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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

The Embassy of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay marked his country’s Independence Day with a grand and festive reception. Held on August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague, the event drew over 200 distinguished guests from various sectors of Dutch society.

Ambassadors, chiefs of international missions, diplomats, academics, business leaders, and representatives from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with members of the Uruguayan community, all responded to H.E. Ambassador Dr. Álvaro González Otero’s invitation to celebrate ‘Día de la Independencia’—Uruguay’s National Day, commemorating its independence from Brazil in 1825.

H.E. Dr. Álvaro González Otero, Ambassador of Uruguay. National Day 2024 The Hague.

After nearly 200 years of conflict and civil unrest under Spanish and then Brazilian rule, Uruguay has emerged as a country renowned for its welcoming people, stunning landscapes, first-class meat production, and high-quality wine. In recent decades, Uruguayans have enjoyed a stable democracy, a steady improvement in living conditions, and overall well-being.

In a packed room with an animated audience, Ambassador González Otero took the microphone to thank all the attendees for their sincere affection for his people and country. He then proudly expressed:

“Two years have quickly passed since I arrived in this lovely kingdom. Since then, we have started to shift the focus of the Embassy, placing more emphasis on our bilateral relations. The Netherlands and Uruguay have more in common than people might imagine. We share international principles, landscapes, agricultural production, developed services, qualified exports, and a progressive lifestyle.

We also share strong commitments to the well-being of our citizens and visitors, the protection of human rights, environmental sustainability, progressive social policies, and significant efforts towards renewable energy and climate action. Both countries also emphasize education, democratic governance, and active participation in international organizations promoting peace and development. So, we will keep working to boost our bilateral relations.”

Uruguay National Day, August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague.
From the Embassy of Uruguay, Counsellor Pablo Bayarres, Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Hans Akerboom, Deputy Director Protocol and Host Country Affairs from the Netherlands.

Ambassador González Otero then listed some of the most relevant initiatives undertaken by the Embassy over the last few months:

– Uruguayan participation in the World Hydrogen Summit 2024: Led by the Minister of Industry, Energy, and Mining, Ms. Elisa Facio, with over 50 representatives from various sectors of the public and private sectors.

– Active participation in the “26th World Energy Congress.”

– Cooperation Project with Delft Institute for Water Education: Since 2011, Uruguayan professionals specializing in water resources have participated in the Delft Institute program for advanced training. Initially, the program began with 40 scholarships, resulting in 37 professionals successfully completing their studies. This early success led to the program’s relocation and implementation at the Technological University of Uruguay, now featuring regional participation. The program has since had two new editions in 2022 and 2024, expanding to include 17 professionals from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. This development has transformed Uruguay into a regional hub in the field of water resource education.

– Uruguay’s status as one of the 32 signing states of the Ljubljana – The Hague Convention in February 2024.

– Positioning Uruguay as a potential living and working destination for Dutch farmers.

– Interactions with RVO and Port of Rotterdam related to port cooperation.

– Exploring and initiating new cooperation projects with Westland Municipality and Wageningen University.

– Meetings with private sector actors related to agribusiness.

– Preparation for the Capitan Miranda’s visit to Amsterdam: Uruguay’s school tall ship has already confirmed its participation in Sail Amsterdam 2025.

– Multilateral achievements: The Embassy has made progress in multilateral areas, including ongoing contributions and work with international organizations based in The Hague: the ICJ, ICC, OPCW, HCCH, and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Additionally, a closer relationship with The Hague Academy of International Law has been pursued. Significant advances have also been made through the coordinated work of the GRULAC Group in relation to various international organizations.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General , Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Mr Arias spouse, Patricia van Oordt.

Following his remarks, Ambassador González Otero invited the audience to watch a short video about Uruguay, which made a great impression on those present. He expressed, “Uruguay is an exceptional country that has developed a dynamic and robust culture, shaped by a fascinating blend of gaucho traditions, European influences, and the unique Rioplatense spirit. Tango, folklore, candombe, and milonga are examples of its rich artistic musical expression. Uruguayan gastronomy, featuring high-quality meat, wine, and dairy products, especially the beloved ‘dulce de leche,’ delights palates and consistently wins prestigious awards worldwide.”

“The work we have done does not mean we are satisfied; we want to continue advancing in a deeper process. The bilateral relationship is already strong, but the potential to strengthen bonds in several key areas is even greater.”

The Ambassador of Uruguay, H.E. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero and the President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, Judge Graciela Gatti Santana with her husband Mr Gustavo Segovia.

The event was conceived to showcase the rich and diverse culture of Uruguay, a nation with a population of approximately 3,495,527 as of 2022.

The national anthems of Uruguay and the Netherlands were performed by the Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos. After the ambassador’s speech, the Embassy paid tribute to two influential musicians: José “El Sabalero” Carbajal and Jaime Roos, who both lived in the Netherlands. Jaime Roos settled in Amsterdam in 1978, where he played bass in several salsa, rock, and jazz groups. He had a son and remained in the Netherlands until 1984 when he returned to Uruguay.

Carbajal spent his days in the Netherlands with his wife, Anke van Haastrecht, and their two children. Anke was invited to share some special stories from their life together.

Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos.
Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez.

The enthusiastic audience enjoyed an authentic performance by talented Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez. The celebration continued with Uruguayan wine, classic savory empanadas, and dulce de leche, which delighted the crowded room and completed the great celebration.

Ambassador González Otero concluded the event by thanking his Embassy team: Counselor Pablo Bayarres, Chancellor Gustavo Morales, his assistant Juan Diego, and Martha Hernández and Sofía Anastasiou. He then led a warm toast for the people of the Netherlands, Uruguay, and the necessary and desired peace in the world.

China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

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China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

By Mariarosaria Iorio, Political Analyst

I. The post-cold war world  

International relations are nowadays characterised by major changes that started at the end of the 80s with the fall of the Berlin Wall.  Indeed, the end of the cold war was marked by the dislocation of the two main political blocks, namely the Soviet Union and the Western World. Such a dislocation resulted in the marginalization of the post-war multilateral system embodied in the United Nations, and the standstill of the multilateral trade negotiations in the late 90s in the context of the World Trade Organisation.  New lines of political thought have been facing each other since then, while reshaping the post-cold war world in a number of fragmented and variable sub-blocks of countries. 

The United States decided to put itself first by concentrating on its internal affairs, while withdrawing from international affairs.  

Europe, the old continent, looks for an efficient strategy towards autonomy from the United States.  Europe also tries, not without difficulty, to create a more cohesive internal and external political approach.  The reality is however evolving rather more towards fragmentation of Europe in favour of European National fragmented interests. Such a fragmentation is the natural consequence of the decadence of the European Institutional and collective actions to the advantage of individual Sates actions and interests.   In sum, what seemed to be a structured and coherent European Union block fighting for the promotion of its economic and political values all over the world has somehow become an alliance at variable geometry both internally and externally.  The disorganisation of the leadership results in a chaotic and unpredictable European External and Internal action. 

Thereof, the empty influence spaces left on the international relations scene has given new international actors the opportunity to emerge.  

