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Uruguayan Independence Day Celebrated in The Hague

The Embassy of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay marked his country’s Independence Day with a grand and festive reception. Held on August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague, the event drew over 200 distinguished guests from various sectors of Dutch society.

Ambassadors, chiefs of international missions, diplomats, academics, business leaders, and representatives from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with members of the Uruguayan community, all responded to H.E. Ambassador Dr. Álvaro GonzĂĄlez Otero’s invitation to celebrate ‘DĂ­a de la Independencia’—Uruguay’s National Day, commemorating its independence from Brazil in 1825.

H.E. Dr. Álvaro Gonzålez Otero, Ambassador of Uruguay. National Day 2024 The Hague.

After nearly 200 years of conflict and civil unrest under Spanish and then Brazilian rule, Uruguay has emerged as a country renowned for its welcoming people, stunning landscapes, first-class meat production, and high-quality wine. In recent decades, Uruguayans have enjoyed a stable democracy, a steady improvement in living conditions, and overall well-being.

In a packed room with an animated audience, Ambassador GonzĂĄlez Otero took the microphone to thank all the attendees for their sincere affection for his people and country. He then proudly expressed:

“Two years have quickly passed since I arrived in this lovely kingdom. Since then, we have started to shift the focus of the Embassy, placing more emphasis on our bilateral relations. The Netherlands and Uruguay have more in common than people might imagine. We share international principles, landscapes, agricultural production, developed services, qualified exports, and a progressive lifestyle.

We also share strong commitments to the well-being of our citizens and visitors, the protection of human rights, environmental sustainability, progressive social policies, and significant efforts towards renewable energy and climate action. Both countries also emphasize education, democratic governance, and active participation in international organizations promoting peace and development. So, we will keep working to boost our bilateral relations.”

Uruguay National Day, August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague.
From the Embassy of Uruguay, Counsellor Pablo Bayarres, Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Hans Akerboom, Deputy Director Protocol and Host Country Affairs from the Netherlands.

Ambassador GonzĂĄlez Otero then listed some of the most relevant initiatives undertaken by the Embassy over the last few months:

Uruguayan participation in the World Hydrogen Summit 2024: Led by the Minister of Industry, Energy, and Mining, Ms. Elisa Facio, with over 50 representatives from various sectors of the public and private sectors.

Active participation in the “26th World Energy Congress.”

Cooperation Project with Delft Institute for Water Education: Since 2011, Uruguayan professionals specializing in water resources have participated in the Delft Institute program for advanced training. Initially, the program began with 40 scholarships, resulting in 37 professionals successfully completing their studies. This early success led to the program’s relocation and implementation at the Technological University of Uruguay, now featuring regional participation. The program has since had two new editions in 2022 and 2024, expanding to include 17 professionals from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. This development has transformed Uruguay into a regional hub in the field of water resource education.

Uruguay’s status as one of the 32 signing states of the Ljubljana – The Hague Convention in February 2024.

Positioning Uruguay as a potential living and working destination for Dutch farmers.

Interactions with RVO and Port of Rotterdam related to port cooperation.

Exploring and initiating new cooperation projects with Westland Municipality and Wageningen University.

Meetings with private sector actors related to agribusiness.

Preparation for the Capitan Miranda’s visit to Amsterdam: Uruguay’s school tall ship has already confirmed its participation in Sail Amsterdam 2025.

Multilateral achievements: The Embassy has made progress in multilateral areas, including ongoing contributions and work with international organizations based in The Hague: the ICJ, ICC, OPCW, HCCH, and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Additionally, a closer relationship with The Hague Academy of International Law has been pursued. Significant advances have also been made through the coordinated work of the GRULAC Group in relation to various international organizations.

H.E. Mr. Fernando Arias, OPCW Director General , Ambassador Gonzalez Otero and Mr Arias spouse, Patricia van Oordt.

Following his remarks, Ambassador González Otero invited the audience to watch a short video about Uruguay, which made a great impression on those present. He expressed, “Uruguay is an exceptional country that has developed a dynamic and robust culture, shaped by a fascinating blend of gaucho traditions, European influences, and the unique Rioplatense spirit. Tango, folklore, candombe, and milonga are examples of its rich artistic musical expression. Uruguayan gastronomy, featuring high-quality meat, wine, and dairy products, especially the beloved ‘dulce de leche,’ delights palates and consistently wins prestigious awards worldwide.”

“The work we have done does not mean we are satisfied; we want to continue advancing in a deeper process. The bilateral relationship is already strong, but the potential to strengthen bonds in several key areas is even greater.”

The Ambassador of Uruguay, H.E. Alvaro Gonzalez Otero and the President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, Judge Graciela Gatti Santana with her husband Mr Gustavo Segovia.

The event was conceived to showcase the rich and diverse culture of Uruguay, a nation with a population of approximately 3,495,527 as of 2022.

The national anthems of Uruguay and the Netherlands were performed by the Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos. After the ambassador’s speech, the Embassy paid tribute to two influential musicians: JosĂ© “El Sabalero” Carbajal and Jaime Roos, who both lived in the Netherlands. Jaime Roos settled in Amsterdam in 1978, where he played bass in several salsa, rock, and jazz groups. He had a son and remained in the Netherlands until 1984 when he returned to Uruguay.

Carbajal spent his days in the Netherlands with his wife, Anke van Haastrecht, and their two children. Anke was invited to share some special stories from their life together.

Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos.
Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and NicolĂĄs SĂĄnchez.

The enthusiastic audience enjoyed an authentic performance by talented Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and NicolĂĄs SĂĄnchez. The celebration continued with Uruguayan wine, classic savory empanadas, and dulce de leche, which delighted the crowded room and completed the great celebration.

Ambassador GonzĂĄlez Otero concluded the event by thanking his Embassy team: Counselor Pablo Bayarres, Chancellor Gustavo Morales, his assistant Juan Diego, and Martha HernĂĄndez and SofĂ­a Anastasiou. He then led a warm toast for the people of the Netherlands, Uruguay, and the necessary and desired peace in the world.

China: A New Actor in the Contemporary Multipolar World

By Mariarosaria Iorio, Political Analyst

I. The post-cold war world  

International relations are nowadays characterised by major changes that started at the end of the 80s with the fall of the Berlin Wall.  Indeed, the end of the cold war was marked by the dislocation of the two main political blocks, namely the Soviet Union and the Western World. Such a dislocation resulted in the marginalization of the post-war multilateral system embodied in the United Nations, and the standstill of the multilateral trade negotiations in the late 90s in the context of the World Trade Organisation.  New lines of political thought have been facing each other since then, while reshaping the post-cold war world in a number of fragmented and variable sub-blocks of countries. 

The United States decided to put itself first by concentrating on its internal affairs, while withdrawing from international affairs.  

Europe, the old continent, looks for an efficient strategy towards autonomy from the United States.  Europe also tries, not without difficulty, to create a more cohesive internal and external political approach.  The reality is however evolving rather more towards fragmentation of Europe in favour of European National fragmented interests. Such a fragmentation is the natural consequence of the decadence of the European Institutional and collective actions to the advantage of individual Sates actions and interests.   In sum, what seemed to be a structured and coherent European Union block fighting for the promotion of its economic and political values all over the world has somehow become an alliance at variable geometry both internally and externally.  The disorganisation of the leadership results in a chaotic and unpredictable European External and Internal action. 

Thereof, the empty influence spaces left on the international relations scene has given new international actors the opportunity to emerge.  

Meanwhile, the fragmentation of the European Institutions has also impacted the EU-USA relations within NATO, and affected the security and peace sphere.  Security issues have been on and off on the European agenda.    

