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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

Diplomat Magazine
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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

The Embassy of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay marked his country’s Independence Day with a grand and festive reception. Held on August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague, the event drew over 200 distinguished guests from various sectors of Dutch society.

Ambassadors, chiefs of international missions, diplomats, academics, business leaders, and representatives from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with members of the Uruguayan community, all responded to H.E. Ambassador Dr. Álvaro González Otero’s invitation to celebrate ‘Día de la Independencia’—Uruguay’s National Day, commemorating its independence from Brazil in 1825.

H.E. Dr. Álvaro González Otero, Ambassador of Uruguay. National Day 2024 The Hague.

After nearly 200 years of conflict and civil unrest under Spanish and then Brazilian rule, Uruguay has emerged as a country renowned for its welcoming people, stunning landscapes, first-class meat production, and high-quality wine. In recent decades, Uruguayans have enjoyed a stable democracy, a steady improvement in living conditions, and overall well-being.

In a packed room with an animated audience, Ambassador González Otero took the microphone to thank all the attendees for their sincere affection for his people and country. He then proudly expressed:

“Two years have quickly passed since I arrived in this lovely kingdom. Since then, we have started to shift the focus of the Embassy, placing more emphasis on our bilateral relations. The Netherlands and Uruguay have more in common than people might imagine. We share international principles, landscapes, agricultural production, developed services, qualified exports, and a progressive lifestyle.

We also share strong commitments to the well-being of our citizens and visitors, the protection of human rights, environmental sustainability, progressive social policies, and significant efforts towards renewable energy and climate action. Both countries also emphasize education, democratic governance, and active participation in international organizations promoting peace and development. So, we will keep working to boost our bilateral relations.”

Uruguay National Day, August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague.
From the Embassy of Uruguay, Counsellor Pablo Bayarres, Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Hans Akerboom, Deputy Director Protocol and Host Country Affairs from the Netherlands.

Ambassador González Otero then listed some of the most relevant initiatives undertaken by the Embassy over the last few months:

– Uruguayan participation in the World Hydrogen Summit 2024: Led by the Minister of Industry, Energy, and Mining, Ms. Elisa Facio, with over 50 representatives from various sectors of the public and private sectors.

– Active participation in the “26th World Energy Congress.”

– Cooperation Project with Delft Institute for Water Education: Since 2011, Uruguayan professionals specializing in water resources have participated in the Delft Institute program for advanced training. Initially, the program began with 40 scholarships, resulting in 37 professionals successfully completing their studies. This early success led to the program’s relocation and implementation at the Technological University of Uruguay, now featuring regional participation. The program has since had two new editions in 2022 and 2024, expanding to include 17 professionals from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. This development has transformed Uruguay into a regional hub in the field of water resource education.

– Uruguay’s status as one of the 32 signing states of the Ljubljana – The Hague Convention in February 2024.

– Positioning Uruguay as a potential living and working destination for Dutch farmers.

– Interactions with RVO and Port of Rotterdam related to port cooperation.

– Exploring and initiating new cooperation projects with Westland Municipality and Wageningen University.

– Meetings with private sector actors related to agribusiness.

– Preparation for the Capitan Miranda’s visit to Amsterdam: Uruguay’s school tall ship has already confirmed its participation in Sail Amsterdam 2025.

– Multilateral achievements: The Embassy has made progress in multilateral areas, including ongoing contributions and work with international organizations based in The Hague: the ICJ, ICC, OPCW, HCCH, and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Additionally, a closer relationship with The Hague Academy of International Law has been pursued. Significant advances have also been made through the coordinated work of the GRULAC Group in relation to various international organizations.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General , Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Mr Arias spouse, Patricia van Oordt.

Following his remarks, Ambassador González Otero invited the audience to watch a short video about Uruguay, which made a great impression on those present. He expressed, “Uruguay is an exceptional country that has developed a dynamic and robust culture, shaped by a fascinating blend of gaucho traditions, European influences, and the unique Rioplatense spirit. Tango, folklore, candombe, and milonga are examples of its rich artistic musical expression. Uruguayan gastronomy, featuring high-quality meat, wine, and dairy products, especially the beloved ‘dulce de leche,’ delights palates and consistently wins prestigious awards worldwide.”

“The work we have done does not mean we are satisfied; we want to continue advancing in a deeper process. The bilateral relationship is already strong, but the potential to strengthen bonds in several key areas is even greater.”

The Ambassador of Uruguay, H.E. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero and the President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, Judge Graciela Gatti Santana with her husband Mr Gustavo Segovia.

The event was conceived to showcase the rich and diverse culture of Uruguay, a nation with a population of approximately 3,495,527 as of 2022.

The national anthems of Uruguay and the Netherlands were performed by the Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos. After the ambassador’s speech, the Embassy paid tribute to two influential musicians: José “El Sabalero” Carbajal and Jaime Roos, who both lived in the Netherlands. Jaime Roos settled in Amsterdam in 1978, where he played bass in several salsa, rock, and jazz groups. He had a son and remained in the Netherlands until 1984 when he returned to Uruguay.

Carbajal spent his days in the Netherlands with his wife, Anke van Haastrecht, and their two children. Anke was invited to share some special stories from their life together.

Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos.
Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez.

The enthusiastic audience enjoyed an authentic performance by talented Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez. The celebration continued with Uruguayan wine, classic savory empanadas, and dulce de leche, which delighted the crowded room and completed the great celebration.

Ambassador González Otero concluded the event by thanking his Embassy team: Counselor Pablo Bayarres, Chancellor Gustavo Morales, his assistant Juan Diego, and Martha Hernández and Sofía Anastasiou. He then led a warm toast for the people of the Netherlands, Uruguay, and the necessary and desired peace in the world.

China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

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China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

By Mariarosaria Iorio, Political Analyst

I. The post-cold war world  

International relations are nowadays characterised by major changes that started at the end of the 80s with the fall of the Berlin Wall.  Indeed, the end of the cold war was marked by the dislocation of the two main political blocks, namely the Soviet Union and the Western World. Such a dislocation resulted in the marginalization of the post-war multilateral system embodied in the United Nations, and the standstill of the multilateral trade negotiations in the late 90s in the context of the World Trade Organisation.  New lines of political thought have been facing each other since then, while reshaping the post-cold war world in a number of fragmented and variable sub-blocks of countries. 

The United States decided to put itself first by concentrating on its internal affairs, while withdrawing from international affairs.  

Europe, the old continent, looks for an efficient strategy towards autonomy from the United States.  Europe also tries, not without difficulty, to create a more cohesive internal and external political approach.  The reality is however evolving rather more towards fragmentation of Europe in favour of European National fragmented interests. Such a fragmentation is the natural consequence of the decadence of the European Institutional and collective actions to the advantage of individual Sates actions and interests.   In sum, what seemed to be a structured and coherent European Union block fighting for the promotion of its economic and political values all over the world has somehow become an alliance at variable geometry both internally and externally.  The disorganisation of the leadership results in a chaotic and unpredictable European External and Internal action. 

Thereof, the empty influence spaces left on the international relations scene has given new international actors the opportunity to emerge.  

Meanwhile, the fragmentation of the European Institutions has also impacted the EU-USA relations within NATO, and affected the security and peace sphere.  Security issues have been on and off on the European agenda.    

In this context, Russia that has lost its empire in the 80s looks now for a new power game. In spite of the disruption of the Soviet Union, Russia attempts either by influence or by force to exercise power in its ancient affiliate countries.  Russia that was supposed to be defeated with the fall of the Berlin Wall takes back its role of opponent to the Western World on the international scene at least as it concerns the international affairs philosophy.  Thus, creating a tension aimed at restoring its power in the world.   

The group of emerging and developing economies that constitute a new variable block with a large portion of population employed in agriculture have emerged as new actors in the world’s geo-political discourses.  At the head of this block on the international scene, there is China.  The shaky international leadership context has indeed given China a new space. China’s   communist past combined with its market-based economic strategy gives it a particular position.  

China is The One that can communicate to Russia. China is also The One that can have an influence on the Western economic and political scene as China owns a big part of Western Foreign Debt  

China embeds a horizontal strategy in both its trade and development policies, while producing at low wages.  Its production system coupled with its pragmatic political approach has reshaped the international power structure.  The top-down approach of the Western World faces now the competition created by the horizontal win-win approach proposed by China in both developing and industrialized countries.

Indeed, as a result of the decline of the Western World global hegemony based on market access and economic and social liberalism as a means to ensure economic growth and promote economic development, the vision promoted by China’s discourse, centred on the protection of livelihoods and local sovereign choices finds new adepts.  Furthermore, China has successfully attempted to promote a trade-off approach to international cooperation during the last 20 years.  A cooperation that does not interfere in internal affairs of partner countries as it has often reproached to the Western countries involved in international cooperation.  

