and non-EU nationals working for international organisations can vote if they meet the criteria. Non-Dutch nationals working for embassies and consulates cannot.

How does voting work?

If you are eligible, you will receive a voting pass by post at your home address no later than 2 March 2026 (in The Hague). If you do not receive it, you can request a replacement — but be mindful that deadlines apply.

On election day, you must bring:

  • Your voting pass;
  • A valid form of identification (passport, Dutch or EU/EEA/Swiss ID card, Dutch or EU/EEA driving licence, residence permit or MFA card).

Your ID may be expired for up to five years.

Polling stations are located throughout the city and neighbouring municipalities including Delft, Rijswijk, Leidschendam-Voorburg and Wassenaar. Practical information and polling station locations can be found on your municipality’s website.

Who can I vote for?

In The Hague, voters can choose from 20 political parties. A total of 487 candidates are competing for 45 seats on the city council.

Some parties provide translated versions of their political programmes. Translation apps and AI tools can also help you better understand party positions. Additionally, Kieskompas offers an online tool that allows voters to compare their views with party statements.

The Hague Local Election Night in English

Internationals who would like to learn more about the elections are invited to attend The Hague Local Election Night on 10 March. The event is organised by ACCESS, Volunteer The Hague and Holland Park Media.

The event starts at 17:00 at The Hague Tech (Waldorpstraat 5, 2521 CA, The Hague) and offers an opportunity to better understand how local politics works — and why your vote matters.

On 18 March, make your voice heard. Your city, your future, your vote.

Dominican Independence Celebrated with National Pride in The Hague

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Dominican Independence Celebrated with National Pride in The Hague

The Embassy of the Dominican Republic in The Hague marked the country’s Independence Day on February 25 with a joyful celebration that filled the large Residentie Hall of the Leonardo Royal Hotel. Diplomats, Dutch officials, members of the business community, representatives of the Dominican diaspora, and friends of the Dominican Republic gathered to commemorate nearly 182 years of sovereignty.

The evening reflected the warmth and dynamism of Dominican culture. A live musical group and a traditional dance ensemble brought the rhythms of the Caribbean to The Hague, while guests enjoyed rum tastings, premium cigars, and Dominican coffee, experiencing firsthand the flavors that define the nation’s heritage.

Ambassador De la Mota during the national anthems.

In his address, H.E. Carlos de la Mota, Ambassador of the Dominican Republic to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, delivered a speech that blended history, patriotism, and forward-looking optimism.

“It is a privilege to gather this afternoon to commemorate one of the most defining moments in the history of the Dominican Republic: the proclamation of our independence nearly 182 years ago,” Ambassador De la Mota began. “This anniversary is not simply a remembrance of the past, but a reaffirmation of the principles that continue to shape our nation and our people, wherever they may reside.”

He described Independence Day as the embodiment of courage, sacrifice, vision, and conviction — the belief that a free, sovereign, and dignified nation was not only possible, but necessary.

Recalling the historic events of February 27, 1844, the ambassador paid tribute to the Founding Fathers — Juan Pablo Duarte, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, and Ramón Matías Mella — who proclaimed independence from Haiti at the Puerta del Conde after twenty-two years of foreign domination.

“Duarte endured years of exile across the Caribbean, including in Curaçao, carrying with him — and strengthening — the ideals that define our Republic. Sánchez gave his life before a firing squad in defense of national sovereignty. Mella devoted his existence to the cause of freedom,” he said.

H.E. Mr. Mohamed Basri, Ambassador of Morocco and Dr Christophe Bernasconi, Secretary General of the HCCH.
Guests attending the Dominican Republic Independence Day celebration 2026 in The Hague.

He continued:

“Independence is the essence of our national identity. To defend it today means acting with integrity and justice, strengthening our institutions, and working collectively toward sustainable development. It means honoring their sacrifice through actions that consolidate democracy, peace, and prosperity.”

Celebrating this historic date in the Netherlands carries special meaning, he noted, given the long-standing cultural, economic, and human exchanges between the two countries.

“Thousands of Dominicans have built their lives in this special country, contributing to its diversity while upholding their roots with pride. Their perseverance and sense of community are a living testament to the Dominican spirit.”

Looking ahead, the ambassador outlined important initiatives for the coming year. The Dominican Republic will host CHEMEX-GRULAC, a multi-component chemical emergency response exercise supported by the governments of Canada, Spain, and the European Union.

He also announced the first-ever Dominican Week, organized in collaboration with the Embassy of the Dominican Republic in the Kingdom of Belgium and the Euro Chamber of Commerce. The initiative will showcase strategic sectors of the Dominican economy, promote trade and investment opportunities, and facilitate networking between Dutch and Dominican businesses.