In this context, Russia that has lost its empire in the 80s looks now for a new power game. In spite of the disruption of the Soviet Union, Russia attempts either by influence or by force to exercise power in its ancient affiliate countries.  Russia that was supposed to be defeated with the fall of the Berlin Wall takes back its role of opponent to the Western World on the international scene at least as it concerns the international affairs philosophy.  Thus, creating a tension aimed at restoring its power in the world.   

The group of emerging and developing economies that constitute a new variable block with a large portion of population employed in agriculture have emerged as new actors in the world’s geo-political discourses.  At the head of this block on the international scene, there is China.  The shaky international leadership context has indeed given China a new space. China’s   communist past combined with its market-based economic strategy gives it a particular position.  

China is The One that can communicate to Russia. China is also The One that can have an influence on the Western economic and political scene as China owns a big part of Western Foreign Debt  

China embeds a horizontal strategy in both its trade and development policies, while producing at low wages.  Its production system coupled with its pragmatic political approach has reshaped the international power structure.  The top-down approach of the Western World faces now the competition created by the horizontal win-win approach proposed by China in both developing and industrialized countries.

Indeed, as a result of the decline of the Western World global hegemony based on market access and economic and social liberalism as a means to ensure economic growth and promote economic development, the vision promoted by China’s discourse, centred on the protection of livelihoods and local sovereign choices finds new adepts.  Furthermore, China has successfully attempted to promote a trade-off approach to international cooperation during the last 20 years.  A cooperation that does not interfere in internal affairs of partner countries as it has often reproached to the Western countries involved in international cooperation.  

As the developing countries leader, China positions itself as the spoke country for the poor.  As a new world powerful economic actor China plays as the guarantor of the Western Economic stability.  China positions itself as the bridge between the rich and the poor.  It is representing a different hegemonic game that only changes in its discourse, while still pursuing its own interests and influence zones.  Such a situation poses the question of the values that the international regime wants to embrace.  Indeed, this changing world results in an increased number of conflicts – be new or historical conflicts.  

The dislocation of the traditional leaders of the international relations has definitely created a chaotic and unpredictable scenario.  Chaos has in some cases been chosen as a political strategy to disrupt the post-1945 international regime. Such a disruption has benefitted new actors, and given space to new lines of thought.  These new lines of thought have attacked the existing international framework but has not yet succeeded in creating a new regime.  The increasing unbalance of power and the lack of leadership on the international political scene is risky. 

The reduction by choice of leadership of the United States has indeed resulted in the weakening of the values emerged as a result of the dramatic experience of Second World War, namely freedom of thought and freedom of speech to mention only a few.   We are now facing a much more authoritarian world with force used as a means to manage the political arena.  Dialogue seems to be a rather consuming exercise that has left its place to the use of force.  Force is no longer seen as the last option but rather the opening act for political dialogue.  Nationalism and individual interests are now at the centre of the political game. This trend is taking the world to instability and conflict.  

The peoples of the world are more and more questioning the existing system. People’s needs and expectations are not met.  The new emerged actors, such as China have given the hope of a possible change in the present international system without fundamentally questioning its rationale but rather trying to rip a slate of the cake.  

The struggle for influence among countries has not succeeded in building a peaceful and stable world. Citizens will have to face the challenge of building a new era of peace and stability worldwide.

DerriĂšre les murs du Palais de la Paix : permanence et changements de la Cour internationale de Justice

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S.E. M. Philippe Couvreur est arrivĂ© Ă  La Haye en avril 1982, oĂč il a d’abord occupĂ© le poste d’assistant spĂ©cial aux bureaux du greffier et du greffier adjoint de la Cour internationale de Justice.

Il a ensuite exercĂ© les fonctions de SecrĂ©taire, Premier SecrĂ©taire et SecrĂ©taire juridique principal, avant d’ĂȘtre Ă©lu Greffier de la Cour en 2000, et réélu en 2007 et 2014. Pour marquer l’anniversaire de ses dĂ©buts Ă  la Cour, il y a 35 ans, Diplomat Magazine l’a invitĂ© Ă  tĂ©moigner de son expĂ©rience unique au service de cette institution, des Ă©volutions qu’il a pu y observer, et Ă  partager le regard qu’il porte sur les changements qui ont marquĂ© la Cour et La Haye au cours des trois derniĂšres dĂ©cennies.
Philippe Couvreur avec le Pape Jean-Paul II prise le 13 mai 1985.
Je suis arrivĂ© Ă  La Haye en avril 1982 — de façon aussi inattendue que j’avais entamĂ© des Ă©tudes de droit treize ans auparavant (mais c’est lĂ  une autre histoire
) — pour occuper un poste temporaire Ă  la Cour internationale de Justice. La Cour Ă©tait alors la seule institution judiciaire internationale existante au plan universel. Son activitĂ©, particuliĂšrement faible Ă  la fin des annĂ©es 1970, ne pouvait en ce temps-lĂ  guĂšre laisser prĂ©sager du succĂšs que rencontrerait la Cour dans les dĂ©cennies Ă  venir. Mon bienveillant maĂźtre de Louvain, le professeur Paul de Visscher, fils du cĂ©lĂšbre internationaliste Charles de Visscher, unique juge belge Ă  la Cour, m’avait prĂ©dit des jours aussi sereins qu’heureux, Ă©coulĂ©s Ă  lire et Ă  Ă©crire des ouvrages dans la solitude des imposants murs de la bibliothĂšque du Palais de la Paix