As the developing countries leader, China positions itself as the spoke country for the poor.  As a new world powerful economic actor China plays as the guarantor of the Western Economic stability.  China positions itself as the bridge between the rich and the poor.  It is representing a different hegemonic game that only changes in its discourse, while still pursuing its own interests and influence zones.  Such a situation poses the question of the values that the international regime wants to embrace.  Indeed, this changing world results in an increased number of conflicts – be new or historical conflicts.  

The dislocation of the traditional leaders of the international relations has definitely created a chaotic and unpredictable scenario.  Chaos has in some cases been chosen as a political strategy to disrupt the post-1945 international regime. Such a disruption has benefitted new actors, and given space to new lines of thought.  These new lines of thought have attacked the existing international framework but has not yet succeeded in creating a new regime.  The increasing unbalance of power and the lack of leadership on the international political scene is risky. 

The reduction by choice of leadership of the United States has indeed resulted in the weakening of the values emerged as a result of the dramatic experience of Second World War, namely freedom of thought and freedom of speech to mention only a few.   We are now facing a much more authoritarian world with force used as a means to manage the political arena.  Dialogue seems to be a rather consuming exercise that has left its place to the use of force.  Force is no longer seen as the last option but rather the opening act for political dialogue.  Nationalism and individual interests are now at the centre of the political game. This trend is taking the world to instability and conflict.  

The peoples of the world are more and more questioning the existing system. People’s needs and expectations are not met.  The new emerged actors, such as China have given the hope of a possible change in the present international system without fundamentally questioning its rationale but rather trying to rip a slate of the cake.  

The struggle for influence among countries has not succeeded in building a peaceful and stable world. Citizens will have to face the challenge of building a new era of peace and stability worldwide.

Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

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Derrière les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

S.E. M. Philippe Couvreur est arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982, où il a d’abord occupé le poste d’assistant spécial aux bureaux du greffier et du greffier adjoint de la Cour internationale de Justice.

Il a ensuite exercé les fonctions de Secrétaire, Premier Secrétaire et Secrétaire juridique principal, avant d’être élu Greffier de la Cour en 2000, et réélu en 2007 et 2014. Pour marquer l’anniversaire de ses débuts à la Cour, il y a 35 ans, Diplomat Magazine l’a invité à témoigner de son expérience unique au service de cette institution, des évolutions qu’il a pu y observer, et à partager le regard qu’il porte sur les changements qui ont marqué la Cour et La Haye au cours des trois dernières décennies.
Philippe Couvreur avec le Pape Jean-Paul II prise le 13 mai 1985.
Je suis arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982 — de façon aussi inattendue que j’avais entamé des études de droit treize ans auparavant (mais c’est là une autre histoire…) — pour occuper un poste temporaire à la Cour internationale de Justice. La Cour était alors la seule institution judiciaire internationale existante au plan universel. Son activité, particulièrement faible à la fin des années 1970, ne pouvait en ce temps-là guère laisser présager du succès que rencontrerait la Cour dans les décennies à venir. Mon bienveillant maître de Louvain, le professeur Paul de Visscher, fils du célèbre internationaliste Charles de Visscher, unique juge belge à la Cour, m’avait prédit des jours aussi sereins qu’heureux, écoulés à lire et à écrire des ouvrages dans la solitude des imposants murs de la bibliothèque du Palais de la Paix…
Les mémoires ont été dûment déposés dans l’affaire El Salvador c. Honduras dans la salle Bol le 1 juin 1988, l’affaire du Différend frontalier terrestre, insulaire et maritime.
En rejoignant la Cour, un frais matin d’avril, dont je garde un souvenir très précis, le jeune juriste que j’étais découvrit, non sans étonnement, une organisation de taille très modeste, le Greffe, qui en est l’organe administratif, alors composé de moins d’une quarantaine de fonctionnaires. Le fonctionnement de la Cour reposait entièrement sur cette équipe restreinte de personnel permanent, auquel s’ajoutait, selon que de besoin, un personnel temporaire pour faire face au surcroît de travaux linguistiques et de sténodactylographie lors des sessions (publiques et privées) de la Cour. Je me rappelle avoir été frappé par la personnalité haute en couleur de certains de ces traducteurs indépendants, dont la grande culture littéraire m’émerveillait. Cette structure très économique du Greffe impliquait une grande polyvalence de ses membres, et les Secrétaires de la Cour — ses fonctionnaires supérieurs — étaient appelés, en sus de leurs travaux de recherches juridiques, de préparation des documents de la Cour, et de rédaction de la correspondance diplomatique, à assumer eux-mêmes l’essentiel des tâches linguistiques (traduction et interprétation) et d’information, ainsi que la supervision de nombreuses activités administratives et logistiques.
La Grande salle de Justice, l’affaire Relative au Timor Oriental (Portugal c. Australie) Arrêt du 30 juin 1995.
Il n’était nullement rare qu’un nouveau venu comme moi ait à passer week-ends et nuits blanches au Palais de la Paix à effectuer les travaux les plus divers… allant jusqu’à imprimer et polycopier, sur de vieilles machines à stencils ronéotype, des décisions dont la Cour devait donner la lecture en séance publique le lendemain ! Dès mon arrivée au Greffe, j’ai eu le bonheur et le privilège d’être initié et associé à l’ensemble des fonctions de l’institution sous la patiente supervision de personnalités d’exception, tels que MM. Torres Bernárdez et Pillepich, alors respectivement Greffier et Greffier adjoint. J’en ai retiré le plus grand bénéfice, puisque cette immersion sans préparation dans toutes les facettes de l’activité du Greffe m’a permis d’acquérir de ce dernier une connaissance unique — de l’intérieur — et sous tous ses aspects —, un acquis particulièrement précieux au moment où j’ai été amené, bien des années plus tard, à assumer la délicate responsabilité d’en assurer la gestion au plus haut niveau. Devenir un fonctionnaire du Greffe au début des années 1980 signifiait accepter de se couler sans discussion dans un moule à tous égards exigeant, et se donner corps et âme, avec humilité et discrétion, à l’institution, sans penser à soi ni parler de soi. Depuis ces années d’initiation, j’ai été le témoin de profondes transformations de la Cour, rendues inévitables à la fois pour répondre à l’accroissement considérable de ses activités, avec la disparition du monde bipolaire qui avait relégué le règlement judiciaire à un rôle quelque peu marginal, et pour saisir les opportunités nouvelles offertes, notamment, par le progrès des technologies et de la communication. Entre 1982 et aujourd’hui, le nombre de fonctionnaires a ainsi presque triplé (il a quasiment doublé depuis l’an 2000, année de ma première élection en tant que Greffier). L’organisation du travail a été progressivement spécialisée entre les divers départements, juridique, linguistique et chargé de l’information, qui furent créés en 1997, et les services techniques. Par ailleurs, les Membres de la Cour ne disposèrent pas, pendant longtemps, de « référendaires » — ils s’y sont d’ailleurs longtemps refusés—, et l’assistance apportée aux juges en matière judiciaire était principalement répartie entre les fonctionnaires du Département des affaires juridiques.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur avec la Reine Beatrix photo prise pendant le 50 eme anniversaire de la Cour (18-04-1996).
Les cinq premiers postes de juristes référendaires ne furent obtenus de l’Assemblée générale et créés qu’en 2002, à l’issue de difficiles négociations que je me souviens avoir menées avec beaucoup de plaisir et d’intérêt ; le nombre de ces postes s’est progressivement accru, pour s’élever à quinze aujourd’hui. Les divers développements qui ont marqué le monde au cours des dernières décennies n’ont pas manqué de soulever pour la Cour de nouveaux défis. Comme c’est le cas pour toute institution, elle n’a pu les relever en faisant table rase des enseignements de son histoire ni, à l’inverse, en ne saisissant pas toutes les opportunités offertes par le temps présent. A ces différents égards, la Cour est certainement parvenue, au fil des ans, à assurer un équilibre, toujours délicat, entre changements et continuité. La continuité de la Cour est bien sûr inscrite dans son Statut, qui fait partie intégrante de la Charte des Nations Unies, et reflétée dans ses méthodes judiciaires, qui ont été très largement élaborées par sa devancière, la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, et héritées d’elle. Cette continuité historique était particulièrement présente lorsque j’ai rejoint le Greffe. Ainsi, en manière d’anecdote, divers hauts fonctionnaires alors en poste avaient eux-mêmes côtoyé, au début de leur carrière, d’anciens fonctionnaires de la Cour permanente. Tous nourrissaient à l’égard de cette dernière le plus grand respect. Il régnait d’ailleurs dans les couloirs du Palais de la Paix une atmosphère feutrée et délicieusement surannée, évocatrice de la défunte Société des Nations. Je me souviens en avoir encore utilisé maintes fournitures de bureau ! La continuité jurisprudentielle et procédurale entre les deux Cours constitue pour les Etats une garantie importante de sécurité et de prévisibilité juridiques. Cette continuité, juridique et historique, de même que l’expérience accumulée en plus de quatre-vingt-dix ans d’exercice de la fonction judiciaire, sont pour la Cour un facteur crucial de légitimité.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur vec le Roi Willem-Alexander photo prise pendant le 70 eme anniversaire de la Cour (20-04-2016).
En même temps, la Cour a eu, à l’évidence, à s’adapter aux changements du monde réel dans lequel elle opère, comme aux nécessités et opportunités nouvelles de chaque époque traversée. L’une des transformations notoires auxquelles j’ai assisté fut l’ouverture croissante de la Cour sur l’extérieur : longtemps à l’écart, à dessein, des organes politiques des Nations Unies, la Cour a souhaité se faire plus et mieux entendre de ces organes et des Etats membres. Elle a ainsi rompu avec ce qui était parfois perçu comme un « splendide isolement » au sein des Nations Unies, même si elle défend toujours jalousement son autonomie. La Cour doit en outre désormais également tenir compte des nombreuses autres juridictions, internationales ou régionales, qui ont été créées ces dernières années, et veiller, autant que possible, à assurer l’harmonie du « concert judiciaire » que permet ce foisonnement de cours et tribunaux sur la scène internationale. Davantage ouverte sur la communauté internationale et ses réalités, la Cour s’est montrée de plus en plus attentive, non seulement à sa place dans l’Organisation des Nations Unies, mais aussi à la poursuite des objectifs de celle-ci et à sa mission propre au service du règlement pacifique des différends internationaux. Des différends de plus en plus complexes, tant juridiquement que factuellement, en même temps que politiquement plus denses, lui ont été soumis. En révisant constamment, selon que de besoin, ses méthodes de travail, elle a su les résoudre rapidement et efficacement, à un coût particulièrement modeste pour la communauté internationale, tout en assurant le développement du droit. Enfin, pour conclure sur une note plus prosaïque, mais qui est loin d’être négligeable, je ne peux taire la chance que j’ai eue de connaître l’extraordinaire développement de la ville de La Haye au cours des 35 dernières années. Celle-ci offre aujourd’hui à la Cour, comme aux nombreuses institutions internationales qui s’y sont installées à sa suite, une qualité de vie et un cadre de travail uniques, qui sont très loin de ressembler à ce que j’ai trouvé en y arrivant. A l’image de l’imposante stature du Palais de la Paix où elle siège, symbole mondialement connu de la justice internationale, la Cour est une institution solidement établie. En dépit des périodes de doute ou de désaffection qu’elle a traversées par le passé, son rôle est unanimement salué au sein de la communauté internationale et le recours à ses services par les Etats n’a jamais été aussi soutenu. 35 ans après, je continue de mesurer chaque jour le privilège qui est le mien de servir au mieux de mes capacités l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies. —– Les photos dans l’article sont une courtoisie de la Cour International de Justice.