Switching to Spanish, Ambassador De la Mota reflected on the present and future of his country:

“El día de independencia es un momento de reflexión; no sólo de honrar el pasado, sino de celebrar el progreso que hemos alcanzado y lo que aún nos falta por lograr. República Dominicana seguirá creciendo, innovando, abriendo nuevos caminos de oportunidades, sin olvidar la mano de sus dominicanos que, como nosotros, aportamos desde el exterior mediante el servicio y el interés de ser ejemplo de excelencia.”

Ambassador De la Mota with fellow ambassadors from various countries attending the event.
H.E. Mr. Carlos de la Mota with H.E. Ms Gracita Arrindell, Minister Plenipotentiary of Saint Maarten.

He continued:

“Nuestra democracia se fortalece por la participación activa de su gente. Nuestra economía se supera mediante la insaciable capacidad de innovación. Nuestra cultura continúa vibrando más allá del Caribe, con las notas de nuestro ritmo, el sabor de nuestras recetas y el cálido encuentro de nuestra presencia.”

As the celebration drew to a close, glasses were raised in tribute to the nation’s legacy and future.

“May the example of our Founding Fathers inspire us to live with humility, integrity, patriotism, and service wherever we may find ourselves,” Ambassador De la Mota concluded before closing with a patriotic proclamation:
“¡Que viva la República Dominicana!”

Elections & Democracy – Interview with Frank  Berkhout

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Elections & Democracy – Interview with Frank  Berkhout

Beyond the Ballot: How an Alderman Sees Youth, Elections, and Dutch Democracy

Stepping Aside After Decades of Service

After nearly 30 years in local politics, Frank Berkhout, Alderman of Amstelveen and member of D66, has announced he will not run in the 2026 municipal elections. In an exclusive interview at the Municipality of Amstelveen, Berkhout reflected on his career, the challenges of political life, and what comes next.

“Family and personal circumstances made me reconsider my work-life balance,” he said. “You can still serve the community, just in other positions.”

The Seduction of Power

Berkhout spoke candidly about the temptations of political influence, comparing it to “the One Ring” from The Lord of the Rings. “Even at the municipal level, politicians sometimes cling to their positions until voters remove them. Every election, you should ask yourself if you’re bringing fresh ideas or making space for new voices.”

Frank Berkhout during his interview by members of Bright Future Foundation.

Collaboration is Key

The alderman highlighted the cooperative nature of Dutch politics. “Our system relies on balance and negotiation. Decision making depends on good relationships across parties. It can seem complex, especially for young voters, but that diversity ensures more voices are heard.”

Engaging Young Voters

Berkhout highlighted that not all young people are naturally drawn to politics. “Some just want the city to function well,” he noted. To encourage early engagement, Amstelveen has set up two youth councils – one for elementary students and another for high schoolers. Children elect a youth mayor, participate in a municipal council, and take part in annual debating competitions.

“It’s essential that young people feel represented. Even if higher positions require experience, advisory and participatory roles give them a voice,” he explained.

Looking Ahead

While Berkhout is stepping down from elected office, he plans to remain active in civic life and continue supporting D66 and the municipality in other capacities. His reflections underscore the importance of self-awareness, collaboration, and continuous renewal in a healthy democracy.

“Relinquishing power can be hard,” he said, “but it’s essential to keep our political system dynamic and resilient.”

This article is produced by Alexandra Osina, Taeyun Kim, Yasmine Masmoudi, Charahja van Broekhoven, Longrui Deng, Lauren van Laarhoven-Hargreaves, Beatrise Abelkalna, participants in the Bright Future Foundation, as part of the European Union’s “Participate & Promote Democracy” Youth Participation project, in cooperation with Diplomat Magazine, Embassy of the Netherlands in Armenia and young members of the Armenian partner organization Promising Youth.

On the Brink? Global Conflict and the Strain on International Law

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On the Brink? Global Conflict and the Strain on International Law

By Ayesha Asim

The world feels as if it is living through history in fast-forward. Long-simmering rivalries are boiling over in multiple regions at once. Wars continue in Europe and the Middle East. Great power competition has returned to the Indo-Pacific. What began as rising unease has now edged into direct military confrontation between Iran and Israel, a development that has jolted diplomats, governments and ordinary people across the globe.

In a dramatic escalation, the United States and Israel launched coordinated air strikes across Iran, targeting military and nuclear-related infrastructure. Explosions were reported in Tehran and other cities. Leaders in Jerusalem and Washington described the operation as pre-emptive, aimed at neutralising what they characterised as an imminent threat to Israeli and regional security. Israel declared a nationwide state of emergency, closed its airspace and instructed civilians to seek shelter.