Meanwhile, the fragmentation of the European Institutions has also impacted the EU-USA relations within NATO, and affected the security and peace sphere.  Security issues have been on and off on the European agenda.    

In this context, Russia that has lost its empire in the 80s looks now for a new power game. In spite of the disruption of the Soviet Union, Russia attempts either by influence or by force to exercise power in its ancient affiliate countries.  Russia that was supposed to be defeated with the fall of the Berlin Wall takes back its role of opponent to the Western World on the international scene at least as it concerns the international affairs philosophy.  Thus, creating a tension aimed at restoring its power in the world.   

The group of emerging and developing economies that constitute a new variable block with a large portion of population employed in agriculture have emerged as new actors in the world’s geo-political discourses.  At the head of this block on the international scene, there is China.  The shaky international leadership context has indeed given China a new space. China’s   communist past combined with its market-based economic strategy gives it a particular position.  

China is The One that can communicate to Russia. China is also The One that can have an influence on the Western economic and political scene as China owns a big part of Western Foreign Debt  

China embeds a horizontal strategy in both its trade and development policies, while producing at low wages.  Its production system coupled with its pragmatic political approach has reshaped the international power structure.  The top-down approach of the Western World faces now the competition created by the horizontal win-win approach proposed by China in both developing and industrialized countries.

Indeed, as a result of the decline of the Western World global hegemony based on market access and economic and social liberalism as a means to ensure economic growth and promote economic development, the vision promoted by China’s discourse, centred on the protection of livelihoods and local sovereign choices finds new adepts.  Furthermore, China has successfully attempted to promote a trade-off approach to international cooperation during the last 20 years.  A cooperation that does not interfere in internal affairs of partner countries as it has often reproached to the Western countries involved in international cooperation.  

As the developing countries leader, China positions itself as the spoke country for the poor.  As a new world powerful economic actor China plays as the guarantor of the Western Economic stability.  China positions itself as the bridge between the rich and the poor.  It is representing a different hegemonic game that only changes in its discourse, while still pursuing its own interests and influence zones.  Such a situation poses the question of the values that the international regime wants to embrace.  Indeed, this changing world results in an increased number of conflicts – be new or historical conflicts.  

The dislocation of the traditional leaders of the international relations has definitely created a chaotic and unpredictable scenario.  Chaos has in some cases been chosen as a political strategy to disrupt the post-1945 international regime. Such a disruption has benefitted new actors, and given space to new lines of thought.  These new lines of thought have attacked the existing international framework but has not yet succeeded in creating a new regime.  The increasing unbalance of power and the lack of leadership on the international political scene is risky. 

The reduction by choice of leadership of the United States has indeed resulted in the weakening of the values emerged as a result of the dramatic experience of Second World War, namely freedom of thought and freedom of speech to mention only a few.   We are now facing a much more authoritarian world with force used as a means to manage the political arena.  Dialogue seems to be a rather consuming exercise that has left its place to the use of force.  Force is no longer seen as the last option but rather the opening act for political dialogue.  Nationalism and individual interests are now at the centre of the political game. This trend is taking the world to instability and conflict.  

The peoples of the world are more and more questioning the existing system. People’s needs and expectations are not met.  The new emerged actors, such as China have given the hope of a possible change in the present international system without fundamentally questioning its rationale but rather trying to rip a slate of the cake.  

The struggle for influence among countries has not succeeded in building a peaceful and stable world. Citizens will have to face the challenge of building a new era of peace and stability worldwide.

Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

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Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

S.E. M. Philippe Couvreur est arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982, où il a d’abord occupé le poste d’assistant spécial aux bureaux du greffier et du greffier adjoint de la Cour internationale de Justice.