China’s five-year plans present major opportunities for the Netherlands and the world

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China’s five-year plans present major opportunities for the Netherlands and the world

By Mr. Zhang Yi, Charge d’affaires ad interim of the Embassy of People’s Republic of China in the Netherlands.

The Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China has recently adopted the Recommendations for Formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan. This milestone document sets forth the strategic framework for China’s economic and social development for the 2026-2030 period, outlining a forward-looking vision for deepening mutually beneficial cooperation with the international community.

Five-Year Plans: A Pillar of China’s Governance Capacity

Since the launch of the First Five-Year Plan in 1953, China has achieved two historic accomplishments rarely seen in human history-rapid economic growth and long-term social stability. From a country once struggling to produce basic goods such as matches and screws, China has evolved into the world’s largest manufacturing center, the second-largest consumer market, and the largest trading partner for over 150 countries and regions.

Over the past four decades, China has lifted more than 800 million people out of poverty, accounting for over 70 percent of global poverty reduction during this period. By 2020, all 98.99 million rural residents living below the current poverty line had been lifted out of poverty, achieving the UN 2030 Agenda’s poverty alleviation goal a full decade ahead of schedule.

The Five-Year Plan system is recognized as a distinctive institutional strength of China’s governance. While long-term centenary goals provide the overarching vision, Five-Year Plans translate that vision into concrete, actionable steps. China’s achievements have not been a product of chance but the result of institutional coherence, strategic planning, and the persistent efforts of generations.

As a strategic, systemic, and forward-looking framework, the Five-Year Plan aligns the strengths of an “effective market” with those of a “capable government,” mobilizing nationwide resources to advance key national undertakings and accelerating the historic process of Chinese modernization.

Historic Progress Under the 14th Five-Year Plan

As the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025) draws to a close, China has made significant, transformative advances on its path toward high-quality development. The country’s overall national strength has reached a new level, while steady progress has been made in pursuing Chinese modernization.

Economically, China has maintained steady, sound growth. Since 2021, the economy has sustained an average annual growth rate of around 5.5 percent, contributing roughly 30 percent of global economic expansion. China’s GDP is expected to reach approximately 140 trillion yuan in 2025. In 2024 alone, China’s imports exceeded USD 2.82 trillion, creating vast opportunities for global enterprises.

China’s wind and solar exports have played a major role in advancing global decarbonization efforts, helping other countries reduce an estimated 4.1 billion tonnes of carbon emissions since 2021. Energy consumption per unit of GDP has fallen by 11.6 percent over the past four years, and China remains the world’s largest producer and seller of new energy vehicles.

China has embedded the implementation of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in the 14th Five-Year Plan. Initiatives such as the Global Development Initiative have strengthened cooperation with the UN system and various international organizations, supporting over 180 development projects across more than 60 countries and benefiting over 30 million people.

The Blueprint for the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026–2030)

The central objective of the 15th Five-Year Plan is to make steady progress toward realizing socialist modernization by 2035. One major benchmark is raising China’s per capita GDP to the level of moderately developed countries. The Recommendations reaffirm high-quality development as the overriding priority, highlight scientific and technological innovation as the primary driver, call for steady progress toward common prosperity, and reiterate the Party’s strong commitment to combating corruption.

The drafting process exemplifies whole-process people’s democracy. Under the direct leadership of President Xi Jinping, six central research teams conducted extensive field studies; 35 major research projects were launched; and more than 3 million public submissions were collected through online consultations, from which over 1,500 high-quality suggestions were incorporated. This process transformed collective insight into national strategy and ensured scientific, democratic, and law-based policy making.

New Opportunities: China’s Opening-Up in the 15th Five-Year Plan

The plenary session reaffirmed China’s unwavering commitment to high-standard opening up, deepening mutually beneficial cooperation, and contributing to the building of a community with a shared future for humanity. China’s industrial upgrading and the continued expansion of its domestic market will create new and far-reaching opportunities for global investors and trading partners.

Between 2026 and 2030, China will further expand market access in the services sector, strengthen regional and bilateral cooperation mechanisms, broaden its network of high-standard free trade agreements, increase imports to support industrial upgrading and meet rising consumer demand, and foster a more transparent, stable, and predictable business environment.

With 22 pilot free trade zones and the Hainan Free Trade Port, China has fully lifted foreign investment restrictions in manufacturing and significantly expanded market access in telecommunications, healthcare, and education.

China-Netherlands Relations: New Momentum for a New Era

The Netherlands remains China’s important Open and Pragmatic Partner for Comprehensive Cooperation. China views its partnership with the Netherlands as an integral part of China-EU relations and a key component of its broader opening to Europe. The 15th Five-Year Plan period will inject new impetus into bilateral relations across several areas, including economic and trade cooperation, where China is eager to deepen ties in trade, investment, logistics, agri-food collaboration, and high-end manufacturing. The complementarity between China’s vast market and the Netherlands’ advanced industries presents strong mutual benefits.

In green and sustainable development, China and the Netherlands can expand cooperation in renewable energy, the circular economy, green technologies, and climate-transition solutions. On digital and technological innovation, China welcomes Dutch participation in cooperative efforts on the digital economy, smart logistics, AI governance, and next-generation infrastructure, grounded in mutual respect and equality. Additionally, China supports enhanced exchanges in education, research, culture, tourism, and subnational cooperation to strengthen the social foundation of bilateral ties.