The strikes mark the most serious direct military clash between Israel and Iran in decades. For years, the two states have been engaged in what analysts often describe as a shadow or proxy war, backing opposing forces in Syria, Lebanon and elsewhere. This latest escalation crosses a threshold. It involves overt, large-scale military action on sovereign Iranian territory, followed by Iranian missile launches targeting Israeli territory and United States positions in the Gulf.

Iranian leaders condemned the strikes as clear violations of international law and breaches of the United Nations Charter. They invoked Article 51 of the Charter, the inherent right of self-defence, to justify retaliatory action. Israeli and American officials relied on the same legal provision to defend their own conduct. The result is a familiar but dangerous legal duel: both sides claiming defensive necessity, both accusing the other of aggression.

Casualty figures and damage assessments remain difficult to verify independently. Iranian state media reported civilian deaths in some of the affected areas. Western officials acknowledged that investigations into collateral damage were underway but rejected claims of deliberate targeting of civilians. In the fog of conflict, information travels fast, and clarity comes slowly. Conflicting narratives are already shaping public opinion far beyond the region.

The escalation has intensified concern among diplomats about the broader direction of the international system. For decades, the post-Second World War order was built around the premise that the use of force would be tightly constrained. The UN Charter prohibits military action against another state except in self-defence or with explicit Security Council authorisation. That framework was designed to prevent the kinds of spiralling conflicts that engulfed the world in the twentieth century.

Yet the credibility of that framework has been under strain for some time. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine exposed the paralysis of the Security Council when a permanent member is itself a party to the conflict. Now, with major military operations unfolding in the Middle East without Council authorisation, critics argue that the rules are being interpreted ever more flexibly by powerful states.

The problem is not simply that wars are occurring. Wars have, tragically, never disappeared. The deeper concern is that adherence to international law appears increasingly selective. States invoke legal norms when they support national interests and reinterpret or sidestep them when they do not. Over time, that pattern risks hollowing out the authority of the system itself.

Still, it would be wrong to conclude that international law is irrelevant. Even amid open hostilities, governments are careful to frame their actions in legal terms. They issue formal notifications to the United Nations. They publish legal justifications. They engage in arguments over proportionality, necessity and distinction. This behaviour suggests that legitimacy still matters. Law remains the language through which power is exercised and contested.

The present moment feels particularly volatile because multiple crises are unfolding simultaneously. In Europe, the war in Ukraine continues to reshape the continent’s security architecture. In the Middle East, the conflict between Israel and Hamas has already destabilised the region, and the confrontation with Iran adds another combustible layer. In the Indo-Pacific, tensions surrounding Taiwan and maritime claims in the South China Sea persist, with military exercises and diplomatic friction on the rise.

None of these theatres has yet coalesced into a single, unified global war. There is no formal mobilisation of opposing global alliances comparable to 1914 or 1939. That distinction is important. However, the risk lies in overlap. Regional wars can intersect. Miscalculations can multiply. An incident at sea, a misidentified missile, or an attack on a third country’s assets could draw additional actors into the fray.

Nuclear deterrence continues to cast a long shadow over strategic decision-making. The catastrophic consequences of confrontation between nuclear-armed states remain a powerful restraint. That reality has, so far, prevented the escalation of proxy or regional conflicts into full-scale great-power war. Yet deterrence is not foolproof. It relies on rational calculation, accurate information and functioning communication channels, all of which can be strained in moments of crisis.

There is also the human dimension, often absent from geopolitical analysis. For families in Tehran listening to air-raid sirens, for Israelis rushing to shelters, for communities already exhausted by years of regional instability, the debate about international law is not abstract. It is about survival. It is about whether the next night will bring more explosions or a fragile ceasefire.

Public discourse, amplified by social media and 24-hour news cycles, can magnify worst-case scenarios. The phrase “Third World War” travels quickly because it captures fear. But fear does not automatically equal inevitability. Diplomacy, though less visible than air strikes, continues behind closed doors. Emergency meetings at the United Nations, regional mediation efforts and quiet back-channel communications are all part of the machinery designed to prevent further escalation.

The credibility of international law will depend on whether states choose to reinforce it during this period of strain. That may involve renewed commitment to accountability mechanisms, clearer standards for the use of force in pre-emptive contexts, or reforms to strengthen multilateral institutions. None of these steps is easy. All require political will that is often in short supply during crises.

Is the world heading towards a third world war? The honest answer is that the risk environment has grown more dangerous, but a global conflagration is not yet a defined or unavoidable reality. What we are witnessing is systemic stress, a period in which power balances are shifting, technological change is complicating deterrence, and trust between major actors is thin.

History shows that global wars are rarely inevitable. They emerge from accumulated misjudgements, rigid positions and failures of communication. The same history also shows that restraint, even at moments of intense rivalry, can prevent catastrophe.