Il a ensuite exercé les fonctions de Secrétaire, Premier Secrétaire et Secrétaire juridique principal, avant d’être élu Greffier de la Cour en 2000, et réélu en 2007 et 2014. Pour marquer l’anniversaire de ses débuts à la Cour, il y a 35 ans, Diplomat Magazine l’a invité à témoigner de son expérience unique au service de cette institution, des évolutions qu’il a pu y observer, et à partager le regard qu’il porte sur les changements qui ont marqué la Cour et La Haye au cours des trois dernières décennies.
Philippe Couvreur avec le Pape Jean-Paul II prise le 13 mai 1985.
Je suis arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982 — de façon aussi inattendue que j’avais entamé des études de droit treize ans auparavant (mais c’est là une autre histoire…) — pour occuper un poste temporaire à la Cour internationale de Justice. La Cour était alors la seule institution judiciaire internationale existante au plan universel. Son activité, particulièrement faible à la fin des années 1970, ne pouvait en ce temps-là guère laisser présager du succès que rencontrerait la Cour dans les décennies à venir. Mon bienveillant maître de Louvain, le professeur Paul de Visscher, fils du célèbre internationaliste Charles de Visscher, unique juge belge à la Cour, m’avait prédit des jours aussi sereins qu’heureux, écoulés à lire et à écrire des ouvrages dans la solitude des imposants murs de la bibliothèque du Palais de la Paix…
Les mémoires ont été dûment déposés dans l’affaire El Salvador c. Honduras dans la salle Bol le 1 juin 1988, l’affaire du Différend frontalier terrestre, insulaire et maritime.
En rejoignant la Cour, un frais matin d’avril, dont je garde un souvenir très précis, le jeune juriste que j’étais découvrit, non sans étonnement, une organisation de taille très modeste, le Greffe, qui en est l’organe administratif, alors composé de moins d’une quarantaine de fonctionnaires. Le fonctionnement de la Cour reposait entièrement sur cette équipe restreinte de personnel permanent, auquel s’ajoutait, selon que de besoin, un personnel temporaire pour faire face au surcroît de travaux linguistiques et de sténodactylographie lors des sessions (publiques et privées) de la Cour. Je me rappelle avoir été frappé par la personnalité haute en couleur de certains de ces traducteurs indépendants, dont la grande culture littéraire m’émerveillait. Cette structure très économique du Greffe impliquait une grande polyvalence de ses membres, et les Secrétaires de la Cour — ses fonctionnaires supérieurs — étaient appelés, en sus de leurs travaux de recherches juridiques, de préparation des documents de la Cour, et de rédaction de la correspondance diplomatique, à assumer eux-mêmes l’essentiel des tâches linguistiques (traduction et interprétation) et d’information, ainsi que la supervision de nombreuses activités administratives et logistiques.
La Grande salle de Justice, l’affaire Relative au Timor Oriental (Portugal c. Australie) Arrêt du 30 juin 1995.
Il n’était nullement rare qu’un nouveau venu comme moi ait à passer week-ends et nuits blanches au Palais de la Paix à effectuer les travaux les plus divers… allant jusqu’à imprimer et polycopier, sur de vieilles machines à stencils ronéotype, des décisions dont la Cour devait donner la lecture en séance publique le lendemain ! Dès mon arrivée au Greffe, j’ai eu le bonheur et le privilège d’être initié et associé à l’ensemble des fonctions de l’institution sous la patiente supervision de personnalités d’exception, tels que MM. Torres Bernárdez et Pillepich, alors respectivement Greffier et Greffier adjoint. J’en ai retiré le plus grand bénéfice, puisque cette immersion sans préparation dans toutes les facettes de l’activité du Greffe m’a permis d’acquérir de ce dernier une connaissance unique — de l’intérieur — et sous tous ses aspects —, un acquis particulièrement précieux au moment où j’ai été amené, bien des années plus tard, à assumer la délicate responsabilité d’en assurer la gestion au plus haut niveau. Devenir un fonctionnaire du Greffe au début des années 1980 signifiait accepter de se couler sans discussion dans un moule à tous égards exigeant, et se donner corps et âme, avec humilité et discrétion, à l’institution, sans penser à soi ni parler de soi. Depuis ces années d’initiation, j’ai été le témoin de profondes transformations de la Cour, rendues inévitables à la fois pour répondre à l’accroissement considérable de ses activités, avec la disparition du monde bipolaire qui avait relégué le règlement judiciaire à un rôle quelque peu marginal, et pour saisir les opportunités nouvelles offertes, notamment, par le progrès des technologies et de la communication. Entre 1982 et aujourd’hui, le nombre de fonctionnaires a ainsi presque triplé (il a quasiment doublé depuis l’an 2000, année de ma première élection en tant que Greffier). L’organisation du travail a été progressivement spécialisée entre les divers départements, juridique, linguistique et chargé de l’information, qui furent créés en 1997, et les services techniques. Par ailleurs, les Membres de la Cour ne disposèrent pas, pendant longtemps, de « référendaires » — ils s’y sont d’ailleurs longtemps refusés—, et l’assistance apportée aux juges en matière judiciaire était principalement répartie entre les fonctionnaires du Département des affaires juridiques.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur avec la Reine Beatrix photo prise pendant le 50 eme anniversaire de la Cour (18-04-1996).
Les cinq premiers postes de juristes référendaires ne furent obtenus de l’Assemblée générale et créés qu’en 2002, à l’issue de difficiles négociations que je me souviens avoir menées avec beaucoup de plaisir et d’intérêt ; le nombre de ces postes s’est progressivement accru, pour s’élever à quinze aujourd’hui. Les divers développements qui ont marqué le monde au cours des dernières décennies n’ont pas manqué de soulever pour la Cour de nouveaux défis. Comme c’est le cas pour toute institution, elle n’a pu les relever en faisant table rase des enseignements de son histoire ni, à l’inverse, en ne saisissant pas toutes les opportunités offertes par le temps présent. A ces différents égards, la Cour est certainement parvenue, au fil des ans, à assurer un équilibre, toujours délicat, entre changements et continuité. La continuité de la Cour est bien sûr inscrite dans son Statut, qui fait partie intégrante de la Charte des Nations Unies, et reflétée dans ses méthodes judiciaires, qui ont été très largement élaborées par sa devancière, la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, et héritées d’elle. Cette continuité historique était particulièrement présente lorsque j’ai rejoint le Greffe. Ainsi, en manière d’anecdote, divers hauts fonctionnaires alors en poste avaient eux-mêmes côtoyé, au début de leur carrière, d’anciens fonctionnaires de la Cour permanente. Tous nourrissaient à l’égard de cette dernière le plus grand respect. Il régnait d’ailleurs dans les couloirs du Palais de la Paix une atmosphère feutrée et délicieusement surannée, évocatrice de la défunte Société des Nations. Je me souviens en avoir encore utilisé maintes fournitures de bureau ! La continuité jurisprudentielle et procédurale entre les deux Cours constitue pour les Etats une garantie importante de sécurité et de prévisibilité juridiques. Cette continuité, juridique et historique, de même que l’expérience accumulée en plus de quatre-vingt-dix ans d’exercice de la fonction judiciaire, sont pour la Cour un facteur crucial de légitimité.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur vec le Roi Willem-Alexander photo prise pendant le 70 eme anniversaire de la Cour (20-04-2016).
En même temps, la Cour a eu, à l’évidence, à s’adapter aux changements du monde réel dans lequel elle opère, comme aux nécessités et opportunités nouvelles de chaque époque traversée. L’une des transformations notoires auxquelles j’ai assisté fut l’ouverture croissante de la Cour sur l’extérieur : longtemps à l’écart, à dessein, des organes politiques des Nations Unies, la Cour a souhaité se faire plus et mieux entendre de ces organes et des Etats membres. Elle a ainsi rompu avec ce qui était parfois perçu comme un « splendide isolement » au sein des Nations Unies, même si elle défend toujours jalousement son autonomie. La Cour doit en outre désormais également tenir compte des nombreuses autres juridictions, internationales ou régionales, qui ont été créées ces dernières années, et veiller, autant que possible, à assurer l’harmonie du « concert judiciaire » que permet ce foisonnement de cours et tribunaux sur la scène internationale. Davantage ouverte sur la communauté internationale et ses réalités, la Cour s’est montrée de plus en plus attentive, non seulement à sa place dans l’Organisation des Nations Unies, mais aussi à la poursuite des objectifs de celle-ci et à sa mission propre au service du règlement pacifique des différends internationaux. Des différends de plus en plus complexes, tant juridiquement que factuellement, en même temps que politiquement plus denses, lui ont été soumis. En révisant constamment, selon que de besoin, ses méthodes de travail, elle a su les résoudre rapidement et efficacement, à un coût particulièrement modeste pour la communauté internationale, tout en assurant le développement du droit. Enfin, pour conclure sur une note plus prosaïque, mais qui est loin d’être négligeable, je ne peux taire la chance que j’ai eue de connaître l’extraordinaire développement de la ville de La Haye au cours des 35 dernières années. Celle-ci offre aujourd’hui à la Cour, comme aux nombreuses institutions internationales qui s’y sont installées à sa suite, une qualité de vie et un cadre de travail uniques, qui sont très loin de ressembler à ce que j’ai trouvé en y arrivant. A l’image de l’imposante stature du Palais de la Paix où elle siège, symbole mondialement connu de la justice internationale, la Cour est une institution solidement établie. En dépit des périodes de doute ou de désaffection qu’elle a traversées par le passé, son rôle est unanimement salué au sein de la communauté internationale et le recours à ses services par les Etats n’a jamais été aussi soutenu. 35 ans après, je continue de mesurer chaque jour le privilège qui est le mien de servir au mieux de mes capacités l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies. —– Les photos dans l’article sont une courtoisie de la Cour International de Justice.

Anti-SLAPP Act signed by the President is a victory for media freedom

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Anti-SLAPP Act signed by the President is a victory for media freedom

Article 19 (23.06.2026) – The passing of a law by the President of Poland which will establish stronger safeguards against Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) is a long-awaited victory for media freedom which will provide important legal protections for public interest journalism, the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today.

