The Embassy of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay marked his country’s Independence Day with a grand and festive reception. Held on August 27 at the Leonardo Royal Hotel in The Hague, the event drew over 200 distinguished guests from various sectors of Dutch society.
Ambassadors, chiefs of international missions, diplomats, academics, business leaders, and representatives from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with members of the Uruguayan community, all responded to H.E. Ambassador Dr. Álvaro González Otero’s invitation to celebrate ‘Día de la Independencia’—Uruguay’s National Day, commemorating its independence from Brazil in 1825.
After nearly 200 years of conflict and civil unrest under Spanish and then Brazilian rule, Uruguay has emerged as a country renowned for its welcoming people, stunning landscapes, first-class meat production, and high-quality wine. In recent decades, Uruguayans have enjoyed a stable democracy, a steady improvement in living conditions, and overall well-being.
In a packed room with an animated audience, Ambassador González Otero took the microphone to thank all the attendees for their sincere affection for his people and country. He then proudly expressed:
“Two years have quickly passed since I arrived in this lovely kingdom. Since then, we have started to shift the focus of the Embassy, placing more emphasis on our bilateral relations. The Netherlands and Uruguay have more in common than people might imagine. We share international principles, landscapes, agricultural production, developed services, qualified exports, and a progressive lifestyle.
We also share strong commitments to the well-being of our citizens and visitors, the protection of human rights, environmental sustainability, progressive social policies, and significant efforts towards renewable energy and climate action. Both countries also emphasize education, democratic governance, and active participation in international organizations promoting peace and development. So, we will keep working to boost our bilateral relations.”
Ambassador González Otero then listed some of the most relevant initiatives undertaken by the Embassy over the last few months:
– Uruguayan participation in the World Hydrogen Summit 2024: Led by the Minister of Industry, Energy, and Mining, Ms. Elisa Facio, with over 50 representatives from various sectors of the public and private sectors.
– Active participation in the “26th World Energy Congress.”
– Cooperation Project with Delft Institute for Water Education: Since 2011, Uruguayan professionals specializing in water resources have participated in the Delft Institute program for advanced training. Initially, the program began with 40 scholarships, resulting in 37 professionals successfully completing their studies. This early success led to the program’s relocation and implementation at the Technological University of Uruguay, now featuring regional participation. The program has since had two new editions in 2022 and 2024, expanding to include 17 professionals from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. This development has transformed Uruguay into a regional hub in the field of water resource education.
– Uruguay’s status as one of the 32 signing states of the Ljubljana – The Hague Convention in February 2024.
– Positioning Uruguay as a potential living and working destination for Dutch farmers.
– Interactions with RVO and Port of Rotterdam related to port cooperation.
– Exploring and initiating new cooperation projects with Westland Municipality and Wageningen University.
– Meetings with private sector actors related to agribusiness.
– Preparation for the Capitan Miranda’s visit to Amsterdam: Uruguay’s school tall ship has already confirmed its participation in Sail Amsterdam 2025.
– Multilateral achievements: The Embassy has made progress in multilateral areas, including ongoing contributions and work with international organizations based in The Hague: the ICJ, ICC, OPCW, HCCH, and the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Additionally, a closer relationship with The Hague Academy of International Law has been pursued. Significant advances have also been made through the coordinated work of the GRULAC Group in relation to various international organizations.
Following his remarks, Ambassador González Otero invited the audience to watch a short video about Uruguay, which made a great impression on those present. He expressed, “Uruguay is an exceptional country that has developed a dynamic and robust culture, shaped by a fascinating blend of gaucho traditions, European influences, and the unique Rioplatense spirit. Tango, folklore, candombe, and milonga are examples of its rich artistic musical expression. Uruguayan gastronomy, featuring high-quality meat, wine, and dairy products, especially the beloved ‘dulce de leche,’ delights palates and consistently wins prestigious awards worldwide.”
“The work we have done does not mean we are satisfied; we want to continue advancing in a deeper process. The bilateral relationship is already strong, but the potential to strengthen bonds in several key areas is even greater.”
The event was conceived to showcase the rich and diverse culture of Uruguay, a nation with a population of approximately 3,495,527 as of 2022.
The national anthems of Uruguay and the Netherlands were performed by the Uruguayan opera singer Sara de los Campos. After the ambassador’s speech, the Embassy paid tribute to two influential musicians: José “El Sabalero” Carbajal and Jaime Roos, who both lived in the Netherlands. Jaime Roos settled in Amsterdam in 1978, where he played bass in several salsa, rock, and jazz groups. He had a son and remained in the Netherlands until 1984 when he returned to Uruguay.
Carbajal spent his days in the Netherlands with his wife, Anke van Haastrecht, and their two children. Anke was invited to share some special stories from their life together.