The recent confrontation between Iran and Israel is a stark reminder of how quickly escalation can occur. It underscores the fragility of the current order and the urgent need for diplomacy anchored in credible legal norms. International law cannot stop missiles in flight. But it provides a framework that can reduce uncertainty, structure negotiations, and define limits.

Whether the coming years are remembered as a prelude to wider war or as a turbulent but contained chapter will depend on decisions being taken now, in Washington, Tehran, Jerusalem, Moscow, Beijing and beyond. The tools to prevent global conflict still exist. The question is whether there is enough collective resolve to use them.

About the author:

Ayesha Asim

Ayesha Asim, is a PhD Scholar in law and LLM International Law, Legal Analyst, lecturer, and with extensive experience in legal research, advisory, policy analysis and teaching. Columbia university.edu

When War Raises Prices, the Global South Pays the Bill

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When War Raises Prices, the Global South Pays the Bill

Escalating U.S.–Israel–Iran Tensions, Commodity Inequality, and the Quiet Cost of Geopolitics

By Sheikh Mohammed Belal, Managing Director, Common Fund for Commodities (CFC), Amsterdam

As I write, the world is witnessing a dangerous escalation involving Iran, Israel, and the United States, raising fears of a wider regional conflict across the Gulf. Energy markets have reacted immediately. Oil prices have surged, shipping risks in the Strait of Hormuz have intensified, and global markets are bracing for disruption to one of the world’s most critical energy corridors — a passage through which nearly one-fifth of globally traded oil normally flows.

For many observers, the immediate concern is whether oil prices will again cross the threshold of USD 100 per barrel, reigniting inflation and slowing economic recovery in advanced economies. Financial markets debate growth forecasts, central banks reassess policy paths, and governments calculate strategic risks.

But from the perspective of commodity-dependent developing countries — and from where I sit at the Common Fund for Commodities (CFC) — a different and far more human question emerges:

What happens to the world’s poorest producers when global powers go to war?

Here in The Hague, a city built upon the ideals of international law and peaceful dispute resolution, it is worth recalling that modern wars rarely remain regional events. Their consequences travel silently through supply chains, freight costs, fertilizer prices, insurance premiums, and financing conditions. Long before diplomacy finds resolution, economic shockwaves reach rural economies thousands of kilometres away.

When Stability Itself Feels Fragile

For many of us engaged in international cooperation, the current escalation carries an additional emotional dimension. Countries such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait — valued Member States of the Common Fund for Commodities — together with close regional partners such as Qatar, Oman and Bahrain, have long served as anchors of stability, economic cooperation, and humanitarian engagement within the global system. All have been struck by missiles or drones, even though none of these countries had launched attacks on Iran from their territory.

For decades, these nations have functioned as safe crossroads of trade, energy security, and development partnerships linking continents. To witness tensions surrounding a region that has helped sustain global economic stability evokes a profound sense of concern among those committed to multilateral cooperation. When regions long regarded as pillars of stability come under threat, confidence in the broader international economic order itself begins to tremble.

A Lesson the World Has Already Learned

The current crisis echoes an earlier moment many developing countries remember vividly. The Iraq War reshaped not only geopolitics but global economic conditions, and its effects reached the farm gate with striking speed.

Between 2003 and 2008, global oil prices surged from roughly USD 25–30 per barrel to nearly USD 147 per barrel,[1] triggering sharp increases in fuel and agricultural input costs worldwide. Fertilizer prices followed quickly: urea—the world’s most widely used nitrogen fertilizer—rose from about USD 280 per ton in early 2007 to roughly USD 815 per ton at its 2008 peak (about a 191% increase).[2] DAP climbed from around USD 200 per ton in 2007 to over USD 1,200 per ton by 2008.[3]

As former Chairman of the U.S. Federal Reserve, Ben Bernanke, observed, “sharp increases in oil prices act like a tax on consumers and businesses worldwide.”[4] For developing economies dependent on energy imports, that tax proved even heavier.

For farmers across Africa, Asia, and other commodity-dependent regions, higher energy prices translated directly into rising planting costs, reduced fertilizer use, and declining productivity. What began as a geopolitical conflict ultimately appeared at the farm gate through higher food prices and growing economic pressure on already vulnerable economies.

Conflict, in effect, became a global economic tax — paid disproportionately by countries that neither initiated nor influenced the war. Today, the risk of repeating that pattern is real.

Already Marginalized Before Crisis Begins

Even in stable times, commodity-producing countries operate from structurally disadvantaged positions within global trade.