Our organisations welcome the passing of the amendment, which will establish a strong legal basis in Poland to fight SLAPPs. The law covers both domestic and cross border SLAPPs ensuring implementation of both EU Anti-SLAPP Directive and Council of Europe Recommendation Against SLAPPs. Crucially, the Polish law will provide safeguards against vexatious lawsuits filed against journalists and media domestically, as well as other individuals participating in the public debate.

The bill was signed into law on 19 June by Polish President Karol Nawrocki after being passed in the Sejm on 16 May. The Act on Special Protection Measures in Civil Proceedings for Persons Participating in Public Debate, known as the ‘Anti-SLAPP Act’, will come into effect soon.

The law includes several progressive elements which media freedom groups have long advocated for, including early dismissal mechanisms for vexatious lawsuits, the introduction of security deposits for claimants, and the reversal of the burden of proof on the claimant in SLAPP cases.

Lawsuits identified as manifestly unfounded and instead aimed at suppressing or disrupting public debate can now be declared an abuse of procedural law by a court and dismissed. However, the effectiveness of this protection will depend significantly on judicial practice. The law also provides detailed definitions for identifying SLAPPs.

These changes will significantly increase the power of the courts to swiftly reject extortionate or censorious lawsuits and protect journalists and media carrying out public interest reporting from costly and time-consuming legal battles.

Regrettably, defamation remains a criminal offence in Poland and the new law does not apply to criminal proceedings. As a result, Article 212 of the Criminal Code remains open to abuse by actors seeking to silence public interest speech and reporting. However, the Ministry of Justice has committed to supplementary reform of the country’s criminal code within the current parliamentary term, which runs until November 2027. In addition, the law falls short of allowing defendants to seek compensation within the same proceedings. Those wishing to claim damages will need to initiate a separate legal process, generating additional costs.

Overall, however, Poland’s legislation now represents one of the most well-designed anti-SLAPP laws in Europe, broadly aligns with Council of Europe standards, and should act as an example for other EU Member States in transposing the Anti-SLAPP Directive, the deadline for which passed on 7 May.

SLAPPs are a form of vexatious legal harassment commonly filed by powerful companies, businesspeople or politicians which aim to silence legitimate public interest speech, including journalism. In recent years, the MFRR has documented how SLAPPs have become a powerful tool used by political actors in Poland for attempting to muzzle investigative reporting and intimidate watchdog journalism.

Poland has long been one of the EU countries to experience the highest numbers of SLAPPs, according to the Coalition Against SLAPPs in Europe (CASE). The vast majority of SLAPPs in Poland are filed domestically, underlining the importance of the bill going beyond the EU minimum standards and extending to domestic cases.

MFRR partners have long advocated for the passing of such legislation, including with the Ministry of Justice during a mission to Warsaw in 2024. Since 2020, MFRR partners have monitored and documented different forms of legal threats and SLAPPs in Poland.

With wider media reforms by the Tusk government currently delayed due to political deadlock, the Anti-SLAPP Act represents one of the most positive elements of the current government’s press freedom record to date.

The passing of the bill should provide impetus for wider media freedom reforms in Poland under the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). MFRR partners welcome the approval of the Anti-SLAPP Act by President Nawrocki, who our organisations previously called upon to support such reforms, as well as the cross-party support for this bill in Poland.

MFRR partners hail the work of consortium member ARTICLE 19 Europe, which played a key role in the Polish anti-SLAPP working group, along with the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights and the Citizen Network Watchdog Poland, and all those who participated in the development and passing of this law.

MFRR partners will monitor implementation of the anti-SLAPP law, continue to document SLAPPs and other forms of abusive lawfare against media actors in Poland, and push for the full decriminalisation of defamation, in line with European standards.

Signed:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
POLAND: Anti-SLAPP Act signed by the President is a victory for media freedom

Brotherhood across Borders in Belgium

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Brotherhood across Borders in Belgium

By Anton Lutter

The Philippine Independence Day celebration in Vilvoorde was held on Saturday, June 20, 2026. The event featured  – at the Three Fountains Domain Fontigny –  a full day of cultural performances, Filipino cuisine, and festive activities. It also included an official Overseas Voting Registration drive conducted by the Philippine Embassy, providing attendees with the opportunity to register for overseas voting.

The Belgium Area of Knights of Rizal attended with al large delegation and presentation stand under the leadership of Sir Geert Verhagen, KGOR Area Commander of Belgium. Also in attendance were the European Regional Commander Sir Johnny Villa, KGOR and former Regional Commanders Sir Tony Guansing, KGCR and Sir Albert Arevalo, KGOR.

H.E. Mr. Jaime Ledda, Ambassador of the Philippines to Belgium, Luxembourg and European Union.

Philippines Ambassador to Belgium, Luxembourg and the European Union H.E. Mr. Jaime Ledda, cited the message by President Ferdinand Marcos jr on the 128th Anniversary of the Proclamation of Philippines Independence (12 June): “ As we honor this day, we are reminded that freedom is not merely a legacy we inherit but a responsibility we must uphold. While our forebears fought colonial oppression through revolution, reform, and intellectual resistance, we face challenges of a different kind today.

We must protect truth from distortion, harness technology wisely, and restore trust in a time increasingly marked by division and distrust. How we respond to these demands will shape the course of our nation and define what we pass on to future generations. As we continue to write our national story, we pay tribute to the heroes who secured our liberty and to the countless Filipinos who have devoted their lives to advancing the common good. May this occasion deepen our understanding of the past and inspire a renewed sense of duty to our country.

Through active citizenship, good governance, and solidarity, may we continue building a Bagong Pilipinas worthy of the sacrifices that secured our sovereignty and of the dreams and aspirations that gave birth to our Republic. I wish everyone a meaningful Independence Day celebration”

Ambassador Ledda welcoming all guests including Knights of Rizal from Netherlands. Between 2013-2020  he served as ambassador in the Netherlands where in his residency the first chapter of Knights of Rizal was chartered in 2015, initiated by the current Area Commander in the Netherlands Sir Anton Lutter, KCR.

The Dutch delegation in Vilvoorde included former – Deputy Area Commander Sir Chris Kopp, KCR, Amsterdam Chapter Commander Sir Mark Hernandez, KCR and The Hague Chapter Chancellor Sir Eduard Slootweg, KR. The friendship between the Belgians and Dutch is well known, highlighted recently by a visit of Belgian knights to the Philippines Embassy in The Hague.

When Military Alliances Turns into a Battlefield

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When Military Alliances Turns into a Battlefield

The Legal Risks of Foreign Bases

By Ayesha Asim

In international politics, geography is rarely just geography. A military base located on the territory of one state can become a strategic asset for another, but it can also transform the host country into a potential frontline during times of conflict.

Across the Middle East, foreign military presence has long shaped regional security dynamics. The United States maintains a network of military facilities, airfields, naval support points, and logistical hubs across several Gulf states, including Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia. These installations form a central part of Washington’s regional defence structure.

Yet beneath these security arrangements lies a complex question of international law: when a state allows its territory to be used for military operations against another country, does it assume any legal responsibility for the consequences?

The question has gained renewed attention amid rising tensions between the United States and Iran, but the underlying legal issue extends far beyond any single conflict. It concerns a broader dilemma faced by states hosting foreign military forces: how far does responsibility extend when national territory becomes part of another state’s military operations?