The enthusiastic audience enjoyed an authentic performance by talented Uruguayan drummers Luis Gradin, Marcelo Terra, and Nicolás Sánchez. The celebration continued with Uruguayan wine, classic savory empanadas, and dulce de leche, which delighted the crowded room and completed the great celebration.
Ambassador González Otero concluded the event by thanking his Embassy team: Counselor Pablo Bayarres, Chancellor Gustavo Morales, his assistant Juan Diego, and Martha Hernández and Sofía Anastasiou. He then led a warm toast for the people of the Netherlands, Uruguay, and the necessary and desired peace in the world.
International relations are nowadays characterised by major changes that started at the end of the 80s with the fall of the Berlin Wall. Indeed, the end of the cold war was marked by the dislocation of the two main political blocks, namely the Soviet Union and the Western World. Such a dislocation resulted in the marginalization of the post-war multilateral system embodied in the United Nations, and the standstill of the multilateral trade negotiations in the late 90s in the context of the World Trade Organisation. New lines of political thought have been facing each other since then, while reshaping the post-cold war world in a number of fragmented and variable sub-blocks of countries.
The United States decided to put itself first by concentrating on its internal affairs, while withdrawing from international affairs.
Europe, the old continent, looks for an efficient strategy towards autonomy from the United States. Europe also tries, not without difficulty, to create a more cohesive internal and external political approach. The reality is however evolving rather more towards fragmentation of Europe in favour of European National fragmented interests. Such a fragmentation is the natural consequence of the decadence of the European Institutional and collective actions to the advantage of individual Sates actions and interests. In sum, what seemed to be a structured and coherent European Union block fighting for the promotion of its economic and political values all over the world has somehow become an alliance at variable geometry both internally and externally. The disorganisation of the leadership results in a chaotic and unpredictable European External and Internal action.
Thereof, the empty influence spaces left on the international relations scene has given new international actors the opportunity to emerge.
Meanwhile, the fragmentation of the European Institutions has also impacted the EU-USA relations within NATO, and affected the security and peace sphere. Security issues have been on and off on the European agenda.
In this context, Russia that has lost its empire in the 80s looks now for a new power game. In spite of the disruption of the Soviet Union, Russia attempts either by influence or by force to exercise power in its ancient affiliate countries. Russia that was supposed to be defeated with the fall of the Berlin Wall takes back its role of opponent to the Western World on the international scene at least as it concerns the international affairs philosophy. Thus, creating a tension aimed at restoring its power in the world.
The group of emerging and developing economies that constitute a new variable block with a large portion of population employed in agriculture have emerged as new actors in the world’s geo-political discourses. At the head of this block on the international scene, there is China. The shaky international leadership context has indeed given China a new space. China’s communist past combined with its market-based economic strategy gives it a particular position.
China is The One that can communicate to Russia. China is also The One that can have an influence on the Western economic and political scene as China owns a big part of Western Foreign Debt
China embeds a horizontal strategy in both its trade and development policies, while producing at low wages. Its production system coupled with its pragmatic political approach has reshaped the international power structure. The top-down approach of the Western World faces now the competition created by the horizontal win-win approach proposed by China in both developing and industrialized countries.
Indeed, as a result of the decline of the Western World global hegemony based on market access and economic and social liberalism as a means to ensure economic growth and promote economic development, the vision promoted by China’s discourse, centred on the protection of livelihoods and local sovereign choices finds new adepts. Furthermore, China has successfully attempted to promote a trade-off approach to international cooperation during the last 20 years. A cooperation that does not interfere in internal affairs of partner countries as it has often reproached to the Western countries involved in international cooperation.
As the developing countries leader, China positions itself as the spoke country for the poor. As a new world powerful economic actor China plays as the guarantor of the Western Economic stability. China positions itself as the bridge between the rich and the poor. It is representing a different hegemonic game that only changes in its discourse, while still pursuing its own interests and influence zones. Such a situation poses the question of the values that the international regime wants to embrace. Indeed, this changing world results in an increased number of conflicts – be new or historical conflicts.
The dislocation of the traditional leaders of the international relations has definitely created a chaotic and unpredictable scenario. Chaos has in some cases been chosen as a political strategy to disrupt the post-1945 international regime. Such a disruption has benefitted new actors, and given space to new lines of thought. These new lines of thought have attacked the existing international framework but has not yet succeeded in creating a new regime. The increasing unbalance of power and the lack of leadership on the international political scene is risky.
The reduction by choice of leadership of the United States has indeed resulted in the weakening of the values emerged as a result of the dramatic experience of Second World War, namely freedom of thought and freedom of speech to mention only a few. We are now facing a much more authoritarian world with force used as a means to manage the political arena. Dialogue seems to be a rather consuming exercise that has left its place to the use of force. Force is no longer seen as the last option but rather the opening act for political dialogue. Nationalism and individual interests are now at the centre of the political game. This trend is taking the world to instability and conflict.