Across agricultural value chains, primary producers often receive as little as 1 percent,[5] reflecting a troubling long-term trend in which the incomes of smallholders have steadily declined rather than improved, even as their production costs continue to rise. Over the years, farmers have faced increasing expenses for fuel, fertilizer, compliance, transport, and climate adaptation, while a growing share of value has shifted downstream to processing, branding, logistics, finance, and retail activities largely concentrated outside producing economies.

Globally, more than 3 billion people depend on agrifood systems for their livelihoods,[6] spanning farmers, fishers, processors, transporters, traders, and small enterprises across commodity value chains. For many developing countries, these systems are not only sources of income but the foundation of food security, employment, and social stability.

Yet producers remain positioned at the most vulnerable end of global markets — exposed to price volatility, climate risks, and rising input costs while capturing only a small share of the value generated. When geopolitical shocks disrupt energy and trade flows, these already fragile livelihoods become the first to feel the strain.

When Geography Becomes Destiny: Landlocked Economies

The consequences are particularly severe for landlocked developing countries.

Consider Uganda, a major coffee exporter. Every increase in fuel prices raises inland transport costs from farms to ports in Kenya or Tanzania. When oil prices surge because of distant conflict, logistics absorb a growing share of export value, leaving farmers poorer even when global prices rise.

In Niger and Chad, livestock and agricultural exports depend on long overland trade corridors crossing multiple borders. Higher fuel prices increase trucking costs, border transit expenses, and food inflation simultaneously. Export competitiveness declines while domestic prices rise — a double economic shock.

In the Central African Republic, already among the world’s most geographically disadvantaged economies, transport costs can determine whether exports remain viable at all. Energy shocks linked to distant wars can effectively isolate producers from global markets.

For these countries, geography already imposes an economic penalty. Conflict elsewhere magnifies it.

The View from the Common Fund for Commodities

At the Common Fund for Commodities, we already face a long and growing queue at our doorstep. SMEs (small and medium enterprises), cooperatives, and developing countries seek concessional finance to stabilize livelihoods, invest in value addition, and remain competitive in volatile markets.

The question we increasingly confront is deeply practical:

Where will these countries go now?

Demand for concessional and catalytic finance rises precisely when global resources risk being redirected toward security expenditures and geopolitical competition. Development institutions cannot indefinitely compensate for a world investing more in confrontation than cooperation.

Development at Risk: The SDG Setback

At a time when the international community is already struggling to keep the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development on track, a widening conflict risks pushing global progress even further off course. United Nations assessments show that most Sustainable Development Goals are already significantly behind schedule, with poverty reduction slowing and hunger rising again after years of progress.

A prolonged energy and trade shock would compound these setbacks — increasing food prices, tightening development finance, and forcing vulnerable governments to divert scarce resources away from education, health, climate adaptation, and rural investment toward immediate crisis management.

For commodity-dependent economies, this could mean millions more people falling into poverty and food insecurity, not because development policies have failed, but because global instability repeatedly erodes gains faster than they can be rebuilt.

Peace as an Economic Public Good

Commodity-producing countries supply the raw materials that sustain global prosperity — food, fibers, and natural resources essential to modern economies. Yet they remain the most exposed when geopolitical instability disrupts markets.

Peace, therefore, must be understood not only as a diplomatic aspiration but as an economic necessity.

When diplomacy weakens, markets destabilize.

When markets destabilize, inequality deepens.

And when inequality deepens across vulnerable economies, global instability ultimately returns in new and unpredictable forms.

A Final Reflection from The Hague

In the end, the true cost of war is rarely confined to the nations engaged in it. It is borne quietly by farmers deciding whether they can afford fertilizer for the next planting season, by traders navigating longer and more expensive transport routes, and by families already living at the edge of food insecurity.

The world’s smallholders and commodity-producing nations do not sit at negotiating tables where conflicts begin, yet they repeatedly absorb their economic consequences.

Standing in The Hague — a city that symbolizes humanity’s commitment to law, dialogue, and peaceful resolution — this moment should remind us that safeguarding peace is inseparable from safeguarding development itself.

Because when war raises prices, the Global South ultimately pays the bill.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author in his personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect the official  view or positions  of the Common Fund for Commodities (CFC), its Governing Bodies, or its Member States.