Les mĂ©moires ont Ă©tĂ© dĂ»ment dĂ©posĂ©s dans l’affaire El Salvador c. Honduras dans la salle Bol le 1 juin 1988, l’affaire du DiffĂ©rend frontalier terrestre, insulaire et maritime.
En rejoignant la Cour, un frais matin d’avril, dont je garde un souvenir trĂšs prĂ©cis, le jeune juriste que j’étais dĂ©couvrit, non sans Ă©tonnement, une organisation de taille trĂšs modeste, le Greffe, qui en est l’organe administratif, alors composĂ© de moins d’une quarantaine de fonctionnaires. Le fonctionnement de la Cour reposait entiĂšrement sur cette Ă©quipe restreinte de personnel permanent, auquel s’ajoutait, selon que de besoin, un personnel temporaire pour faire face au surcroĂźt de travaux linguistiques et de stĂ©nodactylographie lors des sessions (publiques et privĂ©es) de la Cour. Je me rappelle avoir Ă©tĂ© frappĂ© par la personnalitĂ© haute en couleur de certains de ces traducteurs indĂ©pendants, dont la grande culture littĂ©raire m’émerveillait. Cette structure trĂšs Ă©conomique du Greffe impliquait une grande polyvalence de ses membres, et les SecrĂ©taires de la Cour — ses fonctionnaires supĂ©rieurs — Ă©taient appelĂ©s, en sus de leurs travaux de recherches juridiques, de prĂ©paration des documents de la Cour, et de rĂ©daction de la correspondance diplomatique, Ă  assumer eux-mĂȘmes l’essentiel des tĂąches linguistiques (traduction et interprĂ©tation) et d’information, ainsi que la supervision de nombreuses activitĂ©s administratives et logistiques.
La Grande salle de Justice, l’affaire Relative au Timor Oriental (Portugal c. Australie) ArrĂȘt du 30 juin 1995.
Il n’était nullement rare qu’un nouveau venu comme moi ait Ă  passer week-ends et nuits blanches au Palais de la Paix Ă  effectuer les travaux les plus divers
 allant jusqu’à imprimer et polycopier, sur de vieilles machines Ă  stencils ronĂ©otype, des dĂ©cisions dont la Cour devait donner la lecture en sĂ©ance publique le lendemain ! DĂšs mon arrivĂ©e au Greffe, j’ai eu le bonheur et le privilĂšge d’ĂȘtre initiĂ© et associĂ© Ă  l’ensemble des fonctions de l’institution sous la patiente supervision de personnalitĂ©s d’exception, tels que MM. Torres BernĂĄrdez et Pillepich, alors respectivement Greffier et Greffier adjoint. J’en ai retirĂ© le plus grand bĂ©nĂ©fice, puisque cette immersion sans prĂ©paration dans toutes les facettes de l’activitĂ© du Greffe m’a permis d’acquĂ©rir de ce dernier une connaissance unique — de l’intĂ©rieur — et sous tous ses aspects —, un acquis particuliĂšrement prĂ©cieux au moment oĂč j’ai Ă©tĂ© amenĂ©, bien des annĂ©es plus tard, Ă  assumer la dĂ©licate responsabilitĂ© d’en assurer la gestion au plus haut niveau. Devenir un fonctionnaire du Greffe au dĂ©but des annĂ©es 1980 signifiait accepter de se couler sans discussion dans un moule Ă  tous Ă©gards exigeant, et se donner corps et Ăąme, avec humilitĂ© et discrĂ©tion, Ă  l’institution, sans penser Ă  soi ni parler de soi. Depuis ces annĂ©es d’initiation, j’ai Ă©tĂ© le tĂ©moin de profondes transformations de la Cour, rendues inĂ©vitables Ă  la fois pour rĂ©pondre Ă  l’accroissement considĂ©rable de ses activitĂ©s, avec la disparition du monde bipolaire qui avait relĂ©guĂ© le rĂšglement judiciaire Ă  un rĂŽle quelque peu marginal, et pour saisir les opportunitĂ©s nouvelles offertes, notamment, par le progrĂšs des technologies et de la communication. Entre 1982 et aujourd’hui, le nombre de fonctionnaires a ainsi presque triplĂ© (il a quasiment doublĂ© depuis l’an 2000, annĂ©e de ma premiĂšre Ă©lection en tant que Greffier). L’organisation du travail a Ă©tĂ© progressivement spĂ©cialisĂ©e entre les divers dĂ©partements, juridique, linguistique et chargĂ© de l’information, qui furent créés en 1997, et les services techniques. Par ailleurs, les Membres de la Cour ne disposĂšrent pas, pendant longtemps, de « rĂ©fĂ©rendaires » — ils s’y sont d’ailleurs longtemps refusĂ©s—, et l’assistance apportĂ©e aux juges en matiĂšre judiciaire Ă©tait principalement rĂ©partie entre les fonctionnaires du DĂ©partement des affaires juridiques.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur avec la Reine Beatrix photo prise pendant le 50 eme anniversaire de la Cour (18-04-1996).
Les cinq premiers postes de juristes rĂ©fĂ©rendaires ne furent obtenus de l’AssemblĂ©e gĂ©nĂ©rale et créés qu’en 2002, Ă  l’issue de difficiles nĂ©gociations que je me souviens avoir menĂ©es avec beaucoup de plaisir et d’intĂ©rĂȘt ; le nombre de ces postes s’est progressivement accru, pour s’élever Ă  quinze aujourd’hui. Les divers dĂ©veloppements qui ont marquĂ© le monde au cours des derniĂšres dĂ©cennies n’ont pas manquĂ© de soulever pour la Cour de nouveaux dĂ©fis. Comme c’est le cas pour toute institution, elle n’a pu les relever en faisant table rase des enseignements de son histoire ni, Ă  l’inverse, en ne saisissant pas toutes les opportunitĂ©s offertes par le temps prĂ©sent. A ces diffĂ©rents Ă©gards, la Cour est certainement parvenue, au fil des ans, Ă  assurer un Ă©quilibre, toujours dĂ©licat, entre changements et continuitĂ©. La continuitĂ© de la Cour est bien sĂ»r inscrite dans son Statut, qui fait partie intĂ©grante de la Charte des Nations Unies, et reflĂ©tĂ©e dans ses mĂ©thodes judiciaires, qui ont Ă©tĂ© trĂšs largement Ă©laborĂ©es par sa devanciĂšre, la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, et hĂ©ritĂ©es d’elle. Cette continuitĂ© historique Ă©tait particuliĂšrement prĂ©sente lorsque j’ai rejoint le Greffe. Ainsi, en maniĂšre d’anecdote, divers hauts fonctionnaires alors en poste avaient eux-mĂȘmes cĂŽtoyĂ©, au dĂ©but de leur carriĂšre, d’anciens fonctionnaires de la Cour permanente. Tous nourrissaient Ă  l’égard de cette derniĂšre le plus grand respect. Il rĂ©gnait d’ailleurs dans les couloirs du Palais de la Paix une atmosphĂšre feutrĂ©e et dĂ©licieusement surannĂ©e, Ă©vocatrice de la dĂ©funte SociĂ©tĂ© des Nations. Je me souviens en avoir encore utilisĂ© maintes fournitures de bureau ! La continuitĂ© jurisprudentielle et procĂ©durale entre les deux Cours constitue pour les Etats une garantie importante de sĂ©curitĂ© et de prĂ©visibilitĂ© juridiques. Cette continuitĂ©, juridique et historique, de mĂȘme que l’expĂ©rience accumulĂ©e en plus de quatre-vingt-dix ans d’exercice de la fonction judiciaire, sont pour la Cour un facteur crucial de lĂ©gitimitĂ©.
H.E. Philippe Couvreur vec le Roi Willem-Alexander photo prise pendant le 70 eme anniversaire de la Cour (20-04-2016).
En mĂȘme temps, la Cour a eu, Ă  l’évidence, Ă  s’adapter aux changements du monde rĂ©el dans lequel elle opĂšre, comme aux nĂ©cessitĂ©s et opportunitĂ©s nouvelles de chaque Ă©poque traversĂ©e. L’une des transformations notoires auxquelles j’ai assistĂ© fut l’ouverture croissante de la Cour sur l’extĂ©rieur : longtemps Ă  l’écart, Ă  dessein, des organes politiques des Nations Unies, la Cour a souhaitĂ© se faire plus et mieux entendre de ces organes et des Etats membres. Elle a ainsi rompu avec ce qui Ă©tait parfois perçu comme un « splendide isolement » au sein des Nations Unies, mĂȘme si elle dĂ©fend toujours jalousement son autonomie. La Cour doit en outre dĂ©sormais Ă©galement tenir compte des nombreuses autres juridictions, internationales ou rĂ©gionales, qui ont Ă©tĂ© créées ces derniĂšres annĂ©es, et veiller, autant que possible, Ă  assurer l’harmonie du « concert judiciaire » que permet ce foisonnement de cours et tribunaux sur la scĂšne internationale. Davantage ouverte sur la communautĂ© internationale et ses rĂ©alitĂ©s, la Cour s’est montrĂ©e de plus en plus attentive, non seulement Ă  sa place dans l’Organisation des Nations Unies, mais aussi Ă  la poursuite des objectifs de celle-ci et Ă  sa mission propre au service du rĂšglement pacifique des diffĂ©rends internationaux. Des diffĂ©rends de plus en plus complexes, tant juridiquement que factuellement, en mĂȘme temps que politiquement plus denses, lui ont Ă©tĂ© soumis. En rĂ©visant constamment, selon que de besoin, ses mĂ©thodes de travail, elle a su les rĂ©soudre rapidement et efficacement, Ă  un coĂ»t particuliĂšrement modeste pour la communautĂ© internationale, tout en assurant le dĂ©veloppement du droit. Enfin, pour conclure sur une note plus prosaĂŻque, mais qui est loin d’ĂȘtre nĂ©gligeable, je ne peux taire la chance que j’ai eue de connaĂźtre l’extraordinaire dĂ©veloppement de la ville de La Haye au cours des 35 derniĂšres annĂ©es. Celle-ci offre aujourd’hui Ă  la Cour, comme aux nombreuses institutions internationales qui s’y sont installĂ©es Ă  sa suite, une qualitĂ© de vie et un cadre de travail uniques, qui sont trĂšs loin de ressembler Ă  ce que j’ai trouvĂ© en y arrivant. A l’image de l’imposante stature du Palais de la Paix oĂč elle siĂšge, symbole mondialement connu de la justice internationale, la Cour est une institution solidement Ă©tablie. En dĂ©pit des pĂ©riodes de doute ou de dĂ©saffection qu’elle a traversĂ©es par le passĂ©, son rĂŽle est unanimement saluĂ© au sein de la communautĂ© internationale et le recours Ă  ses services par les Etats n’a jamais Ă©tĂ© aussi soutenu. 35 ans aprĂšs, je continue de mesurer chaque jour le privilĂšge qui est le mien de servir au mieux de mes capacitĂ©s l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies. —– Les photos dans l’article sont une courtoisie de la Cour International de Justice.