The starting point of this debate is Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter, which prohibits the “threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.” Since the creation of the United Nations in 1945, this principle has remained one of the foundations of the international legal order.

International law recognises two primary exceptions to this prohibition. The first is the right of self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter following an armed attack. The second is the use of force authorised by the United Nations Security Council under Chapter VII.

Where military action falls outside these exceptions, its legality becomes highly contested.

This raises an important question for states that host foreign military forces. If another country launches attacks from their territory, and those attacks are considered unlawful, could the host state also face international responsibility?

One of the most relevant references comes from United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3314 of 1974, which defines aggression. Article 3(f) identifies as an act of aggression:

“The action of a State in allowing its territory, which it has placed at the disposal of another State, to be used by that other State for perpetrating an act of aggression against a third State.”

Although General Assembly resolutions are not legally binding in the same way as treaties, Resolution 3314 has played an important role in shaping international legal discussions on aggression and state responsibility.

The principle behind this provision is significant: a state does not necessarily have to fire the first shot to become legally relevant. Allowing its territory to be used as a platform for unlawful military action may create questions of responsibility, particularly where the state has knowledge of, and facilitates, those operations.

Recent conflicts demonstrate how complicated this issue can become.

During Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Belarus allowed Russian forces to use its territory for military operations, including troop movements and missile launches. Ukraine and several Western governments argued that Belarus had become a facilitator of Russia’s military campaign, even though Belarus did not conduct the main combat operations itself.

A similar debate emerged during the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. Several Gulf states provided logistical support, access, and military infrastructure for coalition operations. Because the legality of the invasion remains disputed among international lawyers, questions were raised regarding the position of states that enabled those operations through their territory and facilities.

The issue also appeared during counterterrorism operations in the region. States providing airspace access, intelligence cooperation, or logistical assistance to foreign military campaigns have often faced domestic criticism and security risks because armed groups may view them as participants rather than neutral actors.

However, hosting foreign military forces does not automatically make a state a party to every operation conducted by those forces. Governments usually distinguish between allowing another country to maintain military facilities and directly controlling decisions about the use of force.

Many defence agreements are structured around this distinction. A host state may argue that it does not plan, approve, or command specific operations carried out by foreign forces based on its territory.

International law, however, focuses not only on formal arrangements but also on conduct. Questions may arise regarding whether the host state knew about particular operations, whether it assisted, and whether that support contributed to an unlawful act.

The International Law Commission’s Articles on State Responsibility address this issue through the concept of aiding or assisting another state in committing an internationally wrongful act. Under Article 16, a state may incur responsibility if it knowingly assists another state in carrying out conduct that violates international law.

The most sensitive issue concerns possible retaliation.

If a military facility located in another country is used to launch attacks, can that facility become a lawful target during an armed conflict?

Under international humanitarian law, military objectives may be targeted when they make an effective contribution to military action and when their destruction offers a definite military advantage. A base actively used for launching attacks may therefore be considered a military objective.

However, this does not provide unlimited permission for attacks. Any military response must still comply with the fundamental principles of distinction, proportionality, necessity, and precautions in attack. Civilian populations and civilian infrastructure remain protected under international humanitarian law.

A further legal debate concerns the position of the host state itself. If a government knowingly allows its territory to be used for offensive military operations, another state may argue that the host country has become involved in the conflict. The host government, however, may reject this interpretation and maintain that foreign military presence does not automatically remove its status as a non-belligerent state.

Ultimately, international law often faces a gap between legal principles and political reality. Powerful states frequently rely on broad interpretations of self-defence, while international institutions may struggle to respond effectively because of geopolitical divisions and Security Council dynamics. Nevertheless, one principle remains clear: military partnerships bring not only strategic benefits but also legal and political consequences.

For states hosting foreign bases, the challenge is balancing security cooperation with the risk that their territory may become part of conflicts they did not choose. A military installation may protect during times of peace, but during escalation, it can also turn into a potential target. In modern warfare, strategic geography rarely remains neutral. The presence of foreign forces can reshape not only regional security calculations but also the legal responsibilities of the states involved.

About the author:

Ayesha Asim is a legal academic, researcher, and PhD Scholar in Law. She holds an LLM in International Law (Gold Medalist) and has experience in legal research, teaching, and advisory roles. Her areas of interest include international law, humanitarian issues, and other contemporary legal challenges. You can reach her at ayeshamalyc09@gmail.com

Privacy of ill employees

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Privacy of ill employees

Employees have a right to privacy in their private lives. This also applies to sick employees. However, they must also comply with their reintegration obligations and provide accurate information about their illness. What options does the employer have to check whether they are actually doing this?

By Jan Dop

If there are serious doubts about whether an employee is ill, employers may engage an investigation agency, provided that the infringement of the employee’s right to privacy is limited. If the findings of the investigation agency show that an employee is not telling the truth about their limitations and ability to work during illness, they risk dismissal. This is also evident from a recently published ruling by the Rotterdam District Court.

Ill or not ill?

Shortly after the end of his probationary period, a lorry driver reported sick because he had twisted his knee. The employer then came by to bring him a bouquet of flowers, but the employee did not open the door. The employee was also not at home during a second visit on the same day. More than a week later, he wrote to his employer in WhatsApp messages that he was unable to leave the house and had to walk with crutches.

The employer was suspicious, went to the employee’s home again and saw the employee walking down the stairs without crutches and driving a car. This was before a visit to the company doctor, where the employee reported that he was unable to walk without crutches and unable to drive himself.

Based on these findings, the employer engaged an investigation agency. The agency found that the employee was outside several times a day, walking up and down stairs or running at a brisk pace, and walking dogs in his slippers, with a large dog pulling hard on the leash. He also went to shops, walked across an uneven football pitch and drove a car. All this without crutches and without any visible limitations. The employer then dismissed the employee with immediate effect on the grounds of incorrect and incomplete statements about the severity of his limitations and his ability to work during illness.

The employee argued in court that the summary dismissal was unjustified. He was genuinely ill and limited in his abilities. What he had done and what the investigation agency had seen was more than he could handle. The court dismissed this argument. Even if this was true, he was still capable of more than he had told his employer and the company doctor. Moreover, after twisting his knee on the last day of his probationary period, he had still worked for another day without his colleagues noticing that he had physical limitations.

Violation of privacy?

The employee tried another way to get the summary dismissal reversed. He argued that bringing in the investigation agency was an unacceptable violation of his right to privacy. He didn’t convince the magistrate: the employer had good reason to doubt the limitations claimed by the employee, which could justify the investigation. Although an employer should be cautious about approaching a sick employee themselves, the initial visits were certainly permissible: the employer did not intend to observe the employee, but only wanted to cheer him up by bringing him a bouquet of flowers.

The employer should perhaps not have visited the employee’s home again after that, but was entitled to use the findings in its decision to engage an investigation agency. In this case, the employer’s interest in uncovering the truth outweighs the employee’s right to privacy. Finally, the seriousness of the infringement was limited: the employer observed the employee on public roads for a short period of time, namely four days.