A More Open China, A More Stable World

China’s continued opening up will generate far-reaching global benefits. As a major economy with deep integration into global supply chains, China’s prospects for stable growth, strong innovation momentum, and expanded cooperation will reinforce global confidence amid rising uncertainties. China stands ready to work with the international community to advance the Global Governance Initiative, promote a fairer and more equitable global governance system, and contribute to building a community with a shared future for humanity.

Senegal at Sociëteit De Witte

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Senegal at Sociëteit De Witte

Her Excellency Ramatoulaye Ba Faye, Ambassador of the Republic of Senegal to the Netherlands, delivered a remarkable lecture in French to the Africa Table at Sociëteit De Witte on 9 September 2025. Her presentation, titled “Successful Electoral Transition: Building on the Positive Experience of Senegal,” offered a masterful and deeply insightful overview of Senegal’s modern political evolution.

Addressing an audience that included the Ambassador of Venezuela, a former Dutch Ambassador to Senegal, writers, politicians, retired public servants, and members of De Witte with a keen interest in Africa, Ambassador Ba Faye created a uniquely personal and interactive exchange. She carefully explained the foundations of Senegal’s political stability, highlighting how the country’s democratic system—one of the most resilient in Africa—has advanced through consensus, negotiation, and respect for institutional continuity.

The Ambassador detailed Senegal’s transition from decades of single-party dominance to a competitive multi-party system, underscoring the significance of the 2016 constitutional reform that limited presidential mandates to two consecutive five-year terms. This evolution, she emphasized, occurred not through coercion but through dialogue among political actors and a commitment to democratic principles. Senegal’s history of peacekeeping, regional mediation, and constitutional reform contextualizes the democratic transition culminating in the election of President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, who took office in April 2024.

Franck Diafouka, Founder and Chair of the Africa Table, welcomed the invited guests to Sociëteit De Witte. He recalled that the Africa Table operates under the Chatham House Rule and serves as an engaged multidisciplinary forum exploring the issues, dynamics, and opportunities shaping the African continent. Its debates—held quarterly in English or French—bring together academics, practitioners, and experts from diverse fields, from culture and philosophy to diplomacy, economics, and security.

The next Africa Table keynote will be delivered by H.E. Mr. Vusi Madonsela, Ambassador of South Africa, on Tuesday 13 January 2026.

On 18 November 2025, the Africa Table also hosted a panel discussion on “The Future of Architecture in Africa,” featuring architects Ms. Hilary Lukose (Kenya/UK), Mr. Steve Dingui (Ivory Coast/France), and Mr. Miguel Correia (Portugal).

Kosovo film screening ENFF 2025

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Kosovo film screening ENFF 2025

In the framework of the Eastern Neighbours Film Festival 2025, Kosovo’s filmmakers took centre stage in The Hague, showcasing two remarkable films that captured the country’s depth, emotion, and evolving creativity.

Among them, there was ‘117’, directed by the famous director Besim Sahatçiu, whose legacy was beautifully honoured through a video message from his granddaughter, the internationally-renowned singer Rita Ora, expressing pride in continuing his artistic path and celebrating Kosovo’s place in world cinema.

The cinematographic premiere also featured ‘Phantom Youth’ (Original title in Albanian language: Bota Jonë) by Luana Bajrami, a poetic portrayal of transformation and identity that reflects the fresh perspective of Kosovo’s new generation of filmmakers.

On Friday, 7 November, filmmaker and director of the Kosovo Cinematography Centre, Blerta Zeqiri, held an insightful talk titled “Kosovar Cinema on the Rise”. The talk highlighted Kosovo’s rich cinematic heritage and the evolution of its film industry through the years, navigating the challenges and achievements which contributed to fostering a vibrant cinematic culture in the region.

Following the screenings, the Embassy of the Republic of Kosovo in The Hague hosted a warm reception where guests were welcomed with traditional food from the region, drinks, and inspiring conversations that encouraged cultural exchange and new connections.

The event was attended by distinguished members of the diplomatic community as well as Dutch and international film industry experts. The event beautifully reflected how Kosovo’s cinema continues to build bridges between heritage and modern vision.

17th Eastern Neighbours Film Festival 2025

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17th Eastern Neighbours Film Festival 2025

By Roy Lie Atjam

The Embassy of Kosovo in The Hague hosted a screening of two films at the Eastern Neighbours Film Festival 2025, inviting several guests to attend. Indeed, Kosovar cinema is certainly on the rise. This year’s program featured two Kosovar films, providing a valuable opportunity to showcase the creativity, resilience, and evolving narratives of Kosovo’s contemporary film scene.

Notably, one of the films, Phantom Youth, is not intended purely for entertainment; it encourages viewers to reflect deeply. The film is historical, educational, illustrating the predicaments and resilience of Kosovo’s youth. While there were beers and cigarettes a go-go, there was no fighting, only an undeniable sense of solidarity.The performances by the actors were sublime.

Venue, Filmhuis Den Haag. 8 Nov. 2025.

Celebration 102nd Anniversary Proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye

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Celebration 102nd Anniversary Proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye

By Roy Lie Atjam

On October 31, 2025, H.E. Ms. Fatma Ceren Yazgan, the Ambassador of the Republic of Türkiye, hosted a reception to celebrate the 102nd anniversary of the Proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye.

This festive occasion attracted a diverse group of attendees, including various ambassadors, diplomats, and representatives from the Dutch-Turkish business community.

During the event, Ambassador Fatma Ceren Yazgan confidently delivered her inaugural National Day speech. In her welcoming remarks, she included quotes and unequivocally expressed her gratitude to all sections of the embassy, including the Consulates General in Amsterdam, Deventer, and Rotterdam, as well as the Military Attaché and Counsellors of Interior Affairs, among others. Excerpts from Ambassador Fatma Ceren Yazgan’s maiden speech are an essential component of this National Day review.

 “Before I go into the speech, screening of a video demonstrated what the Turkish Republic is from the voice of its founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk himself.

You have just heard the address of Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk on the 10th anniversary of the Republic. He led us to independence, and decided not to be the ruler himself, but he strived to have a Republic. The same message is echoed in the message of our President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan that is presented herewith, -in the room: “Sovereignty unconditionally belongs to the nation”.Both leaders, in two messages from the 10th and the 102 nd anniversary underline, that sovereignty, which comes from the nation, is based on a centuries-old continuum of state tradition of the Turkish people, who in face of most difficult times found a way to survive, and the courage and strength in national unity.

In this proud moment we also find a kindred spirit in the history of the Dutch people, who centuries ago fought their own struggle for independence leading the founding of the Dutch Republic of 1581.

While some German newspapers continue to claim that Germans were the first to recognize the Dutch Republic, I have to say, that the Ottomans were the first to recognize the Dutch Republic, not least because they wanted to trade. Our  relations with the Netherlands began in 1612, growing through diplomacy and trade.

The Netherlands is the largest investor in Türkiye and our trade volume has reached 13 billion euros. However, our most valuable joint investment has been in human resources; a vibrant Dutch Turkish community who are today represented. They have been evolving since 1964, from blue-collar guest workers to builders, vendors, financiers, industrialists, DJs, police officers, military personnel, scientists and tech wizards of generations.

Amsterdam and Eindhoven are now filled with tech and finance savvy new expats. The old migrants -the Dutch Turks- they speak Dutch, the new expats don’t speak Dutch, and that is my difficulty  as the Ambassador. I am trying to make them speak Turkish to each other, Dutch with the Netherlands, and English with the world. If we can do this with the millennials and Gen Z, on their Instagram and TikTok, then we shall have the task accomplished in the spirit of this century.

I would like to say that we have a lot of good stories to tell and many more to come.

In Queen Beatrix’s wise words I would like to reiterate here,“openness and tolerance form a major basis of trust.” Throughout the ages, our society drew strength from the presence of people with different cultural or ideological backgrounds.”

Preceding Magna Carta, in 622 the Prophet Mohammed drafted a text in the city of Madina, to make the Jews, the Christians, and the Muslims, who were the new ummah, to live in peace and he regulated the code of conduct for conflict resolution and the trade.

The Ottoman Ambassador, who died here in 1914 and is buried in The Hague, was a Greek Ottoman, Aristarki Bey. I am now the 40 th Ambassador in this line, which is representing that continuum and I am very proud to be the second woman ambassador, after Ambassador Filiz Dinçmen, who was the first Turkish female Ambassador. We always need wise women. Queen Beatrix, a wise woman once said “It is important to identify what binds us. We cannot deny our differences but must see them as a starting point for social dialogue. That is the basis for mutual respect”. Yet, there are some differences which may not be overcome.