Artificial Intelligence and Defensive Modernisation

By Jesinta Adams

Yet another exciting session of the ‘Understanding AI Program’ presented by the Silkroad 4.0 Platform, the International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES), European Perspectives, through the forthcoming Global Academy for Geo-politico-tech Futures (GPTF), and their consortium of partners (such as the D-8, ICCD, IAF, THC, Diplomatic Academy, Diplomatic Magazine, and the like), turned the focus on how AI is reshaping global security, defence strategies, and geopolitical power dynamics. This round of mesmerising and farfetched talks, under the theme of “Defensive Modernisation as the Technology Driver”, offered timely and insightful exchanges that bridged military innovation with ethical, legal, and global implications.

The 3rd round of mesmerising lectures explored various critical themes: how human presence-eliminating technologies are altering security doctrines, the geopolitical implications of multi-spatial tech reach, and the legal and ethical challenges in regulating AI across borders. Other discussion points included sovereignty and security in the digital age, the role of AI in major military confrontation theatres, and the urgent need for global governance frameworks to manage this transformation.

The first keynote guest, Ambassador Ali Goutali, of the Jeddah-based OIC, brought a diplomatic and scholarly lens to the conversation. With over two decades of ambassadorial service and a strong academic background, Ambassador Goutali reminded us of the dual nature of AI. He described AI as a force of promise — for knowledge-sharing among nations, early warning systems for pandemics, and enhanced surveillance — but also one of equal risk. Ambassador warned that AI, if unchecked, could dismantle governments and destabilise wisdom-based governance.

This top MENA diplomat from Tunisia called for the establishment of global conventions on AI use, similar to the Geneva Conventions, to protect humanity and maintain ethical boundaries. His conclusion was clear: more member states must actively engage in AI protocols to prevent future misuse.

Multi-spatial and multidimensional nature of future wars

In the second keynote, former Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of Croatia Admiral Davor Domazet-Loơo shared his insights on evolving military doctrines. A former combat commander, and later prolific author on military strategy, Admiral Domazet-Loơo explored the rise of information warfare. He warned that such warfare blocks a person’s ability to think independently — an effect that can be seen even among world leaders. He cited China’s AI capabilities as being significantly ahead of the United States and spoke of China’s “deep seek” AI system, which, in his words, embodies the true potential of artificial intelligence. He emphasised that AI-driven military strategy is now operating in hyper-real time, reducing detection and response time from one hour to mere seconds (doctrines of real time shifting to the network doctrines of hyper-real time). The goal for all militaries, he suggested, is to discover, decide, and destroy — faster than ever before.

Hyper-real time warfare naturally blurs the boundary between perception and action, where information dominance and computational speed become as critical as kinetic force. This doctrine will surely raise significant ethical, legal, and strategic challenges, including concerns over human oversight, escalatory dynamics and de-escalatory potentials, false data entries and accuracy and speed of mistake detection and correction – hence an entire reliability of real-time data streams.

Based on his previous exchanges (on the trajectory of Asian security) with the ‘Understanding AI’ program originator, prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic, Admiral Loơo singled out the military theatre more neuralgic than the current ones in Eastern Europe and in the Middle East: “The hyper real-time potential of combat in Indo-Pacific, so packed with mega-demographies and mega-economies, hence projection drives is possible yet still avoidable. It would be a sobering study in technological velocity and strategic ambiguity to analyse every perspective thoroughly. Unlike the Adriatic or even Mediterranean, where engagements are relatively constrained by geography and proximities of all sorts, the Indo-Pacific – especially Malacca Straits and South China Sea – is a volatile mesh of overlapping claims, promising yet imperfect unmanned systems, (inadequately tested) hypersonic threats, and AI-driven targeting loops.

In such an environment – including the inner seas of archipelagic states of Indonesia and the Philippines, but also Malaysia and VietNam, decision cycles will be compressed to seconds, not hours, with autonomous swarms and satellite-linked ISR platforms dictating the tempo. As a former Chief-of Staff, admiral and combat army officer of a historic naval country (right between Ancient Greece and Roman Empire, Phoenicians and Venetians), I would note with high concern how conventional naval doctrine falters when even milliseconds of latency could determine the survivability of a ship—raising critical questions about control, accountability, and escalation in a digitally saturated battlespace where the line between provocation and war is algorithmically blurred.“

Takeaways from Singapore

The main speaker for the session was Lily Ong, a geopolitical and cybersecurity analyst from Singapore. A former Track I and Track II diplomat in the United States, Ong took a brief departure from her attendance at the Global Digital Forum to deliver a compelling presentation on how AI is transforming global power dynamics. She walked us through AI’s military applications — from automated defence systems and predictive analytics to offensive cyber operations and information warfare. Ong emphasised that AI is not only changing how wars are fought but also how power is projected and negotiated. Her talk also explored the ethical and legal questions surrounding AI-enabled warfare, and she challenged us to think about the shifting nature of trust, sovereignty, and responsibility in a hyper-connected world.

One of the most striking moments in her presentation was her response to a participant who asked why countries would pursue such advanced AI capabilities if they introduce greater instability. Her answer was sobering: “The genie is already out of the bag – there’s no putting it back.” Instead, countries — especially those in the Global South — must focus on keeping up, not only to stay relevant but to protect themselves. She stressed that education is key to this transformation and urged the Global South to come to the AI table so that they could contribute to capacity building through education, innovation, and shared expertise.

Ong concluded by accentuating that the new arms race formulated upon technological sovereignty would enable more actors – including smaller states and non-state actors – to shoot above their calibre, introducing a layer of complexity to the AI-enabled warfare environment.

The session closed with a unifying message from all speakers: the urgency for better global protocols, more inclusive international participation, and a deeper emphasis on education. The generational gap was also addressed, with a call for both the tech-fluent younger generation and the cautious older generation to learn about AI risks and opportunities — together. It is no longer an option to retreat – adaptation is imperative.

The third session of the extraordinary Program, unparalleled anyone in the world provided not only deep strategic insights but also a human-centred reflection on the challenges we face as AI advances at breakneck speed. From military use to global governance, the message was consistent: AI is here, and it demands collective oversight and responsibility.

The fascinating and content intensive voyage of knowledge sets its uncharted waters sail. It will reach its next mesmerising port of wisdom and insights on 12th of June by hosting the new round of fascinating keynotes and lecturers.

Jesinta Adams

About the author:

Jesinta Adams is a rising voice in the field of AI operations and data services. She is the Founder of SouthLoop Data Africa, a human-in-the-loop data labelling company focused on providing clean, accurate datasets for AI development while creating opportunities for skilled youth and women in the Global South.

She currently heads the invoice processing division at a US-based tech company, overseeing AI-driven data annotation, validation, and financial automation processes. She is a passionate advocate for digital inclusion, capacity building, and ethical AI.