Everything showed that the employee did not have the physical limitations he claimed to have. The employee therefore made incorrect and incomplete statements about his incapacity for work. In doing so, he also acted in breach of his reintegration obligations during illness. According to the subdistrict court, this justifies summary dismissal. That dismissal therefore remains in force. The employer is also not required to pay a transition allowance.

Contact an employment lawyer

Are you involved in a dispute with an employee who is unable to work? Or do you have other questions about employment law? Please contact the Embassy Desk of Russell Advocaten. We are dedicated to helping you! jan.dop@russell.nl +31 20 301 5555

The Hague: The World in Miniature

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The Hague: The World in Miniature

By Jan van Zanen, Mayor of The Hague

Nowhere does the Netherlands look as organised as in Madurodam; I realised this again during a recent visit. My eyes swept over the Amsterdam canals, with the Westerkerk standing as a proud landmark. A little bit further, I admired the Frisian Wouda pumping station. With a few more steps, I was standing next to the Peace Palace in The Hague. Trains ran on schedule, and traffic jams were non-existent. Welcome to the ideal society, scale 1:25.

Outside the gates of Madurodam, the real city of The Hague was waiting. Not The Netherlands in miniature, but rather, the world pocket-sized. Because with 180 nationalities, 110 embassies, and at least 550 international organisations, our city is literally a ‘global village.’

You notice it daily on the streets. An embassy employee parks their bike next to a family cargo bike. In a coffee bar near the Anna Paulownaplein, a team from an international organisation discusses its plans, while at the bar, someone is on a call with New York or Nairobi. English is a given, but you hear French, Spanish, or Arabic just as often. No one even blinks.

The Hague does not have a diplomatic district set apart from the rest of the city. Embassies are housed in old stately townhouses; international organisations share their neighbourhoods with homes, schools, and shops. International work happens in the midst of daily life. The distance between a high-level meeting and a tram stop is often shorter than the distance between theory and practice.

In Madurodam, the Binnenhof always looks complete and fully in use. In The Hague, the real Binnenhof is hidden behind fences and scaffolding. It is being renovated and is temporarily closed, while political work continues elsewhere. That difference is telling. Our city cherishes its symbols, but it will not be paralysed by them. When work has to be done, the work moves.

This is equally true for The Hague as the international city of peace and justice. The Peace Palace is not a stage set, but it is an office where people walk in every day carrying files and notes. A little further down are the institutions dealing with war crimes, human rights, cybersecurity, or conflict mediation. The conversations are seldom spectacular. They are about definitions, case law, and wording that must hold up under scrutiny.

For diplomats and other internationals, The Hague is often an interim stop. Postings last a few years, sometimes longer, sometimes shorter. Yet, a routine quickly takes hold. Regular lunch spots, familiar faces at gatherings, the same walking routes through the city. In this respect, The Hague shows surprisingly clear similarities to Madurodam. Everything here is in close proximity. Distances are short, the connection between institutions is visible.

But while little to nothing changes in the miniature park, The Hague is in constant motion. Teams rotate, priorities shift, and new crises emerge. Our city doesn’t resist these flows; it adapts fluidly where possible and facilitates where necessary.

Now that the international legal order faces global pressure, The Hague remains unwavering in its support. A steadfast commitment for which U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres explicitly expressed his appreciation during our meeting in April, when he visited our city for the 80th anniversary of the International Court of Justice.

Those who visit Madurodam see the Netherlands as an idealised concept. Those who work in The Hague see international cooperation as it truly functions: as daily work involving concrete issues, agendas, and interests.

That work is carried out by people like you. By people who give our city colour, weight, and international grandeur. People who bring the world to The Hague and The Hague to the world. As you can see: we are happy to have you.

Mardouw Olive Estate Strikes Again with Double Gold in Amsterdam

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Mardouw Olive Estate Strikes Again with Double Gold in Amsterdam

South Africa’s growing reputation as a producer of world-class extra virgin olive oils received another boost as Mardouw Olive Estate secured two Gold Awards and one Silver Award at the Amsterdam International Olive Oil Competition (IOOC), one of Europe’s respected olive oil competitions.

The Western Cape-based estate was awarded Gold for its Mardouw XXV Medium and Mardouw XXV Medium Limited Edition extra virgin olive oils, while its Mardouw XXV Intense received a Silver Award. The recognition adds to a remarkable series of international distinctions earned by the estate in recent years.

The latest success follows Mardouw’s historic achievement earlier this year when it was ranked #24 in the 2025 EVOO World Rankings, the highest position ever attained by a South African olive oil producer. The ranking placed South Africa among the world’s emerging premium olive oil nations, despite the country accounting for only a fraction of global production compared with traditional Mediterranean producers.

Speaking after the awards ceremony in Amsterdam, Mardouw CEO Gerbrand Nijman noted that the recognition supports the estate’s ambition to strengthen its standing among the world’s leading olive oil producers. He also highlighted the significance of receiving the awards alongside founders André and Marijke Verder, whose vision has guided the estate since its establishment more than two decades ago.

Located near Swellendam in the Western Cape, Mardouw Olive Estate covers approximately 1,000 hectares and is home to around 50,000 olive trees nestled at the foothills of the Langeberg Mountains in the Breede River Valley. Founded in 2002, the family-owned estate maintains full control over the production process, from cultivation and harvesting to pressing and bottling, a model that has contributed to its reputation for quality and consistency.

Over the past four years, Mardouw has become South Africa’s most awarded olive oil producer, earning recognition at major international competitions in Europe and beyond. Its continued success reflects the broader progress of South Africa’s olive oil industry, which is increasingly gaining attention for producing premium extra virgin olive oils capable of competing with some of the world’s most established producers.

Consumers in the Netherlands can find Mardouw’s award-winning oils at Gastrovino Mijn Hemel in Hilversum and VomFASS in Wassenaar. In Belgium, the products are available through Lourdon Delicatessen in Brasschaat and Rodenburg Home & Garden in Schoten.

Montenegro Celebrates the 20th Anniversary of the Restoration of Its Independence

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Montenegro Celebrates the 20th Anniversary of the Restoration of Its Independence

By Roy Lie Atjam

H.E. Mr. Milisav Raspopović, the Ambassador of Montenegro, hosted an impressive reception to mark the 20th Anniversary of Montenegro’s Restoration of Independence.

This notable event took place on Wednesday, June 10, 2026, at the prestigious Nieuwe Kerk in The Hague, drawing a diverse crowd of fellow ambassadors, diplomats, international representatives, local officials, and members of the diaspora.

It was a momentous occasion, celebrating Montenegro’s first diplomatic National Day in The Hague, and it underscored the nation’s commitment to fostering international relationships.

Earlier, on May 21, 2026, Montenegrins celebrated in Podgorica’s Independence Square, proudly honoring their restored independence from Serbia. This historic milestone was met with lively festivities, including spectacular concerts featuring renowned international pop and electronic artists like Ricky Martin and DJ Robin Schulz.