I can-assure our Dutch friends that they may have to accept the fact that the Turks will continue to fight for paying the bill at restaurants and cafés. So, “tikkie” is not for the Turks (a quick and easy  bank payment). We are now doing much better in NATO, we appreciate our alliance, look forward to developing our complementary defense capacities and abilities. Yet, in a world of uncertainties, frankly speaking, mind blowing technological change, populism and ideological extremes, the best defense we all can build will be with common sense, consistency and coherence.

Residing in The Hague, as it also happens to be the capital of international law, is a priceless opportunity and experience for all diplomats. Likewise, being accredited to the OPCW at the same time gives us a unique opportunity to make an impact defending a rules-based international order that we thought to have existed following two world wars.

And yet our children today are very aware that this order could not protect the innocent lives. They are worried about the future. They had read Anne Frank’s diary and were promised never again the humanity would allow such horrors. But they watched Hind Rajab’s murder, they hear her last words. They read and watched that this world order that their fathers and mothers are defending couldn’t protect the Palestinian children, the Ukrainian children, and most recently the Sudanese children. A lot of children, we have disappointed.

Our nations risk losing faith in the strength of democracies; that democracies can defend them against a failing international order. Peace is worth much more than any domestic political victory or profits at stock exchange. We must prevent and stop bloodshed wherever it occurs and deter all forms of expansionism and extremism.

Today, I am proud to be part of the diplomatic corps in The Hague where most distinguished diplomats from all over the world have the chance to work with one of the best diplomatic traditions in the world. To our colleagues from MINBUZA: I am fully assured that we shall collectively and in cooperation with each other, make diplomacy great again.”

Ambassador Horogszegi Szilágyi-Landeck on Diplomacy, Innovation, and Cultural Exchange

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Ambassador Horogszegi Szilágyi-Landeck on Diplomacy, Innovation, and Cultural Exchange

Hungary and the Netherlands share a multifaceted relationship rooted in strong economic ties, centuries-old cultural connections, and close cooperation within the European Union and NATO. In an exclusive interview with Diplomat Magazine, H.E. Mr. Dániel Horogszegi Szilágyi-Landeck, Ambassador of Hungary to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, reflects on the current state of bilateral relations and outlines key areas for future collaboration—from defence and technological innovation to cultural diplomacy and people-to-people contacts.

Since taking up his post in 2024, Ambassador Horogszegi Szilágyi-Landeck has placed particular emphasis on building bridges, strengthening dialogue, and enhancing Hungary’s visibility across political, economic, and cultural spheres. With major anniversaries approaching in 2026 and new opportunities emerging in sectors such as AgriTech, deep tech, green energy, and defence modernisation, the Ambassador highlights a dynamic and forward-looking partnership shaped by shared European values and a commitment to peace, stability, and competitiveness.

How would you describe the current state of Hungary–Netherlands relations, and in which areas do you see the greatest potential for further cooperation—whether political, economic, or cultural?

The relationship between Hungary and the Netherlands is characterized by strong economic foundations, significant investments, and our shared alliance within the European Union and NATO, even though it is occasionally nuanced by differences in opinion regarding certain EU political issues. Having open economies, both nations share a fundamental commitment to the single European market and to fostering international trade. Economically and technologically, there is immense potential in combining Hungarian innovation with Dutch expertise in AgriTech, sustainable water management, and the circular economy. Research and development are key, joint projects focusing on autonomous systems, Artificial Intelligence (AI), and deep tech can be mutually beneficial and collectively enhance Europe’s global competitiveness. Furthermore, given our shared commitments as NATO Allies, enhancing collaboration in the defence industry presents a critical area for future growth. This includes cooperating on defence-related R&D and innovation, focusing on areas like cyber security, and exploring opportunities for Hungarian and Dutch companies to participate in each other’s defence modernization projects. Such collaboration would not only strengthen our bilateral ties but also contribute directly to our collective capabilities and resilience in a challenging security environment.

Emphasis on cultural diplomacy is one of my priorities. Hungary and the Netherlands share a centuries old shared cultural tradition and mutual sympathy. This partly to be thanked to the vivid exchange especially between Calvinist communities, to Hungarian students, the so called “peregrins” coming to the Netherlands since the17th century, but also to recent waves of Hungarians and Dutch settling for shorter or longer periods of time in the other respective country. 2026 will be a year with many important bilateral anniversaries and we are eager to use this opportunity to show even more of the rich Hungarian traditions, amazing art and attracting culture

As Ambassador, I am dedicated to further political and governmental cooperation between our countries. However, with Dutch coalition talks still ahead and the upcoming one in Hungary, for the time being we are focusing on laying the ground for collaboration.

Hungary has positioned itself as an attractive destination for investment within Central Europe. What opportunities exist today for Dutch companies looking to expand or invest in Hungary?

That is absolutely true, Hungary is one of the most attractive investment destinations in Central Europe. In our country, more than 500 Dutch companies are present, reflecting the strong confidence in our economy. The appeal for Dutch companies lies in our stability, strategic location at the crossroads of East and West, and a highly skilled workforce. But of course the attractive tax environment is also a very positive factor.

Hungary’s position along key transit routes makes it ideal for regional logistics. Furthermore, the country is rapidly becoming a central hub for European e-battery and vehicle manufacturing, offering broad opportunities across the entire supply chain. University cities across the country provide a talent pool with excellent language skills and IT knowledge, so major Dutch corporations, such as FrieslandCampina and KLM, have chosen the Hungarian capital as the location for their shared service centers. In addition, Dutch expertise in water management, waste management, and energy storage is highly sought after as Hungary pursues its own sustainability goals.

Beyond business advantages, Hungary is also a wonderful place to live. It offers a safe environment, good infrastructure, a vibrant gastronomic and cultural scene, and attractive, affordable housing prices, making it very appealing to expatriates.

As both EU member states, how do Hungary and the Netherlands work together to address shared challenges within the European Union and on the global stage?

As committed EU member states, Hungary and the Netherlands work together on numerous shared challenges, often behind the scenes. We both share a vested interest in safeguarding the integrity of the EU’s single market and enhancing European competitiveness globally. We cooperate closely in international trade forums to ensure the EU remains a powerful global player. While our energy mixes differ, we both advocate for solutions that increase energy security and affordability within the bloc. Furthermore, as key NATO allies, we actively contribute to reinforcing the alliance and participate jointly in NATO missions and capability development programs, underscoring our commitment to collective defence. With a war raging on our continent, Hungary is committed to peace and saving lives. We deem it fundamental that diplomacy gain the upper hand over weapons and we are committed to cooperate with our partners, including our ally, the Netherlands, to contribute to that goal.

Hungary is well known for its rich cultural heritage – from gastronomy and wine to classical music and innovation. How does your embassy in The Hague promote Hungarian culture and strengthen people-to-people connections?

Promoting Hungarian culture is one of the main priorities of our Embassy in The Hague. We believe that culture is one of the strongest tools to build and strengthen people-to-people connections. At every event we organize, whether it’s a diplomatic reception, a commemorative ceremony, or a smaller gathering, we try to represent Hungarian gastronomy. This can range from offering traditional bites made with products brought directly from Hungary, such as Hungarian ham, to serving classic dishes like Hungarian Chicken paprikás (pronounced: paprikash) at formal dinners.

We regularly organize wine tastings, where we not only promote the excellent quality and diversity of Hungarian wines but also maintain and develop cultural, business, and partner relations. Beyond our own events, we actively support and participate in Hungarian and Dutch cultural programs, concerts, and community gatherings. We make a continuous effort to stay informed about Hungarian initiatives in the Netherlands and to support them whenever possible.

We are fortunate to have a close relationship with the members of the large Hungarian diaspora, estimated at 25-40 thousand strong, which allows us to reach a broad audience and stay connected with the community. For example, in October, we organized one of our most successful events of recent years, a commemorative concert and reception at the beautiful Kloosterkerk in The Hague to mark the anniversary of the 1956 Revolution and Freedom Fight. The event hosted over 200 distinguished guests, including ambassadors, diplomats, business representatives, and representatives of Hungarian organizations in the Netherlands. The concert featured outstanding Hungarian musicians such as Márta Ábrahám and László Borbély, professors of the Liszt Academy in Budapest, as well as Máté Lachegyi, a Hungarian artist living in the Netherlands who plays an important role in preserving Hungarian culture here.

We also organize and co-host other cultural events throughout the year, such as the upcoming Advent Concert with the Hungarian Choir of The Hague and the annual Hungarian Family Day in Wassenaar, in cooperation with major Hungarian organizations in the Netherlands. Moreover, we aim at promoting, sharing, and supporting as many Hungarian events, programs, and cultural visits as we can, and at staying up-to-date with any related information.