Ambassador Teran Parral: A Strategic Vision for the OPCW

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Ambassador Teran Parral of Ecuador brings over 40 years of notable diplomatic experience, marked by strong leadership and demonstrated managerial skills to his candidacy for Director-General of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). His vision for the OPCW focuses on strengthening cooperation, modernizing operations, and preventing the use of chemical weapons in any form.

“If entrusted with this role, I will lead the Technical Secretariat with transparency and a hands-on approach, rooted in multilateral cooperation,” said Ambassador Terán Parral. “I am fully committed to the complete eradication of chemical weapons and to preventing their re-emergence.”

We must encourage SAR to continue their collaboration with the OPCW

One of Ambassador Terán Parral’s key goals is to strengthen the strategic cooperation with the Syrian Arab Republic “the openness of the new Syrian authorities to collaborate with the Organization, is a historic opportunity on which we must act accordingly,” he stated, “we must continue to provide the necessary resources to locate and secure the chemical weapons which remain outstanding or unknown, bringing this newfound relationship with Syria to the next level.”

Ambassador Terán Parral is also committed to leading all investigations into the alleged use of riot control agents and other banned substances in Russia and Ukraine. “These cases must be addressed thoroughly and in full alignment with the Chemical Weapons Convention,” he stated.

He also supports ongoing legacy operations, including the destruction of abandoned chemical weapons (China-Japan) and old stockpiles (Germany). In addition, he highlights the need to help countries respond effectively to chemical emergencies, “we must acknowledge the ongoing threat posed by chemical terrorism carried out by non-state actors, this growing risk demands continued vigilance, stronger international cooperation, and a unified commitment to prevention,” he added.

Strengthening public diplomacy stands among his top priorities, “I want to make the OPCW more visible and transparent, we must strategically communicate our mission and achievements to the world.” He said. “We must raise awareness about chemical weapons and the importance of disarmament; through public outreach and media engagement.

According to Ambassador Terán Parral, this would not only serve for visibility—it is also meant to increase voluntary contributions, foster universality and encourage a wider participation from a broader range of countries. “We need tactical communication to reinforce political support and combat misinformation. By actively engaging with domestic actors, civil society, academia, youth, and the private sector we will raise international awareness to the mandate of our Organization,” he stated.

Ambassador Teran Parral

Ambassador Terán Parral also places a high priority on ensuring geographical representation and gender balance. “We need to improve how we recruit to ensure diverse perspectives in disarmament efforts, strengthen decision-making, and promote inclusive, effective implementation of the Convention,” he added, “this is a key pillar for the success of the Organization.”

Enhancing the use of the ChemTech centre as a global hub for innovation, education, and collaboration

“Capacity-building is essential,” he said. “We must deepen partnerships with key stakeholders, including universities, regional and international organizations, and National Authorities to foster innovation and expand educational outreach,” said Ambassador Terán Parral. “That way, we can deliver more targeted assistance, strengthen emergency response preparedness and widen the pool of talent interested in the OPCW,” he mentioned.

Another central part of his vision to strengthen the industry verification mechanism. Ambassador Terán Parral is committed to consolidating this mechanism to address the gaps within the current framework. “I will reinforce the regular system of inspections and implement the use of emerging technologies, including Artificial Intelligence, to enhance both speed and accuracy of the inspections,” he added.

About this matter, Ambassador Terán Parral added, “I am committed to advancing the responsible use of AI within the OPCW, ensuring that its application remains ethical and fully aligned with the objectives of the Convention. AI should not replace human oversight, but rather serve as a tool, used under strict human supervision, to complement the Organization’s important work.

Ambassador Terán Parral’s leadership is based on openness, transparency, and inclusion. “My goal is to strengthen cooperation with States Parties and build mutual trust. This is how we will protect future generations from the threat of chemical weapons.”

Ecuador, a founding member of the OPCW, has a long record of supporting disarmament and non-proliferation efforts. During its tenure as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, Ecuador chaired the 1540 Committee, addressing the risks related to the spread of weapons of mass destruction.

“I carry with me Ecuador’s strong commitment to multilateralism and peace. We see the OPCW as a key part of global security and disarmament, and I am proud to contribute to that mission,” concluded Ambassador Terán Parral.

Harmonizing Cultures: The Dialogue of Civilizations Through Vocal Art


Interview with Chinese Ambassador to the Netherlands H.E. Mr. TAN Jian

The Hague, Netherlands — June 2025

As the Water Cube Cup Chinese Songs Contest, which is held in more than 30 countries including the Netherlands, open to overseas Chinese and local people, celebrates its 15th anniversary, and a few days before the International Day for Dialogue Among Civilizations on June 10, Chinese Ambassador to the Netherlands H.E. Mr. TAN Jian emphasized the event’s growing significance as more than just a singing competition. “It has become a cherished platform for cultural exchange, artistic expression, and a celebration of our shared appreciation for Chinese culture,” said TAN.

In a wide-ranging interview, Ambassador TAN shared his thoughts on four key themes:

1. Public Speaking and Language Skills in Diplomacy

“Language is not just a tool—it’s a bridge,” TAN stated. As a seasoned diplomat, he reflected on the importance of mastering both message and delivery. “Whenever I speak, I ask myself two questions: What is the message? And how do I get it across?”

Drawing on rhetorical techniques like metaphor and alliteration, he explained how public speaking is akin to musical performance—requiring tone, rhythm, and clarity. “A good speech, like a good song, needs flow. Short, articulate sentences, rising and falling tones—these bring the message to life.”

2. Synergy on the Multilateral Stage

Ambassador TAN reaffirmed China’s commitment to multilateralism, highlighting initiatives like President Xi Jinping’s Global Civilization Initiative. “It advocates mutual respect, diversity, and shared values such as peace, justice, and freedom,” he said.

He noted that China’s cultural engagement spans major global platforms including UNESCO and has led to the establishment of international professional alliances across arts institutions. The adoption of a UN resolution co-sponsored by over 80 countries designating June 10 as the International Day for Dialogue Among Civilizations was “a testament to the world’s shared aspiration for peaceful coexistence.”

3. Inspiration for Multilateral Cooperation and Global Governance

People-to-people exchange, TAN argued, is the bedrock of diplomacy. “State relations are like a river—without people-to-people exchange, it’s a river without a source.”

He praised China’s visa-free policy for Dutch citizens and encouraged more cross-cultural visits, noting that “seeing is believing.” Referring to Dutch diplomat and sinologist Robert van Gulik, TAN added, “He is better known in China than in the Netherlands. That’s the power of cultural curiosity.”

4. Opportunities and Challenges for Civilizational Genes in the Age of AI

On the role of AI in cultural expression, including the Water Cube Cup’s new AI-generated music category, TAN welcomed innovation but issued a word of caution. “AI is a game changer—but it must not become a game over for humanity.”

He stressed the need for inclusive and ethical governance: “AI could be game over for us, ethical governance needed.” He continued: “AI should stand for ‘Artificial Intelligence,’ not ‘American Intelligence.’ It must serve all, not just a few.” He highlighted China’s call for AI for Good, AI for All, and praised open-source initiatives like DeepSeek as a “breakthrough in democratizing AI development.”

Closing Reflections

“Geopolitics may set us apart, but culture can bring us closer.” TAN concluded. “Whether through a Chinese folk song or a Dutch painting, we see one another more clearly. In dialogue, in voice, and in song—we find common ground.”

Ambassador TAN Jian(right) and Interviewer Albert Lincan(left)

Opinion: The Key Lessons for World Leaders to Solve the Climate Change Challenge

By Mostafa Sayyadi & Michael J. Provitera

On June 5, 2024, Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, stated in an open forum quite unequivocally: “We are playing Russian roulette with our planet. We need an exit ramp off the highway to climate hell. Indeed, climate change is a global challenge to sustainable development.” An applied solution to this global challenge is a common interest point for all. This opinion article presents the key leadership lessons from past global challenges in order to better combat the climate change crisis, alleviate the suffering of those immediately affected, and build a more stable future for all.