References

  1. Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). 2000s energy crisis. Wikipedia. Retrieved March 2, 2026, from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2000s_energy_crisis#cite_note-tfc-charts.com-1
  2. International Fertilizer Development Center (IFDC). (2008, December 16). World fertilizer prices drop dramatically after soaring to all-time highs. EurekAlert! https://www.eurekalert.org/news-releases/879968
  3. Ibid. (Same source as Reference 2.)
  4. Bloomberg News. (2012, March 21). Bernanke says Europe must aid banks even as strains ease. Bloomberg. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2012-03-21/bernanke-says-europe-must-aid-banks-even-as-strains-ease
    (If you prefer a non-paywalled primary source for the same remarks: Bernanke, B. S. (2012, March 21). “The European Economic and Financial Situation” (testimony). Federal Reserve Board.)
  5. Riley, J. (2022, November 30). Food prices: Why farmers get the smallest share and how to change it. Farmers Weekly. https://www.fwi.co.uk/business/food-prices-why-farmers-get-the-smallest-share-and-how-to-change-it
  6. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). (2023, April 3). Almost half the world’s population lives in households linked to agrifood systems. FAO Newsroom. https://www.fao.org/newsroom/detail/almost-half-the-world-s-population-lives-in-households-linked-to-agrifood-systems/en

[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2000s_energy_crisis#cite_note-tfc-charts.com-1

[2] https://www.eurekalert.org/news-releases/879968

[3] Ibid.

[4] https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2012-03-21/bernanke-says-europe-must-aid-banks-even-as-strains-ease

[5] https://www.fwi.co.uk/business/food-prices-why-farmers-get-the-smallest-share-and-how-to-change-it#:~:text=The%20report%2C%20Unpicking%20Food%20Prices,Share

[6] https://www.fao.org/newsroom/detail/almost-half-the-world-s-population-lives-in-households-linked-to-agrifood-systems/en

Role of Education in Building a Democratic Society 

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Role of Education in Building a Democratic Society 

Interview with Boyd Angenent, Young Socialists in the PvdA

From Awareness to Action: Youth Participation in Dutch Political Life

Youth participation in politics is no longer a distant concept – it is an urgent, tangible force shaping the Netherlands’ democratic future. We spoke with Boyd Angenent, political activist and current chairman of the Young Socialists (AS), the youth wing of the Dutch Labour Party (PvDA), to explore how young people are engaging with politics, the challenges they face, and the opportunities for meaningful action.

Drawing on his experience from leading the local chapter in Den Haag to serving on the national board, Angenent emphasized how youth wings cultivate political skills, foster community, encourage networking, and amplify young voices in national debates and activism. “Youth wings are the bridge between young citizens and formal politics,” he explains, “providing a safe space to experiment, learn, and act politically.”

Today’s young people have unprecedented access to information and initiatives that make democracy tangible. Social media exposes them to political debates, campaigns, and civic initiatives like never before, helping build skills, confidence, and interest in political engagement. Yet this accessibility comes with challenges. Rising online misinformation and unequal educational opportunities create barriers to informed participation and risk leaving segments of youth disconnected from formal politics. Angenent highlights, that these challenges can be addressed through meaningful representation, practical civic education, and opportunities for active participation, turning youth engagement into a driving force for a resilient democracy.

Youth wings, organized with autonomous local branches under a national board, function as micro-communities, where members learn the inner workings of politics, develop leadership skills, and actively participate in campaigns. These experiences not only equip young people for political careers but also teach them how to engage thoughtfully with policy, advocacy, and social issues.

Despite growing political awareness, long-term engagement remains a challenge. Many young Dutch citizens are informed about political issues, but do not sustain participation in youth organizations. Angenent highlights a gap in the educational system: civic education introduces students to political concepts, but schools often struggle to translate this knowledge into practical understanding. For many students, democracy remains abstract, and the practical roles of institutions, like parliament, are poorly understood. Bridging this gap requires connecting democratic education to tangible experiences, that feel relevant to young people’s lives.

Issues that directly impact youth – such as the housing crisis and climate change – often create anxiety and a sense of fatalism. Many young people feel ignored by policymakers, deepening disengagement among populations already underrepresented. Initiatives, such as ProDemos, the “House for Democracy and the Rule of Law,” aim to counter this by offering experiences like parliamentary visits, showing that political education becomes meaningful, when it is hands-on and concrete.

Angenent described how the Young Socialists actively engage their members through initiatives, such as parliamentary group meetings, campaigns, and practical projects. “These activities allow young people to take concrete actions, experiment with political decision-making, and gain early exposure to political life,” he notes. By moving beyond passive observation, these programs make politics tangible and accessible.

The interview with Boyd Angenent underscores a critical point: youth participation in the Netherlands is at a crossroads. While young people today have greater access than ever to information and platforms for expression, this visibility does not always translate into sustained engagement. Strengthening connections between education, hands-on experiences, and meaningful representation is key to ensuring, that Dutch youth do not just observe democracy – they actively shape it.

This article is produced by Alexandra Osina, Taeyun Kim, Yasmine Masmoudi, Charahja van Broekhoven, Longrui Deng, Lauren van Laarhoven-Hargreaves, Beatrise Abelkalna, participants in the Bright Future Foundation, as part of the European Union’s “Participate & Promote Democracy” Youth Participation project, in cooperation with Diplomat Magazine, Embassy of the Netherlands in Armenia and young members of the Armenian partner organization Promising Youth.