Through these initiatives, our goal is to make Hungarian culture visible, appreciated, and accessible to both Dutch and Hungarian audiences, while strengthening personal and cultural connections between our two nations.

Since your arrival in the Netherlands, what have been your main diplomatic priorities, innovative changes, and what message would you like to share with our readers about Hungary’s vision for the future?

Since spring 2024, the time of my appointment as Ambassador of Hungary to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, we have achieved several important milestones, including successful high-level ministerial meetings, Hungary’s EU Presidency, our active participation in the NATO Summit 2025, and on my initiative, the establishment of both a new Defence and a new Agricultural Attaché Office. These developments have enhanced our presence and capacity to foster even closer cooperation.

My main diplomatic priorities have focused around building bridges, if possible, not trenches. Bridges between people, for trade and companies, bridges for cultural and scientific cooperation, but also bridges over difficult political topics. This involves maintaining an open, honest dialogue with our Dutch partners, always based on mutual respect and interest in each other’s values and background. It was for example my honour and privilege to be the first foreign Ambassador ever to present our EU Presidency in the Dutch parliament, which has since then become a habit. We have also strengthened bilateral relations across multiple dimensions, from political to economic and cultural. We continue to support Hungarian and Dutch citizens through our consular services and actively promote investment, trade, and tourism. At the same time, we have placed particular emphasis on fostering cultural exchange and maintaining close ties with the Hungarian community in the Netherlands.

A quantifiable objective is deepening economic and investment ties. I aim to increase bilateral trade, with a particular focus on the high-tech and digital sectors. Crucially, we are also committed to significantly developing cooperation in both the defence and agricultural sectors.

In The Hague, the international city of peace and justice, Hungary attaches great importance to multilateral diplomacy. We are proud of our active engagement in the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), where I currently hold the vice-chairmanship of the Conference of State Parties – a position, my country did not have for nearly 30 years. A great common achievement of my whole multilateral team! Beyond this, we maintain close dialogue with other international organisations and EU agencies based in the Netherlands.

Furthermore, I am personally keen to learn more about traditional Dutch family-owned businesses. I believe that, unlike large multinational corporations, the investment and business decisions of family enterprises often incorporate emotional aspects that go beyond purely economic figures.

Finally, I prioritize introducing my country to the Dutch people through soft diplomacy tools, sharing our culture, history, and vibrant contemporary life.

My message to your readers about Hungary’s vision for the future is this: Hungary is a country of stability and dynamic development in the heart of Europe. We are a nation deeply rooted in European culture but firmly focused on the future, with a long term vision. The Hungarian plan is to preserve our sovereignty, boost our own and the European competitiveness and continue to be a reliable partner to the Netherlands, EU member states, and across the oceans, both East and West, because connectivity and proactice diplomacy is of the utmost importance in our times. Our aim is to maintain dialogue with everyone and work together for peace and prosperity.

Celebrating Armenia’s 34th Anniversary

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Celebrating Armenia’s 34th Anniversary

On the occasion of the 34th Anniversary of the Independence of the Republic of Armenia, on 6 October 2025 in The Hague, H.E. Ambassador Viktor Biyagov hosted an outstanding commemoration at the historic Pulchri Gallery.

The event gathered Dutch government officials, heads of international organizations, ambassadors, members of the Diplomatic Corps at large, members of parliament, reverend fathers, business leaders, members of the Armenian diaspora, artists, and friends of Armenia. Distinguished guests included Judge Tomoko Akane, President of the ICC; Dr. Marcin Czepelak, Secretary-General of the Permanent Court of Arbitration; Mr. Philippe Gautier, Registrar of the ICJ; Mr. Osvaldo Zavala Giler, Registrar of the ICC; and Mr. Caspar Veldkamp, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.
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Armenian national costumes, staged with the support of the Teryan Cultural Centre of Armenia.

“It is my great honour and privilege to welcome you all to the celebration of the 34th Anniversary of the Independence of the Republic of Armenia.
For more than three decades, my country and people have been navigating an uneasy path, striving to safeguard our independence and national security amid persistent geopolitical turmoil.
And now, I am filled with hope that in the next three, ten, one hundred decades, the citizens of Armenia will be living in the long-awaited peace and prosperity that we aspire to,” said Ambassador Biyagov.

Armenia is internationally recognised for its historical and cultural treasures. “But today I’m especially pleased to speak about the Armenian national costumes, known as taraz, which beautifully reflect our country’s rich heritage and cultural diversity. For centuries, people wore them, taking pride in every touch of the needle. Every detail in these dresses speaks a language of its own. They tell the story of the family who wore them, their region, and their profession. They contain all the colours of the Armenian highlands and showcase the artistry and techniques of Armenian masters.”

The highlight of the evening was a unique presentation of Armenian national costumes, staged with the support of the Teryan Cultural Centre of Armenia and the youth of the Abovian Centre in the Netherlands. The performance was accompanied by works of renowned Armenian composers Arno Babajanyan, Alexander Spendiaryan, and Aram Khachaturyan, performed by talented pianists Aylin Vardanyan, Adam Akopian, and Meline Yeghoyan.

After the performance, a photo zone at the back of the hall offered guests the opportunity to experience the taraz up close.

“Make sure to enjoy the evening to its fullest with the Armenian food and Armenian brandy.
Long live Armenia!”

A Dominican Night

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A Dominican Night

On the occasion of the 168th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation between the Dominican Republic and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the Ambassador of the Dominican Republic, H.E. Mr. Carlos de la Mota, hosted a festive reception at the historic Hotel Des Indes in The Hague. A Dominican Night highlighted more than a century and a half of lasting bilateral relations, celebrated by ambassadors, members of the Diplomatic Corps, Dutch government officials, business representatives, the Dominican diaspora, and friends of the country.

H.E. Mr. Agustin Vazquez Gomez, Ambassador of El Salvador, H.E. Ms Franca Deza Ferreccio, Ambassador of Peru and H.E. Ms Sally Loo Hui, Ambassador of Panama.

After the national anthems, Ambassador De la Mota delivered a warmly received address.

“It is a great honor for me to extend a warm welcome to this Dominican Night, an evening filled with our identity, culture, and hospitality,” said Ambassador De la Mota.

Mr. Emiel de Sévrèn Jacquet, Honorary Consul of Ukraine, Minister Plenipotentiary of Sint Maarten, H.E. Dr. Gracita Arrindell, H.E. Mr. Arnoldo Brenes Castro, Ambassador of Costa Rica together with the Ambassador of Dominican Republic, H.E. Mr. Carlos de la Mota.

He invited guests to experience the richness of Dominican products, adding:

“During this evening, you will be able to appreciate and taste some of the emblematic products of the Dominican Republic, such as tobacco, coffee, rum, and chocolate, which represent the quality, dedication, and talent of our producers.”

A lively highlight of the evening was the performance of Rolf Sanchez, the popular Dutch singer of Dominican descent, who took the stage and quickly had guests dancing to his well-known rhythm blending Dutch lyrics with unmistakable Dominican flavor.

Ambassador de la Mota, Laura Perez and Rolf Sanchez.
Johanna Landman, Embassy of Panama and Singer Rolf Sanchez.

The ambassador also reflected on the strong human ties between both countries. The Netherlands is home to 18,000 Dominicans, making it the third European country with the largest Dominican community, in addition to more than 10,000 mixed Dominican–Dutch families.

“Every Dominican in the Netherlands carries a piece of the Caribbean in their heart, but also a deep gratitude towards this nation that has welcomed them with respect and opportunities,” he said. “This human and emotional reciprocity is the strongest foundation for any lasting relationship between peoples.”

A Dominican Night was a celebration of culture, cuisine, and music that also affirmed the cooperation and friendship uniting both nations, offering an opportunity to look ahead with optimism and explore new avenues for collaboration.

Ambassador de la Mota, H.E. Ms. Salima Abdelhak, Ambassador of Algeria, H.E. Mr. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero, Ambassador of Urugguay, H.E. Ms. Caterina Ghini, Ambassador of Greece, the Director of Protocol at the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs Ms. Gabriella Sancisi and H.E. Mr. Juraj Podhorský, Ambassador of the Slovak Republic.

Ambassador De la Mota expressed his appreciation to the supporters of the event. Special thanks were extended to Barceló, Heineken, Chocolala, Café Santo Domingo (INDUBÁN), Diplomat Magazine, RIZEK (KahKow), Cacao Mae, Oliver & Oliver, Cortés, ECMA, Caricca, La Aurora Cigars, and DHL, as well as all companies and institutions whose enthusiasm helped showcase the best of the Dominican Republic in the Netherlands.

“¡Que viva la amistad entre República Dominicana y el Reino de los Países Bajos! Laten we het feest beginnen—¡Que comience la fiesta!”