The peoples of the world are more and more questioning the existing system. People’s needs and expectations are not met. The new emerged actors, such as China have given the hope of a possible change in the present international system without fundamentally questioning its rationale but rather trying to rip a slate of the cake.
The struggle for influence among countries has not succeeded in building a peaceful and stable world. Citizens will have to face the challenge of building a new era of peace and stability worldwide.
S.E. M. Philippe Couvreur est arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982, où il a d’abord occupé le poste d’assistant spécial aux bureaux du greffier et du greffier adjoint de la Cour internationale de Justice.
Il a ensuite exercé les fonctions de Secrétaire, Premier Secrétaire et Secrétaire juridique principal, avant d’être élu Greffier de la Cour en 2000, et réélu en 2007 et 2014.
Pour marquer l’anniversaire de ses débuts à la Cour, il y a 35 ans, Diplomat Magazine l’a invité à témoigner de son expérience unique au service de cette institution, des évolutions qu’il a pu y observer, et à partager le regard qu’il porte sur les changements qui ont marqué la Cour et La Haye au cours des trois dernières décennies.
Je suis arrivé à La Haye en avril 1982 — de façon aussi inattendue que j’avais entamé des études de droit treize ans auparavant (mais c’est là une autre histoire…) — pour occuper un poste temporaire à la Cour internationale de Justice. La Cour était alors la seule institution judiciaire internationale existante au plan universel.
Son activité, particulièrement faible à la fin des années 1970, ne pouvait en ce temps-là guère laisser présager du succès que rencontrerait la Cour dans les décennies à venir. Mon bienveillant maître de Louvain, le professeur Paul de Visscher, fils du célèbre internationaliste Charles de Visscher, unique juge belge à la Cour, m’avait prédit des jours aussi sereins qu’heureux, écoulés à lire et à écrire des ouvrages dans la solitude des imposants murs de la bibliothèque du Palais de la Paix…
En rejoignant la Cour, un frais matin d’avril, dont je garde un souvenir très précis, le jeune juriste que j’étais découvrit, non sans étonnement, une organisation de taille très modeste, le Greffe, qui en est l’organe administratif, alors composé de moins d’une quarantaine de fonctionnaires. Le fonctionnement de la Cour reposait entièrement sur cette équipe restreinte de personnel permanent, auquel s’ajoutait, selon que de besoin, un personnel temporaire pour faire face au surcroît de travaux linguistiques et de sténodactylographie lors des sessions (publiques et privées) de la Cour.
Je me rappelle avoir été frappé par la personnalité haute en couleur de certains de ces traducteurs indépendants, dont la grande culture littéraire m’émerveillait. Cette structure très économique du Greffe impliquait une grande polyvalence de ses membres, et les Secrétaires de la Cour — ses fonctionnaires supérieurs — étaient appelés, en sus de leurs travaux de recherches juridiques, de préparation des documents de la Cour, et de rédaction de la correspondance diplomatique, à assumer eux-mêmes l’essentiel des tâches linguistiques (traduction et interprétation) et d’information, ainsi que la supervision de nombreuses activités administratives et logistiques.
Il n’était nullement rare qu’un nouveau venu comme moi ait à passer week-ends et nuits blanches au Palais de la Paix à effectuer les travaux les plus divers… allant jusqu’à imprimer et polycopier, sur de vieilles machines à stencils ronéotype, des décisions dont la Cour devait donner la lecture en séance publique le lendemain !
Dès mon arrivée au Greffe, j’ai eu le bonheur et le privilège d’être initié et associé à l’ensemble des fonctions de l’institution sous la patiente supervision de personnalités d’exception, tels que MM. Torres Bernárdez et Pillepich, alors respectivement Greffier et Greffier adjoint. J’en ai retiré le plus grand bénéfice, puisque cette immersion sans préparation dans toutes les facettes de l’activité du Greffe m’a permis d’acquérir de ce dernier une connaissance unique — de l’intérieur — et sous tous ses aspects —, un acquis particulièrement précieux au moment où j’ai été amené, bien des années plus tard, à assumer la délicate responsabilité d’en assurer la gestion au plus haut niveau.
Devenir un fonctionnaire du Greffe au début des années 1980 signifiait accepter de se couler sans discussion dans un moule à tous égards exigeant, et se donner corps et âme, avec humilité et discrétion, à l’institution, sans penser à soi ni parler de soi.