Moreover, a high-profile national event was conducted, with EU officials in attendance, including European Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos. This gathering was a powerful affirmation of Montenegro’s significant strides toward EU accession, highlighting its role as a leading contenderr in the region.

20th Anniversary of Montenegro’s Restoration of Independence.

Here are the welcome remarks by H.E. Mr. Milisav Raspopović, the Ambassador of Montenegro.

“It is my great pleasure to welcome you this evening as we celebrate the Independence Day of Montenegro.

This year’s celebration carries particular significance as we mark twenty years since the restoration of Montenegro’s independence and twenty years of diplomatic relations between Montenegro and the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

Two decades ago, the citizens of Montenegro made a historic decision to restore our independence through a democratic referendum held in accordance with the highest international standards. That decision reflected our determination to build Montenegro as a sovereign, democratic and European state.

Today, Montenegro remains firmly committed to strengthening democratic institutions, advancing the rule of law and achieving its strategic goal of full membership in the European Union.

One of the more curious similarities between Montenegro and the Netherlands is that we regularly compete for the title of the tallest nation in the world. You would therefore expect us to be unbeatable in basketball. Unfortunately, height alone is not enough.

Fortunately, our countries also regularly meet in water polo. Earlier this year, Montenegro and the Netherlands faced each other at the European Championship. The only complication was that the Dutch national team head coach is from Montenegro. So by the end of the match, we were not entirely sure whom we were supposed to support. Perhaps that is the perfect reflection of the relationship between our two countries.  Even when we find ourselves on opposite sides, we somehow still end up on the same team.

The Netherlands has been a valued partner of Montenegro throughout our reform and European integration process. We greatly appreciate the political support, expertise and practical assistance that the Netherlands has provided over the years, including through programs such as MATRA, which have helped strengthen institutions and support reforms across our country.

The Dutch approach to EU enlargement is often described as strict and fair. We understand the importance the Netherlands attaches to the rule of law, institutional resilience and security. At the same time, we appreciate an approach that recognizes and rewards tangible progress.

As a reliable NATO Ally and a country fully aligned with the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, Montenegro remains committed to regional stability, good neighbors  relations and the European future of the Western Balkans.

Relations between our two countries have gained new momentum in recent years. Following the opening of our Embassy in The Hague, the first official visit of the President of Montenegro to the Netherlands took place, and our Ministries of Foreign Affairs held their first political consultations.

Just last week, Montenegro welcomed leaders from across Europe for the very successful EU–Western Balkans Summit, including, among others, Dutch Prime Minister Rob Jetten. While his participation was linked to the Summit, the occasion also marked a historic milestone in our bilateral relations, as it was the first visit to Montenegro by a Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

Political dialogue is not the only thing bringing our countries closer together. Direct air connections, including recently introduced the year-round route between Maastricht and Podgorica and the seasonal flight between Amsterdam and Tivat, have also helped strengthen ties between our citizens, business communities and tourism sectors.

We are convinced that the best is still ahead of us. There is plenty of room to strengthen cooperation, encourage new investments and bring our countries even closer together.

The Hague, the home of our Embassy, holds a special place in our relationship with the Netherlands. As the international city of peace and justice, it reflects values that Montenegro deeply supports, such as respect for international law, human rights, sovereignty and cooperation among nations. At a time when these principles are facing serious challenges, preserving them remains a shared responsibility for all of us.”

Slavica Milic of Luštica Bay

In a message to the Montenegrin community in the Netherlands, Ambassador Raspopović highlighted

“Dear fellow citizens, many of you built your lives in the Netherlands long before Montenegro established its diplomatic presence here. Through your work, achievements and personal connections, you represent the very best of Montenegro.

Over the years, you have become an important bridge between Montenegro and the Netherlands, helping bring our countries and our people closer together.

For all of this, we are sincerely very grateful.

As we mark these two important anniversaries, we can look back with pride on the partnership between Montenegro and the Netherlands, which is built on mutual respect, trust and shared values.

The progress we have achieved together gives us every reason to look to the future with confidence. I am certain that the next chapter of our relationship will bring even closer cooperation and new opportunities for our countries and our people.

Before I conclude, let me express my sincere appreciation to our sponsors. I am pleased to welcome representatives of Luštica Bay, one of Montenegro’s most ambitious tourism and investment projects, who will shortly present their vision right after. I would also like to thank Expo Commerce, a company that has been connecting Montenegro with international markets for more than three decades.

Thank you for being with us this evening and I wish you all prosperity, success and every happiness.

Živjela Crna Gora.

Long live Montenegro or as the Dutch would say Lang leve Montenegro!”

Slavica Milic of Luštica Bay, one of the sponsors of the festivities, held a captivating exposé onthe tourism and investment scheme at Luštica Bay.

The reception featured a delightful Montenegro walking dinner buffet

 and cocktails, creating a friendly atmosphere for guests to mingle, enjoy delicious food, and fully embrace the jubilation of Montenegro’s 20th anniversary celebration.

Navigating Complexity: Streamlining Global Mobility for Seafarers

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Navigating Complexity: Streamlining Global Mobility for Seafarers

In an era where global shipping underpins international trade, the movement of maritime professionals remains one of the industry’s most complex logistical challenges. At the forefront of addressing this challenge is Peter Smit, CEO of BCS Group, a company that has established itself as a key player in facilitating crew mobility worldwide.

With tens of thousands of visas processed annually—including an impressive 40,000 for Filipino crew members alone—BCS Group operates at a scale where efficiency is not merely an advantage, but a necessity. Yet, as Smit emphasizes, the real challenge lies not in volume, but in variability.

A Fragmented Global System

“Every jurisdiction has its own rules, documentation standards, and interpretations,” Smit explains. While the Schengen system offers a degree of harmonization, it does not extend seamlessly to other regions such as the United Kingdom, the United States, or Asia. The result is a fragmented regulatory landscape where requirements can shift with little notice.

Among the most pressing operational challenges are fragmented regulations, unpredictable processing times, and the need for absolute data accuracy—often under intense time pressure due to last-minute crew changes.

To address this, BCS Group has invested significantly in standardization and digitalization. By centralizing data, automating document checks, and maintaining real-time regulatory intelligence, the company ensures both speed and compliance. As Smit notes, these are not competing priorities: “The more structured and controlled your process is, the fewer errors you make, and the faster you can move.”

The Need for Structural Reform

Despite operational advancements, Smit underscores that the broader issue lies in outdated visa frameworks. Current systems, he argues, are largely designed for tourism or migration—not for highly mobile professionals such as seafarers.

He advocates for reforms at both European and international levels, including the formal recognition of maritime professionals as a distinct mobility category, standardized documentation across Schengen states, and the introduction of priority visa channels. Greater digitalization and data-sharing between countries would further enhance efficiency.

“Shipping is a global industry,” Smit notes. “The regulatory framework supporting it should reflect that reality, rather than remain fragmented along national lines.”

Efficiency with a Human Focus

Beyond systems and regulations, Smit places strong emphasis on the human dimension of crew logistics. Each visa processed represents an individual—often someone who has spent months at sea and is navigating a critical moment of transition.