Indonesian Ambassador to the Netherlands Presents Letters of Credence

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Indonesian Ambassador to the Netherlands Presents Letters of Credence

The Hague, the Netherlands — The Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Indonesia to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, H.E. Mr. L. Amrih Jinangkung, officially presented his Letters of Credence to King Willem-Alexander at Noordeinde Palace, The Hague, on Wednesday February 25, 2026.

The ceremony was conducted solemnly in accordance with the state protocol of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The Ambassador arrived at Noordeinde Palace by state coach, escorted by horsemen of the Royal Netherlands Marechaussee Mounted Brigade. The proceedings began with an official welcome in the palace courtyard. The Indonesian national anthem “Indonesia Raya” was played with full honors, after which the Ambassador inspected by the guard of honor.

The ambassador of Indonesia arriving to Noordeinde Palace for his presentation of credentials. The Hague, on Wednesday February 15, 2026.

Following the welcoming ceremony, the Ambassador entered the credential room to present his Letters of Credence directly to King Willem-Alexander. The presentation marked the formal recognition by the receiving Head of State of the Ambassador’s mandate as the official representative of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia.

During a meeting after the ceremony, the Ambassador conveyed warm greetings from the President of the Republic of Indonesia and reaffirmed Indonesia’s commitment to strengthening bilateral relations. The discussion was held in a cordial atmosphere, and the credential ceremony proceeded smoothly. This reflects the increasingly mature bilateral relationship between Indonesia and the Netherlands.

“The presentation of the Letters of Credence marks my official mission to advance a more concrete and impactful partnership. Indonesia is ready to strengthen sustainable economic collaboration, innovation, and other strategic cooperation with the Netherlands,” stated Ambassador L. Amrih Jinangkung. The strong, equal, mutually respectful, and mutually beneficial bilateral relationship has been outlined in the Joint Declaration on a Comprehensive Partnership. Both countries have also agreed on a Plan of Action as a guideline for implementing the Joint Declaration on a Comprehensive Partnership declaration.

The ambassador of Indonesia, H.E. Mr. L. Amrih Jinangkung and H. M. King Willem-Alexander.

The Netherlands is one of Indonesia’s key partners in Europe. The Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia in The Hague will follow up on this momentum through high level meetings and cooperation in the fields of economy, development, education, culture, and consular affairs. These efforts aim to deliver tangible benefits for national interests and the people of both countries.

Source: Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia in the Hague

Kosovo’s Independence Anniversary Celebrated in The Hague

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Kosovo’s Independence Anniversary Celebrated in The Hague

By Roy Lie Atjam

The 18th anniversary marks a “coming of age” for the youngest state in Europe, Kosovo, emphasizing resilience, democracy, and strong ties with the Netherlands. On February 17, 2026, the Embassy of Kosovo in The Hague hosted a concert and reception at the emblematic Nieuwe Kerk to  mark the 18th anniversary of the Independence of the Republic of Kosovo. The celebration was graced by Mr. Glauk Konjufca, First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Diaspora of Kosovo.  

In his speech, the Minister highlighted  Kosovo s new government’s foreign policy. ”As Europe’s youngest country, Kosova is a dynamic society, well-positioned to tackle today’s challenges. Our youthful population reflects our strong support for the European Union, consistently ranking among the highest in EU-aspiring nations. I am honoured that my first visit as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs is to The Hague, a symbol of peace and justice. It reassures me that the truth will prevail. Our relations with the Netherlands are strong and longstanding, rooted in democracy, the rule of law, and Euro-Atlantic integration. The Netherlands has been a loyal partner, and our collaboration in various fields, aided by our active diaspora, continues to deepen.”

H.E. Mr Marcin Czepelak, Secretary General of PCA and the Ambassador of Canada, H.E. Mr. Hugh Adsett,.

Furthermore, at the concert-reception were various Ambassadors and foreign mission representatives stationed in the Netherlands, Dutch KFOR veterans, representatives of the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a sizeable number of guests including the diaspora.

H.E. Dr Dren Doli, Ambassador of Kosovo.

Ambassador Dr Dren Doli,   delivered the opening speech, emphasizing Kosovo’s goals of NATO membership and European Union accession, stating that these goals were part of his country’s natural orientation and vision for the future. He also expressed his gratitude to the Kosovar diaspora in the Netherlands, recognizing the pivotal role they play in the Dutch Kosovo relation. Here is a resume of Ambassador Doli’s speech, “The lesson of hope has carried us through the darkest moments in our history, shaping our resilience and keeping our dreams alive. It urged us to imagine a future of prosperity and peace for our children, fostering belief in the triumph of humanity. Hope led us to build strong alliances with friends and partners, many of whom stand with us today. We are now a democratic, sovereign Republic that has risen from the ashes of war to uphold the values of peace, multilateralism, and human rights.