The financial benefits of investing in fossil fuels and the preference for short-term profits over longer-term benefits are uniquely consequential; meanwhile, our planet is suffocating. As researchers and authors, ostensibly, the short-term financial benefits are not more important than the challenges that threaten human survival. Indeed, many world leaders have not yet realized the importance, seriousness, and urgency of this threat. We must care about the land as a home for survival, development, and even financial gain for all its inhabitants.

To achieve this intention, a strong will is also necessary to overcome the challenge of climate change. Further collaboration between universities and climate change-related institutions could lead to technological innovations.

These technological innovations could then create opportunities to further replace fossil fuels with clean energy alternatives such as fusion-based nuclear power and green hydrogen energy. The key leadership lessons of past global crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian war on Ukraine, are necessary to address the current climate change crisis that threatens sustainable development. This opinion article specifically highlights several of these key lessons for world.

Lesson #1: Heed Expert Opinions

Global crises have provided us with examples and given us tools that might be used to help address the ravages of climate change more effectively. People view fossil fuel production and usage differently since the Russian Federation, one of the world’s largest oil and gas producers and former providers of the same to many European communities, invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022. Universally, many people now understand that renewable energy must play a critical role in their respective companies’ energy landscapes. We hope that many world leaders have also learned from the COVID-19 crisis, a pandemic that killed millions of people worldwide, that we must carefully heed expert opinions. For instance, in the U.S., one of the most important statements former President Biden made in his speech at the National Governors Association’s Winter Meeting on February 25, 2021, was that “He would be willing to take the vaccine publicly as soon as Doctor Fauci says it’s safe, in an effort to boost public confidence.” Now it is also time to implement this leadership lesson for world leaders in battling the climate change crisis and make more and better use of climate change experts to help guide decisions. Expert opinions can prevent errant policies and limit catastrophic ambivalence, steering the world to extinction. For example, German leaders have heeded expert opinions, and now the outlook for renewable energy use has improved and is encouraging. Optimistically, it can be said that Germany is now on the path of accepting renewable energy sources, and the use of these sources seems much more economical compared to fossil-fuel-based energy types.

Lesson #2: Achieve Greater Sensitivity and Awareness

As we face the energy crisis today, sensitivity to environmental change has spearheaded multi-faceted reactions. COVID-19 revealed to world leaders the importance of the “Butterfly Effect,” which showed how a seemingly small phenomenon could have a profound effect on political and economic systems around the world. They are now aligning with climate remediation and adaptation policies and objectives to begin to counter the harmful effects of a changing planet on their respective constituencies. They must also become more sensitive than ever to the consequences of the global super-crisis of climate change impacting their countries.

Lesson #3: Focus on Long-Term Consequences

Focusing on long-term consequences rather than short-term gains is another important lesson for world leaders that is better understood today in the energy crisis. Many European countries, especially Germany as previously mentioned, have come to terms with the crisis, realizing the long-term dangers of dependence on Russian oil and gas through greater cooperation between companies and universities and greater investment in alternative energies. Herein, expanding cooperation between technology experts and climate change experts is also increasingly needed to expand investments in emerging and cleaner technologies. The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is recognized as a critical global framework, fostering international collaboration to address the borderless issue of climate change, often incorporating feedback from technology experts and climate change experts. Through its various agreements, the UNFCCC provides a platform to work collectively to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and adapt to – and mitigate wherever possible – the changing climate, emphasizing the crucial role of global cooperation in fighting this multifaceted challenge. 

Now, world leaders should also consider the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) #s7 (“Affordable and Clean Energy”) and 9 (“Industry, Innovation and Infrastructure”), which clearly indicate that leaders should formulate and develop agreements to promote and enable the production of renewable energy sources. To achieve these goals, governments can also play an important role in facilitating and expediting the transition to electric cars and banning combustion-based vehicles. Policies such as incentive policies for customers who replace their gas-powered cars with EVs can be made more prominent. According to the Dow Jones Market Watch, in May of 2024, it was reported that the price gap between electric and conventional automobiles was slowly closing. The average transaction price for electric cars was $55,242 in April 2024, vs. gas-powered vehicles at $44,989. While Tesla (TSLA) contributed to a substantial drop in EV prices as it cut prices in 2023 after it announced it below $30,000-Model 2 to be released in 2025, its CEO, Elon Musk, has now ended that strategy.  And with both the EU and the US slapping hefty import taxes on a more affordable Chinese brand – BYD – one wonders when mass marketing and sales will become more feasible.

Without question, anthropogenically caused climate change has presented an existential threat to all parts of the world. As world leaders, let’s band together to hammer out a protocol, using the lessons of the past, to set the world on a better path.

How Investing in Business Journalism Will Strengthen Democracy Worldwide

By Mostafa Sayyadi & Michael J. Provitera

Business journalism is important to the vibrance of society and must be held at the helm of public reporting on issues that matter to people that care. Democracy across the globe is our intent with this opinion because without democracy we have conflict. Democracy is played out in the media by specifying the roles of business journalism to achieve an objective to create the paradigm of free speech coupled with true facts. Breaking the paradigm of democracy includes a distinct set of concepts that constitute legitimate contributions to social communication and development.

Business journalism provides guidance and inspiration using eight factors to engage citizens for success in achieving a higher level of democracy in a society. The critical role of business journalism in each factor emphasizes what, at minimum, needs to be conveyed by business journalists. For example, business journalism helps citizens reach goals and objectives that they may not consider otherwise, and, most importantly, knowledge and coverage of pertinent content helps people set meaningful goals in an engaging and effective manner. The factors we propose below provide a win-win scenario of democracy, sustainability, and citizen satisfaction. The goal here, is to develop- and -build democracy, inspire citizens, and increase their satisfaction with their society so that they can become more engaged and productive. Eight factors that contribute to democracy success and citizen engagement are:      

Political Equality

Business journalism offers a diverse pool of practical information on public issues. This practical information inspires citizens to be responsive and engaged in voting, running for office, or speaking on public issues. The positive effect of this factor is realized when the citizens feel empowered and are acting as agents of change for themselves, their significant others, and the communities in which they live.

Political Liberties

Leading people, speaking up, and being a role model as an informal leader is the intention of the business journalists. Alleviating anxiety for speaking freely and winning the hearts and minds of citizens that vote without intimidation.

Personal Liberties

Business journalism helps citizens feel the freedom of being a part of society and taking responsibility with free expression of personal opinions for the good of world stage.

Being Informed and Involved

Business journalism requires that information and communication shape societies for the better good. Involving every voice of every citizen as assessors of the status-quo to have a better-informed judgement when making suggestions for improvement in society at large.

Respect

Business journalism attempts to satisfy the desires of each citizen. Especially those that may lack a sense of respect towards the rights of others. Creating the best combination of information and common interest to instill a sense of respect all humanity.

Common Good

Business journalism is particularly effective in situations where citizens are lacking the drive, the wherewithal, and the to work on the common good of society to stimulate enthusiasm in a positive way.

Human Dignity

Business journalism sets the environment for protecting, upholding, and understanding the dignity of all citizens. Helping people to perform their personal best, even if it means refraining from hurtful speech or actions. Providing citizens, from all nations, with a clear and concise justification of respect toward all opinions with empathy.

Rule of Law

Business journalism clarifies the need for the golden rule, what one wants for oneself should be what one wants for society at large. Helping all citizens to be engaged to not only learn the rules of common law but also encourage them to implement these laws in their daily lives. Focusing more on the platinum rule that states that we should treat others the way they want to be treated.