European Union and the Emergence of a Common Intelligence Architecture. Implications for Romania

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European Union and the Emergence of a Common Intelligence Architecture. Implications for Romania

“The greatest enemy of intelligence analysis is not deception, but the assumptions we fail to question.”
Richard J. Heuer Jr.

By Lieutenant General (ret) Corneliu Pivariu

The accelerated transformations of the international environment in recent years — the prolonged conflict in Ukraine, geopolitical volatility in the Middle East, the intensification of hybrid operations, and the proliferation of external interference in democratic processes — have brought back to the forefront an old structural problem of the European Union: the absence of a coherent capacity for strategic assessment and risk anticipation. Although the EU benefits from complex institutions, diverse analytical tools, and a broad network of specialized agencies, it does not possess an integrated intelligence architecture comparable to that of major powers.

In this context, the European Commission has begun exploring the creation of an analytical intelligence cell — a body placed under the authority of the Commission’s Secretariat-General, designed to provide an internal capacity for strategic analysis. The initiative became public through reports from the Financial Times, Reuters, Euronews, and DefenseNews, triggering a complex wave of interpretations, debates, and institutional reactions.

Although the international press has speculated about the emergence of “a European spy agency,” the project has no connection with expanding the EU’s operative competences. It does not seek to collect classified information, conduct surveillance, engage in espionage[1], or run clandestine operations — activities that remain strictly within the remit of the Member States. The real objective is the consolidation of EU capacity to integrate, interpret, and anticipate information in ways that reduce vulnerability and strategic dependence in the field of informational security.

This analysis examines, from a professional and academic perspective, the potential of this initiative to shape how the EU understands threats, manages risks, and develops strategic autonomy. It also explores the implications for Romania — a state located on the Union’s eastern frontier, in a region marked by conflict, hybrid risks, informational competition, and rapid geopolitical developments.

Legal and Institutional Framework

The creation of an intelligence cell within the European Commission must be understood within the strict parameters of the EU’s legal framework, which defines the Union’s institutional possibilities and constraints. Article 4(2) of the Treaty on European Union is explicit: “national security remains the sole responsibility of each Member State.”

This provision constitutes the foundation of the entire European security architecture and firmly limits any institutional ambition to expand competences in the field of operative intelligence. Consequently:

  • *The European Union cannot obligatorily collect classified information from Member States;
  • *it cannot conduct clandestine operations;
  • *it cannot coordinate espionage activities;
  • *it cannot establish an operative structure similar to national intelligence services.

Within this restrictive framework, the only available room for manoeuvre is the development of analytical, not collection, capacity.

This explains why the project focuses on the least sensitive yet essential segment: the integration and interpretation of available information.

At EU level, the existing analytical structure is EU INTCEN, part of the European External Action Service (EEAS). INTCEN operates under an intergovernmental logic, based on voluntary information exchange — primarily OSINT and limited classified contributions from Member States. Its mandate is predominantly focused on supporting EU foreign policy and crisis management, while also producing assessments of threats that may affect the Union’s internal security. However, it does not hold operative competences nor functions comparable to national intelligence services.

In this context, the idea of a new analytical cell under the Commission has emerged — not as a replica of INTCEN, but as a complementary mechanism focused on strengthening the Union’s internal resilience: monitoring foreign interference, analysing systemic vulnerabilities, supporting cybersecurity policies, and integrating data from the Commission’s numerous directorates-general. The new structure would have a predominantly analytical and coordinative role, without operative competences or functions associated with national intelligence services.

Probable Architecture and Functional Logic

The structure taking shape under the concept of an “EU Intelligence Cell” can best be described as an integrated hub for strategic analysis, meant to provide EU political leadership with faster, more coherent, and more in-depth understanding of the risks facing the Union. In the absence of operative competences, the added value of this cell would lie in:

  • its capacity to integrate multiple sources of information, both internal and open-source;
  • cross-sectoral risk analysis, connecting energy, digital, democratic, and economic security;
  • anticipation of hybrid risks;
  • delivery of coherent, data-driven briefings directly to the Commission’s leadership.

This architecture would remain fully dependent on cooperation with Member States, with INTCEN, and with the EU’s technical networks (CERT-EU, Joint Research Centre).

The fundamental difference compared to INTCEN lies in its mandate and institutional positioning: INTCEN primarily supports EU foreign policy and intergovernmental intelligence cooperation, while the new cell would play an analytical role focused on the Union’s internal dimension — namely democratic resilience, protection of digital infrastructure, and integration of information originating from the Commission’s technical structures. This does not imply operative competences, but rather an enhanced analytical and coordinative capacity in emerging domains of internal vulnerability.

Recent developments in Brussels suggest tensions regarding the delineation of competences: the EEAS fears a diminution of its role, while Member States are concerned with maintaining control over sensitive information. At the same time, the Commission benefits from favourable terrain, as the domains of democratic resilience and digital security already fall under its supranational competences.

Extending INTCEN’s mandate is not feasible, not only because of the EEAS’s institutional limitations, but also due to the EU’s political configuration. France wants INTCEN to remain an instrument of foreign policy aligned with its own vision of strategic autonomy, while Germany favours a decentralised architecture and is wary of any centralisation of intelligence at European level. Nordic and Central-Eastern European states are concerned with transparency, institutional balance, and preventing excessive concentration of analytical power within the EEAS. In this context, placing a new analytical cell under the Commission is perceived as the least politically sensitive option and the one most compatible with its existing competences: internal resilience, cybersecurity, combating foreign interference, and analysing systemic vulnerabilities of the EU.

Thus, the future architecture will depend on the institutional balance that will be negotiated in 2025–2026 between the Commission, the Council, the EEAS, and the Member States. Ultimately, it will reflect not only this institutional balance, but also the level of strategic ambition that Member States are willing to allow the Commission in the field of internal resilience.

The Strategic Rationale of the Initiative

The creation of an analytical cell within the European Commission is not a spectacular innovation, but rather a response to three major developments:

Lessons from the War in Ukraine

The EU was profoundly dependent on American and British intelligence. The absence of an internal anticipatory capacity meant that institutional reactions were at times slow, fragmented, or reactive. This dependency triggered broad debates on the Union’s analytical — not operative — autonomy.

Intensification of Hybrid Risks

Russian and Chinese interference, cyberattacks, information manipulation, the instrumentalization of diaspora communities, and delegitimization campaigns have reached unprecedented levels. The EU has realized that it cannot manage these risks exclusively through dispersed technical structures.

The Need for a Common Culture of Anticipation

Member States possess different institutional cultures and divergent analytical standards. In the absence of a shared framework, the EU remains vulnerable to fragmentation and delayed reactions.

In essence, the initiative does not aim to create a European intelligence service, but to obtain a minimal degree of analytical autonomy — without which the EU remains dependent on the assessments of major powers.

Reactions, Sensitivities, and Risks

Member States view the initiative through the prism of their own interests and concerns. Nordic and Benelux countries are the most open, considering that a common architecture strengthens collective resilience. France and Germany are cautious but inclined to offer support, provided that control over sensitive data is preserved.

Eastern frontier states, including Romania, perceive the initiative as both an opportunity and a potential source of tension with national intelligence services. The most significant risks include:

  • *overlap between the Commission and EEAS;
  • *lack of clarity in the mandate;
  • *politicization of analysis;
  • *resistance from national intelligence services;
  • *insufficient definition of information flows and caveats[2].

Implications for Romania

For Romania, the project presents a dual opportunity. On one hand, it can actively contribute to shaping the new European analytical architecture, strengthening its profile as an eastern-flank state with meaningful expertise in managing hybrid risks and Russian interference. On the other hand, it must strictly protect the sovereignty of operative information, maintaining a clear distinction between European-level analysis and sensitive national intelligence flows.

Romania can benefit through:

  • *seconding experts specialized in hybrid risk analysis;
  • *promoting strategic issues related to the Black Sea;
  • *establishing a national interinstitutional liaison point;
  • *strengthening its own OSINT capacities;
  • *rapid access to integrated European assessments.

At the same time, Bucharest must articulate a clear set of caveats regarding data that may be shared. Any sharing of operative information should be avoided.

The Commission’s initiative to develop its own analytical capacity does not represent an attempt to centralize European espionage, but an effort to modernize the Union’s culture of strategic anticipation. In an era of hybrid threats, information manipulation, and cyberattacks, the ability to rapidly understand and integrate data from multiple sources becomes a fundamental component of European resilience.

Europe cannot afford to remain without a common architecture for strategic assessment. Without it, the continent remains dependent, fragmented, and vulnerable to pressures from state and non-state actors.