 Our achievements are not an endpoint but a continuation of what previous generations envisioned. They honour the legacy of our fallen heroes and martyrs. In the past year, we conducted free and fair elections, illustrating the institutionalization of democracy despite challenges. With a GDP growth of 4.5%, among the highest in the EU and the Western Balkans, we remain committed to peace, stability, cooperation, and good-neighbourly relations in South-East Europe and beyond.

Mr. Glauk Konjufca, First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Diaspora of Kosovo, H.E. Dr Dren Doli, Ambassador of Kosovo to the Kingdom of the Netherlands and his spouse Dr Shqipe Doli.

Last year alone, in less than ten months, we held two rounds of general elections and two rounds of local elections, of course, all of them free, competitive, and fair. I would also like to use this opportunity and express our deepest gratitude to the Netherlands, whose cooperation, political, economic, and diplomatic alike, has been, and continues to be, fundamental in shaping our strategic partnership.

The deep bond and friendship between the Netherlands and Kosova originate in our war of liberation, when many Dutch soldiers, operating under the auspices of NATO, came to support a population whose hope for liberty kept them alive.

Let me return to our lesson: Hope. It is the power of hope that motivates Kosova to continue working diligently to secure membership in NATO and the EU.

Kosovo National Day 20026

It is hope that gave us the “bad habit” of knocking on every door, even when those doors seem already open. We will knock, because hope never dies; it only transforms.

Finally, allow me to publicly address some acknowledgments.  

To my wife, Shqipe, you are the backbone of our family, my best companion in life, and my greatest supporter. Thank you for everything.

Last but not least, I thank my small but dedicated staff, whose invaluable work and commitment made this event and many of our achievements at the Embassy possible. 

Let us honour those who sacrificed and gave their lives for our independence, and let us continue to work together to build a brighter future for Kosova and for all our countries, for generations to come.”

Petrit Çarkaxhiu Band at Kosovo National Day 2026.

Subsequently, there was a dazzling concert  by the sublime  Petrit Çarkaxhiu Band, composed of   Dalvin Mamusha on violin, Tanju Süleyman on percussion, and Adem Gülşen on piano.

The band surely entertained the audience with their peculiar  style of music and the messages they tried to convey.

 Petrit Çarkaxhiu once said his life quote is  Shnet – may you have health.

The celebratory evening concluded with  a reception featuring  Kosovar cuisine and wines, allowing guests to experience the rich culinary heritage of Kosovo. Guests were also given the opportunity to visit a kiosk showing Kosovo’s  investment opportunities and  tourism.

All in all, a successful 18th anniversary deceleration.

Specialist Prosecutor says rule of law must be upheld

Diplomat Magazine
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Specialist Prosecutor says rule of law must be upheld

In her opening statement at the commencement of the Thaçi et al. administration-of-justice trial today, Specialist Prosecutor Kimberly West said that former Kosovo President Hashim Thaçi and his co-accused had “violated judicial decisions designed to ensure witnesses and victims could testify freely” and that such conduct “strikes at the rule of law”.

Former President Thaçi is charged with repeatedly and systematically attempting to interfere with witness testimony, by providing instructions on how witnesses in the separate war-crimes case against him should testify, and with violating multiple court orders aimed at protecting confidential witness information. His co-accused – Bashkim Smakaj, Isni Kilaj, Fadil Fazliu and Hajredin Kuçi – are charged with unlawfully participating in one or more of these crimes.

The accused “deliberately violated judicial decisions that were designed to ensure witnesses and victims could testify freely, without fear or influence, and could trust that their identities and words would remain confidential to the court and its parties,” the Specialist Prosecutor said.

“This conduct represents a clear and present danger to the rule of law, which requires that witnesses must be able to come to court and tell their stories free of pressure, influence or interference of any kind,” Ms West continued. “It is important for the legacy of this institution that these facts are adjudicated and aired publicly so that a true and credible record is created.”

“Upholding the rule of law means that no one is above the law. The law applies equally and everyone is accountable,” the Specialist Prosecutor said.

In addition to judicially authorised audio recordings of the accused discussing their plan to interfere with witness testimony, evidence that the SPO will present to the court in the trial includes (i) electronic evidence, including from seized mobile phones, which corroborates the recorded conversations of the accused, and (ii) physical evidence, including documents related to the targeting of witnesses for interference which were seized from the residences of certain of his co-accused. 

Three prosecution witnesses are scheduled to testify at trial, including expert testimony pertaining to the origin of seized documents and a witness providing evidence regarding the examination of the electronic devices seized in the course of this investigation.

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