In summary, business journalism is responsible in being a facilitator of knowledge and information that provides a common voice for democracy. With democracy, at its best, citizens may accomplish the eight factors noted above with effectiveness and efficiency. Business journalism’s role, therefore, is to assist citizens and encourage them to align with democracy. Thus, providing the support needed to ensure that each individual voice is heard, and personal aspirations are adhered to, for the common good of society at large. Satisfying each citizen’s desire to become a facilitator of change with the knowledge and information as it transpires, in real time, to be more effective at everything they touch. As an inspirer to make the world a safer and better place, the business journalist, builds equity, inclusion, and a voice of solidarity to people worldwide.

Alberta G-7 summit: For Trump’s Drama!

By Sazzad Haider

The 51st summit of the G-7 alliance, recognized as the assembly of the world’s wealthiest nations, will take place in Kananaskis City, Alberta, Canada, from June 15 to 17.

Most of the leaders from the participating nations will be attending this summit for the first time. Among them, The British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz. US President Donald Trump will also be present at this summit for the first time since commencing his second term.

 France President Emmanuel Macron, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni also will attend the summit. Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy will attend as representatives.

The G7 leaders are likely to discuss a range of pressing topics, such as Africa, climate change, and development, the prevailing situation in the Middle East, Russia’s assertive maneuvers in Ukraine, migration, the Indo-Pacific area, economic security, artificial intelligence, energy, along with issues related to Africa and the Mediterranean region.

Historically, leaders at previous G-7 summits have refrained from any form of duality or overt opposition towards one another. However, this G-7 summit in Alberta is occurring under rather unusual circumstances.

Now the relations between the United States and its European allies are reportedly the most strained since World War II. Additionally, President Trump has fostered a contentious relationship with Canada, the host of the 51st G-7 summit, which is unusual in the historical context of U.S.-Canada relations. This deterioration began when Trump initiated a tariff conflict against Canada, and tensions escalated further when he expressed interest in purchasing Canadian provinces.

The Canada-US relationship in 2025 is undergoing significant changes due to trade tensions, border policies, and shifting political landscapes. While both nations have historically enjoyed a strong partnership characterized by shared geography and economic ties, recent developments are testing this alliance. The relationship has been described as being under strain, with both countries navigating economic pressures and global challenges. Despite these challenges, the two nations continue to maintain a key economic, military, and security partnership.

In a post to social media, Trump writes that the only way to “make all Tariffs, and everything else, totally disappear” is “for Canada to become our cherished Fifty First State.”

He contends that such annexation would lower taxes for Canadians, enhance their military defenses, and strengthen border security. Trump’s persistent advocacy for Canada to become the fifty-first state—an idea he proposed even prior to his inauguration in January—resonates with other territorial ambitions he has expressed at the beginning of his second term, such as the acquisition of Greenland and the reclamation of the Panama Canal. Additionally, he has expressed a desire to renegotiate the 1908 treaty that defines the U.S.-Canada border, stating that ‘the artificial line of separation drawn many years ago will finally vanish.’ Trump’s rhetoric regarding annexation, coupled with his threats concerning tariffs, has incited backlash in Canada, prompting numerous businesses to boycott American products.

Since Trump’s second inauguration in January, Europe has experienced a tumultuous journey characterized by shifting policies ranging from Gaza to Greenland, and from Ukraine to a trade conflict.

The speech delivered by U.S. Vice President JD Vance at the Munich Security Conference in February 2025 represented a pivotal moment in the evolution of German strategic thought. For Berlin, Vance’s address crystallized apprehensions regarding the ideological aspirations of significant players in Washington, thereby questioning the fundamental principles of transatlantic unity. Vance accused European governments of stifling free expression and asserted that internal challenges, such as EU immigration and purported censorship policies, posed more significant threats to democracy than external adversaries like Russia or China. The defense of the European political framework, along with the commitment to the EU as a project of peace and democracy rather than merely a market, is integral to the identity of many within the German political establishment. Furthermore, Vance’s public criticism of the exclusion of populist parties—specifically mentioning Germany’s far-right AfD—and his subsequent private meeting with AfD leader Alice Weidel were widely interpreted in Berlin as a violation of sovereignty and an intrusion into German domestic affairs.

The forthcoming G-8 summit features a clearly outlined agenda that includes topics such as climate change and development, the current circumstances in the Middle East, Russia’s aggressive actions in Ukraine, migration, Indo-Pacific and economic security, artificial intelligence and energy, as well as issues concerning Africa and the Mediterranean region. It remains uncertain how Trump will approach fostering positive relations with his European allies and Canada.

 It is difficult to foresee Trump’s actions. During this summit, he might request Canada to merge with the United States or reconsider his earlier stance by factoring in Canada’s response to the tariffs. He could propose the dissolution of NATO or urge NATO to procure additional arms from the United States. Furthermore, he may even solicit European allies’ assistance in acquiring Greenland. Therefore, the possibility of something very dramatic happening at the upcoming G-8 summit is not ruled out.

China’s Dwindling Voice in the Mediterranean

By Mr. Kung Chan

In his first interview on ILTV Israel News in 2025, Chinese Ambassador to Israel, Xiao Junzheng, publicly condemned the Hamas attacks on October 7, calling it “outrageous”. This marks the first time China has issued a clear and official condemnation, signaling a shift in its previous stance on the Hamas issue. However, judging from the live broadcast, Xiao’s interview on Israeli television was not considered successful. During the program, he was openly questioned by the Israeli TV host: Why does China continue to adopt a pro-Hamas stance in the UN Security Council? Her challenge was justified, as the entire world has seen China’s position at the United Nations.

From the perspective of global geopolitics, China’s previous stance on Hamas is indeed open to question. After Hamas attacked Israel and was met with Israeli retaliation, China did not voice its condemnation of Hamas in its statements, which prompted Israel to express its disappointment. Indeed, China’s UN representative also condemned Israel in the UN Security Council. As things stood, China appeared to have successfully positioned itself as a global symbol of anti-Israel sentiment. Then, China has found itself, by siding with Hamas, has become isolated along with Hamas.

It appears that China’s initial diplomatic strategy appears to have lacked thorough studies.

Historically, the Mediterranean region has been a global hotspot, with major world events often linked to this area, from ancient Rome to the present day. Even nations in decline, such as Russia, maintain a military presence in the Mediterranean to ensure their continued involvement in global affairs. To withdraw from this region is to step away from the world stage, making it difficult to retain influence as a global power. The Mediterranean is not merely a political battleground; it is a matter of strategic survival.

China had previously enjoyed strong ties with Israel. Israel was one of the few countries that supported China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the country had made significant investments in Israeli infrastructure, with tens of thousands of Chinese workers involved in construction projects throughout Israel. However, China quickly sacrificed these relationships after the October 7 attacks. When the Israeli ambassador to China sought China’s support, Beijing refused outright. This decision severed the mutual interests that once tied the two nations together.

China’s rapid retreat from the Mediterranean and its increasing isolation from global affairs are striking. It forfeited a critical opportunity to influence international discourse and maintain its role as a global player. The Mediterranean, once a region of strategic importance for China, has now slipped from its grasp.

Could China use economic means to repair its relationship with Israel? This seems highly unlikely. While China once had the opportunity to leverage its BRI investments to solidify its influence in the Mediterranean, that window has effectively closed. The shifting geopolitical landscape, exemplified by Saudi Arabia’s lavish reception of U.S. President Donald Trump and the growing pro-U.S. coalition among Gulf states, makes it clear that China’s influence in the region has dwindled. As a result, China’s voice in the Mediterranean affairs has been significantly diminished, and this trend is likely to persist in the future.