BCS Group’s “one-stop shop” model is designed to reduce stress and uncertainty by ensuring that all documentation and logistics are prepared in advance. This enables seafarers to maximize their limited time ashore, whether for rest or onward travel.

“Efficiency, in this context, is part of the human solution,” Smit explains. “The smoother the process, the more meaningful time a seafarer has.”

Retention: The Industry’s Defining Challenge

While recruitment into the maritime sector remains steady, retention has emerged as a structural concern. According to Smit, the underlying issues are clear: unpredictable rotations, administrative delays, isolation at sea, and limited visibility on long-term career paths.

Addressing these challenges requires a shift in mindset. Reliable crew change planning, better regulatory alignment, investment in onboard connectivity, and clearer career development pathways are all essential.

“At its core, this is about treating the maritime professional not just as an operational resource, but as a long-term professional,” Smit emphasizes. “If the industry wants sustainability, it needs to offer predictability, respect, and a viable career path.”

A Strategic Industry at a Crossroads

As global trade continues to depend on maritime transport, the efficiency of crew mobility systems will remain a critical factor. Through innovation, advocacy, and a strong human-centered approach, BCS Group is not only responding to today’s challenges but also helping to shape the future of maritime logistics.

In a world increasingly defined by interconnectedness, the ability to move people as seamlessly as goods may well become one of the defining challenges—and opportunities—of the global economy.

Youth Peace Summit brings 150 young changemakers to The Hague to build peace together

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Youth Peace Summit brings 150 young changemakers to The Hague to build peace together

From 17 to 19 June, 150 young people from around the world will gather at The Hague University of Applied Sciences for the Youth Peace Summit, a three-day programme of workshops, dialogue sessions and hands-on peacebuilding activities. The summit will conclude with the creation of the Youth Peace Charter, an action-oriented document outlining practical next steps for future peace initiatives.

‘’Young people are not waiting for peace, they create it! ‘’

Anastasia – YPS Volunteer

The event is organised by a team of young volunteers who have spent months creating a programme designed by youth, for youth, in collaboration with a broad network of partners.

On Thursday, 18 June at 16:00, more than 25 local, national and international peace-related organisations will come together for an activity market, offering participants and visitors the opportunity to engage with a wide range of peace initiatives. These include peacebuilding projects, local community programmes and dialogue-based organisations, with participating partners including UNOY, The Hague Humanity Hub, Dialoog in Den Haag and Young Atlantics, among others.

On Friday, 19 June at 16:00, the summit will conclude with the presentation and formal handover of the Youth Peace Charter to Ambassador for Youth, Education and Work Jurriaan Middelhof and The Hague Mayor Jan van Zanen.

Following the ceremony, guests, stakeholders and members of the press will be invited to speak with organisers and participants of the Youth Peace Summit 2027.

Africa Day 2026 Celebration in The Netherlands

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Africa Day 2026 Celebration in The Netherlands

By Roy Lie Atjam

The 2026 Africa Day celebration marks a significant milestone as we commemorate the 63rd anniversary of the founding of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), now recognized as the African Union (AU).

 “Sixty-three Years of Unity, Integration, and Development: Let’s Celebrate Together!”

This year’s celebration was centered on the important theme, “Assuring Sustainable Water Availability and Safe Sanitation Systems to Achieve Agenda 2063,” aligning with the African Union’s vision for 2026.

On May 26, 2026, a diverse crowd gathered to honor this momentous occasion, celebrating the AU’s 63rd anniversary. The event, organized by the African embassies accredited to The Hague, commenced with a powerful rendition of the AU Anthem, setting a tone of pride and solidarity.

During the celebration, a poignant message from H.E. Evariste Ndayishimiye, President of the Republic of Burundi and African Union Chairperson for 2026, was shared. He emphasized Africa’s unwavering commitment to tackling its challenges, seizing its opportunities, and fostering unity among its people. Together, we can build a brighter future for our continent!

The Diplomatic Community in the Netherlands came together for a lively and joyful celebration of Africa Day 2026! Attendees included ambassadors and diplomats, representatives from various countries, international organizations, UN agencies, civil society, and the vibrant African diaspora.

Everyone enjoyed delicious African food, refreshing drinks, and lively music, all in a warm atmosphere that truly highlighted Africa’s traditions of hospitality and generosity.

The program featured engaging speeches, including one from H.E. Ambassador Vusi Madonsela of the Republic of South Africa, who serves as the Dean of the African Diplomatic Corps in the Netherlands, followed by the Netherlands Minister of Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, Mr Sjoerd Sjoerdsma, the Guest of Honour.  We also heard from H.E. Ms. Caroline Chipeta, the Ambassador of the United Republic of Tanzania, who read a heartfelt letter from H.E. Evariste Ndayishimiye, the President of the Republic of Burundi and the African Union Chairperson for 2026. The letter conveyed a strong message about Africa’s dedication to overcoming challenges, embracing opportunities, and working together in unity. It was a wonderful reminder of the strength and spirit we share as a community!

Here follow the “Welcome remarks by the Dean of the African Diplomatic Corps, H.E. Ambassador Vusi Madonsela of the Republic of South Africa on the occasion of the celebration of Africa Day 2026.

Your Excellency Minister Sjoerd Sjoerdsma, Your Excellencies, Your Excellencies, Ambassadors & Heads of International Organizations, Distinguished Guests & Friends of the African continent:

In my capacity as Dean of the African Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, I am deeply honoured to be able to sayto you: Karibuni sana, and a very warm welcome to you all here today!

We gather here today to celebrate Africa Day, 24 hours after the actual date that marked the historic founding of the Organisation of African Unity— now the African Union, because May 25 this year coincided with Whit Day which was a public holiday in the Kingdom of the Netherlands.Africa Day marks the continent’s decades of resilience, unity, and shared progress against countless odds. But more than a historical milestone, today is a testament to the dynamic, forward-looking partnerships we are building right here in the Netherlands.

We are deeply honoured to have the Dutch Minister of Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, Mr Sjoerd Sjoerdsma in our midst as our Guest of Honour.  Honourable Minister, Your presence here this evening highlights and the engagement you had with the African Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Kingdom of the Netherlands earlier today are indicative of an essential evolving relationship between your country and the African continent.

To all my fellow African Ambassadors and all their diplomatic staff here present, your tireless work bridges cultures and fosters dialogue across borders. This celebration today reflects your hard work and the vibrant diversity that defines our diaspora in the Netherlands.

Honourable Minister, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I invite you to use this Africa Day not only to reflect on our continent’s rich heritage, but to cast your sights into the future—a future filled with opportunities for collaboration to cultivate favourable conditions for smart partnerships for inclusive economic growth, mutual respect, and enduring human solidarity.

Thank you all for being here to celebrate with us. In advance, following the formal programme, I kindly invite you all to experience the spirit of our continent through our music, our arts,,and to  to partake of the potpourri of our culinary delights, designed to suit a whole tapestry palate.

Asante sana and enjoy the celebrations!“

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