For Romania, the moment is favourable: it can influence the direction of the project, promote the priorities of the eastern frontier, and strengthen its profile within the European security architecture — provided that it firmly protects its informational sovereignty.

Brașov, November, 17, 2025

Selective Bibliography

Journalistic and Institutional Sources

  1. Financial Times. “EU to set up new intelligence unit under Ursula von der Leyen.” 11 Nov. 2025. Financial Times+.
  2. Reuters. “EU to set up new intelligence unit under Ursula von der Leyen – FT reports.” 11 Nov. 2025.
  3. Höller, Linus. “The European Union wants its own intelligence branch.” DefenseNews, 12 Nov. 2025.
  4. Euronews. “Is the EU spy unit about to become reality? Von der Leyen wants her own secret service.” 11 Nov. 2025.
  5. Moutseras, Efthymios. INTCEN’s Strategic Role in a New Security Era. Research Paper No. 109, KEDISA, Nov. 2024.
  6. European External Action Service (EEAS). Annual Progress Report on the Implementation of the Strategic Compass for Security and Defence. July 2024.
  7. European External Action Service (EEAS). A Strategic Compass for Security and Defence. 2022.
  8. European External Action Service (EEAS). “The Diplomatic Service of the European Union.” [Website]. Accessed 2025.
  9. European Union. EU INTCEN Factsheet. 5 Feb. 2015. Statewatch.org.
  10. European Parliament – Research Service (EPRS). The EU’s Intelligence and Situation Centre (INTCEN): State of Play. Briefing Paper, Oct. 2023.

Foundational Theoretical Works

  1. Kent, Sherman. Strategic Intelligence for American World Policy. Princeton University Press, 1949.
    Heuer, Richards J. Jr. Psychology of Intelligence Analysis. CIA Center for the Study of Intelligence, 1999.
    Lowenthal, Mark M. Intelligence: From Secrets to Policy. CQ Press, 2019.
    Omand, David. Securing the State. Hurst Publishers, 2010.
    Rid, Thomas. Active Measures: The Secret History of Disinformation and Political Warfare. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2020.

[1] The term “espionage” is used here in its operative sense — referring to clandestine information-gathering activities (undercover HUMINT, covert operations, infiltration). The press often employs this term metaphorically when describing European analytical structures; however, the EU does not conduct and cannot conduct such actions, as it lacks any operative competences comparable to those of national intelligence services.

[2] In NATO, EU, and wider Western intelligence documentation, “caveats” represent additional restrictions applied on top of the classification level (SECRET, CONFIDENTIAL, etc.), determining how information may be handled and disseminated. Common examples include: NOFORN (prohibits dissemination to foreign nationals), ORCON (redistribution permitted only with the originator’s consent), REL TO EU/NATO (release limited to designated partners), LIMDIS (limited distribution to a restricted group), or EU-specific markings such as EU RESTRICTED, EU CONFIDENTIAL, and LIMITE. These caveats serve to protect the source, operational context, and integrity of the information within a multinational environment.

Venezuela Voice in The Hague

Diplomat Magazine
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Venezuela Voice in The Hague

An open conversation with Ambassador Constant-Rosales on Venezuela’s International Challenges and Commitments

Diplomat Magazine held an open and timely conversation with H.E. Mr. Hector Constant-Rosales, Ambassador of Venezuela to the Multilateral Organizations in The Hague. At a moment when Venezuela is simultaneously engaged in major cases before both the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court—while remaining active in institutions such as the OPCW, the Permanent Court of Arbitration, and the HCCH—the country’s diplomatic work in The Hague is particularly consequential.

This interview takes place against a complex national and international backdrop: a longstanding government under President Nicolás Maduro, strong internal political opposition, far-reaching economic sanctions, and ongoing military warnings from abroad. With these dynamics shaping Venezuela’s global posture, we sought to understand how its multilateral engagement looks from the Venezuelan perspective.

Ambassador Constant-Rosales reflects on Venezuela’s historical tradition of multilateralism, its legal priorities, its approach to peacebuilding and disarmament, and the challenges of maintaining an active presence in international organizations amid political and economic constraints. He also speaks about the role of cultural diplomacy—most recently exemplified in the musical performance of Maestro Cheo Hurtado—in advancing dialogue and showcasing Venezuela’s identity on the world stage.

How does Venezuela view its participation and contribution to the main international organizations headquartered in The Hague?

Venezuela has a long tradition of multilateralism since its independence. Simón Bolívar’s call for the Congress of Panama in 1826 represented the genesis of American and global multilateralism, based on the principles of freedom and sovereignty. It is these same principles that inspire Venezuela’s actions in the international organizations in The Hague, which today are framed by a clear respect for international law. I emphasize this last point because we are in a historical context in which we are witnessing a decline in compliance with legal norms, which weakens the international system and jeopardizes peaceful coexistence itself. In our case, we promote multilateral action in accordance with international law, but also strongly condemn injustices and double standards.

What are the principal goals and projects your Mission is currently advancing within these institutions?

Two main cases constitutes our priorities. On the one hand, we have presented to the International Court of Justice Venezuela’s historical truth regarding its inalienable right to the territory of Guayana Esequiba. On the other hand, we are currently developing the case known as “Venezuela II” within the framework of the International Criminal Court, related to the flagrant crimes that have been committed against the human rights of the Venezuelan population as a result of the imposition of unilateral coercive measures. At the beginning of the presentation of the case in 2020, Venezuela seemed to be an isolated voice, but today, when even the Court itself faces illegal sanctions, there is a greater understanding of the scope and illegality of this type of hegemonic practice, which has not been sufficiently theorized. I am sure that this case will set some extremely important legal precedents in the near future.

Of course, Venezuela also actively participates in other forums such as the Permanent Court of Arbitration and the HCCH, being one of the first countries in the world to have implemented the electronic Hague Apostille, which is a huge step forward of which we are proud. At the Common Fund forCommodities (CFC) we continue to promote fair trade with priority given to the recognition of the value chains of small producers. As for the OPCW, we support technical action in favor of global chemical disarmament and are currently promoting a vision of respect for the sovereign will of States in the election of members of the Executive Council.

How does Venezuela approach international law, disarmament, and global justice from the perspective of sovereignty and peacebuilding?

For two decades, my country has been known for taking a very strong stance against disrespect for international law and against the maintenance of living conditions that oppress the vast majority. We have strong roots in the Global South and are committed to that identity. That is why we are signatories to and participants in the Conventions on Disarmament, because we believe in a world of peace built on the principles of the United Nations Charter, and not on the basis of invasions and military solutions such as those that have occurred in recent years in the Middle East, which disrupt the global order and generate misery and pain. A tragic example is the ongoing genocide in Palestine, which violates the most basic principles of humanity and had to exceed 60,000 deaths in just two years to generate massive global interest. We also do not accept the current armed deployment in Caribbean waters that threatens the Zone of Peace of Latin America and the Caribbean and constitutes a direct threat to the security of the region. For 26 years, Venezuela has implemented what we call the “Bolivarian Peace Diplomacy,” which is a way of summarizing our global action from the example of our Liberator Simón Bolívar, whose international vision was avant-garde, together with the need to preserve true peace, which is only possible through social justice.

What are the main diplomatic or institutional challenges you have encountered in representing Venezuela in these multilateral settings?

To summarize this answer, I would say that there are at least two major challenges at present: one political and the other economic. The economic challenge is related to the obstacles posed by unilateral coercive measures to our participation in multilateral organizations, as Venezuela has lost its voting rights in many of them. However, from a position of dignity, this situation has reinforced our conviction to denounce and point out those responsible for such illegality and has also given us the satisfaction of continuing to see our multilateral proposals and projects approved thanks to the solidarity and respect of our many allies around the world. On the political challenge, it has been interesting to have to deal with a certain negative image and prejudices created in a biased manner about Venezuela for years. Unfortunately, large transnational media outlets have participated in a sustained campaign of discrediting and lying about my country, which has had harmful effects in discriminating against Venezuela and its people, hiding the country’s many geographical, tourist, social, and cultural assets, as well as the smiles and resilience of its people.

In your view, how can cultural diplomacy — such as the recent presentation of Maestro Cheo Hurtado — complement Venezuela’s multilateral engagement?

Precisely, as former Ambassador to UNESCO, I have been able to experience firsthand the enormous power of cultural diplomacy to build bridges, maintain dialogue, and preserve the cultural diversity of an identity as rich as Venezuela’s. During my nearly two years in The Hague, I have been able to organize at least two high-quality musical performances that have connected with Dutch audiences and showcased the beauty of my homeland through its music. We will continue to move forward in this regard, ensuring that our multilateral commitment is also a cultural commitment, for which I am grateful for the ongoing support of Diplomat Magazine.

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