The Rise of the “Century of the Americas” in the Global Economy

By Zhou Chao, Research Fellow for Geopolitical Strategy programme at ANBOUND

It is undeniable that, as of this year, the process of de-globalization has been unfolding for nearly a decade. The increasing divergence in global economic development patterns is now a widely accepted reality. When considering the countries and regions poised to take leading roles in the future global economic landscape, a range of perspectives has emerged. Some analysts predict that, thanks to its youthful population and growing economic power, India will solidify its position in the global economy. Others suggest that Southeast Asian countries, particularly Vietnam, will emerge as key players due to similar advantages. Additionally, some experts anticipate a promising future for the five Central Asian countries. However, in these discussions, the Americas seem to be somewhat overlooked.

In terms of the future global economic structure, the “Century of the Americas” should not be underestimated. Latin American countries, such as Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, as well as North American countries, including the United States and Canada, will occupy a more important position in the global economic structure, with greater influence.

The past emphasis on the economic dimensions of globalization has been somewhat one-sided and superficial. This focus has led to the development of overly complex and extended global supply chains, which have proven vulnerable to disruptions from natural disasters and regional conflicts. Furthermore, the widening global wealth gap has contributed to growing dissatisfaction within nations over this narrow form of globalization. As a result, regionalization is likely to become a lasting trend, with the U.S. increasingly turning its attention and resources toward the Americas, its geographically closer neighbors.

For the Americas as a whole, the U.S.’ primary objective will be to effectively manage and integrate the entire continent both ideologically and economically. The economic strength of North America, particularly that of the U.S. and Canada, is indisputable. While Canada has developed some opposition to the U.S. on specific issues, such as trade disputes, there is comparatively little ideological divide between the two nations. Economically, Canada remains heavily dependent on the U.S., and its eventual full integration into the U.S.’s regional strategy appears inevitable. Consequently, the most crucial task for the U.S. is the integration of the Latin American region.

In terms of economic development and strategic integration, the Latin American region holds significant importance for the U.S.

To cite some examples of crucial resources, the Latin American region holds at least 65% of the world’s lithium reserves. It also holds 49% of the silver reserves and 44% of copper. In addition, the Latin American region is also rich in oil and gas resources. Effectively managing and developing these resources is of great strategic importance to the U.S., as it plays a crucial role in ensuring resource independence and reducing reliance on China. Moreover, the region plus the Caribbean represents a vast consumer market, accounting for 8.3% of the global population.

Latin America’s economic growth potential is particularly promising in countries like Brazil and Mexico, which are seen as markets with significant growth prospects. All these factors contribute to the U.S.’s strong interest in the region, offering attractive returns on potential capital investments.

Although some Latin American countries face internal political instability, the overall situation in the region remains favorable compared to other regions. Unlike some Southeast Asian nations, Latin America does not suffer from extreme internal military fragmentation or warlordism. While criminal groups pose concerns, their influence is not as destructive as extremist forces in regions such as Central Asia or the Middle East. The internal challenges in Latin American countries, mostly related to governance issues, are more remediable than those faced by some of the larger countries in other regions.

In terms of U.S. integration of the region, the key players will be Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina. The success or failure of U.S. efforts to integrate the region will largely depend on the attitudes of these three nations. Mexico, while occasionally confrontational on issues like tariffs, has no significant ideological opposition to the U.S. Furthermore, Mexico’s economic dependence on the U.S. makes full integration into U.S. regional strategy highly likely. The country’s economic potential, especially its growing manufacturing sector, makes it an important partner for the U.S.

In Argentina, President Javier Milei’s recent radical reforms have already had a notable impact, further aligning the country with the U.S.’s regional strategy. His economic reforms, particularly in the monetary and financial sectors, have deepened Argentina’s integration into the broader American economic framework.

Brazil, on the other hand, is currently governed by left-wing forces, which create some ideological distance from the U.S. Despite economic challenges, such as low investment efficiency and heavy reliance on primary product exports, Brazil’s overall economic performance remains stable. While left-wing influence in Brazil is strong, right-wing factions still exert significant control at local and central levels. This suggests that Brazil could eventually pursue economic reforms that align more closely with U.S. interests, potentially integrating more fully into the U.S. regional strategy.

Other Latin American countries, with smaller populations and economies, will likely face less resistance to U.S. influence, making their full integration into U.S. strategy highly probable. Cuba, long isolated and suffering from internal economic struggles, has little capacity to obstruct U.S. plans for the region. Similarly, while Venezuela’s current political stability under NicolĂĄs Maduro persists, the country’s relatively small size and limited resources prevent it from significantly impeding U.S. integration efforts.

Although Latin America faces numerous challenges, the U.S. is in a strong position to integrate the region, meeting its developmental needs through emerging economies within the Americas. For this vision to be realized, Latin American countries like Mexico, Argentina, and Brazil must have large, youthful populations, thriving manufacturing sectors, and stable social environments. These countries will need to effectively absorb U.S. capital, providing the foundation for sustained economic growth and prosperity.

Once U.S. capital, technology, and ideas reshape key countries within the region, Latin America’s economic and social development could experience significant leaps forward. This would not only strengthen the region’s international status and influence but also solidify its role as a central pillar in a resurgent global economy.

The International Criminal Court deplores new sanctions from the US administration against ICC Officials  

The International Criminal Court (ICC) deplores the additional designations for sanctions which were announced today by the United States of four judges of the Court: Second Vice-President Reine Adelaide Sophie Alapini Gansou (Benin), Judge Solomy Balungi Bossa (Uganda), Judge Luz del Carmen Ibåñez Carranza (Peru) and Judge Beti Hohler (Slovenia). These additional designations follow the earlier designation of Prosecutor Karim A.A. Khan KC.

These measures are a clear attempt to undermine the independence of an international judicial institution which operates under the mandate from 125 States Parties from all corners of the globe. The ICC provides justice and hope to millions of victims of unimaginable atrocities, in strict adherence to the Rome Statute, and maintains the highest standards in protecting the rights of suspects and the victims.

Targeting those working for accountability does nothing to help civilians trapped in conflict. It only emboldens those who believe they can act with impunity. These sanctions are not only directed at designated individuals, they also target all those who support the Court, including nationals and corporate entities of States Parties. They are aimed against innocent victims in all Situations before the Court, as well as the rule of law, peace, security and the prevention of the gravest crimes that shock the conscience of humanity.

The ICC stands fully behind its personnel, and will continue its work undeterred, in strict accordance with the Rome Statute and the principles of fairness and due process, with a view to bringing justice to victims of war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and the crime of aggression.

Withdrawal from the Rome Statute by Hungary

President of the Assembly of States Parties regrets

The President of the Assembly of States Parties, PĂ€ivi Kaukoranta (Finland), has reiterated her regret regarding the withdrawal of Hungary, effective as of 2 June 2026, from the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court (“ICC”). The Presidency of the Assembly of States Parties expressed its regrets on the announcement of withdrawal from the Rome Statute by Hungary on 3 April 2025.

President Kaukoranta noted, “the Assembly of States Parties, effectively represented by 125 countries from all regions, is deeply dedicated to supporting the Court’s mission which is to bring an end to impunity for the gravest crimes that affect the international community”.

“I truly hope that Hungary’s withdrawal from the Rome Statute is not permanent, but just a brief pause to its commitment to international justice, and that it will return to the community of States Parties in due course. Achieving universal acceptance of the Rome Statute is crucial to advancing our united goal of ensuring justice for grave crimes and upholding the rule of law”, said President Kaukoranta. “The ICC’s ability to combat impunity depends on a great extent, on the sustained backing from the international community”.

The Assembly of States Parties is the management oversight and legislative body of the ICC. It is comprised of representatives of States that have ratified and acceded to the Rome Statute. President Kaukoranta was elected President of the Assembly for a three-year mandate in December 2023.