Depuis ces années d’initiation, j’ai été le témoin de profondes transformations de la Cour, rendues inévitables à la fois pour répondre à l’accroissement considérable de ses activités, avec la disparition du monde bipolaire qui avait relégué le règlement judiciaire à un rôle quelque peu marginal, et pour saisir les opportunités nouvelles offertes, notamment, par le progrès des technologies et de la communication. Entre 1982 et aujourd’hui, le nombre de fonctionnaires a ainsi presque triplé (il a quasiment doublé depuis l’an 2000, année de ma première élection en tant que Greffier). L’organisation du travail a été progressivement spécialisée entre les divers départements, juridique, linguistique et chargé de l’information, qui furent créés en 1997, et les services techniques. Par ailleurs, les Membres de la Cour ne disposèrent pas, pendant longtemps, de « référendaires » — ils s’y sont d’ailleurs longtemps refusés—, et l’assistance apportée aux juges en matière judiciaire était principalement répartie entre les fonctionnaires du Département des affaires juridiques.
Les cinq premiers postes de juristes référendaires ne furent obtenus de l’Assemblée générale et créés qu’en 2002, à l’issue de difficiles négociations que je me souviens avoir menées avec beaucoup de plaisir et d’intérêt ; le nombre de ces postes s’est progressivement accru, pour s’élever à quinze aujourd’hui.
Les divers développements qui ont marqué le monde au cours des dernières décennies n’ont pas manqué de soulever pour la Cour de nouveaux défis. Comme c’est le cas pour toute institution, elle n’a pu les relever en faisant table rase des enseignements de son histoire ni, à l’inverse, en ne saisissant pas toutes les opportunités offertes par le temps présent. A ces différents égards, la Cour est certainement parvenue, au fil des ans, à assurer un équilibre, toujours délicat, entre changements et continuité.
La continuité de la Cour est bien sûr inscrite dans son Statut, qui fait partie intégrante de la Charte des Nations Unies, et reflétée dans ses méthodes judiciaires, qui ont été très largement élaborées par sa devancière, la Cour permanente de Justice internationale, et héritées d’elle. Cette continuité historique était particulièrement présente lorsque j’ai rejoint le Greffe.
Ainsi, en manière d’anecdote, divers hauts fonctionnaires alors en poste avaient eux-mêmes côtoyé, au début de leur carrière, d’anciens fonctionnaires de la Cour permanente. Tous nourrissaient à l’égard de cette dernière le plus grand respect. Il régnait d’ailleurs dans les couloirs du Palais de la Paix une atmosphère feutrée et délicieusement surannée, évocatrice de la défunte Société des Nations. Je me souviens en avoir encore utilisé maintes fournitures de bureau !
La continuité jurisprudentielle et procédurale entre les deux Cours constitue pour les Etats une garantie importante de sécurité et de prévisibilité juridiques. Cette continuité, juridique et historique, de même que l’expérience accumulée en plus de quatre-vingt-dix ans d’exercice de la fonction judiciaire, sont pour la Cour un facteur crucial de légitimité.
En même temps, la Cour a eu, à l’évidence, à s’adapter aux changements du monde réel dans lequel elle opère, comme aux nécessités et opportunités nouvelles de chaque époque traversée.
L’une des transformations notoires auxquelles j’ai assisté fut l’ouverture croissante de la Cour sur l’extérieur : longtemps à l’écart, à dessein, des organes politiques des Nations Unies, la Cour a souhaité se faire plus et mieux entendre de ces organes et des Etats membres. Elle a ainsi rompu avec ce qui était parfois perçu comme un « splendide isolement » au sein des Nations Unies, même si elle défend toujours jalousement son autonomie. La Cour doit en outre désormais également tenir compte des nombreuses autres juridictions, internationales ou régionales, qui ont été créées ces dernières années, et veiller, autant que possible, à assurer l’harmonie du « concert judiciaire » que permet ce foisonnement de cours et tribunaux sur la scène internationale.
Davantage ouverte sur la communauté internationale et ses réalités, la Cour s’est montrée de plus en plus attentive, non seulement à sa place dans l’Organisation des Nations Unies, mais aussi à la poursuite des objectifs de celle-ci et à sa mission propre au service du règlement pacifique des différends internationaux. Des différends de plus en plus complexes, tant juridiquement que factuellement, en même temps que politiquement plus denses, lui ont été soumis. En révisant constamment, selon que de besoin, ses méthodes de travail, elle a su les résoudre rapidement et efficacement, à un coût particulièrement modeste pour la communauté internationale, tout en assurant le développement du droit.
Enfin, pour conclure sur une note plus prosaïque, mais qui est loin d’être négligeable, je ne peux taire la chance que j’ai eue de connaître l’extraordinaire développement de la ville de La Haye au cours des 35 dernières années. Celle-ci offre aujourd’hui à la Cour, comme aux nombreuses institutions internationales qui s’y sont installées à sa suite, une qualité de vie et un cadre de travail uniques, qui sont très loin de ressembler à ce que j’ai trouvé en y arrivant.
A l’image de l’imposante stature du Palais de la Paix où elle siège, symbole mondialement connu de la justice internationale, la Cour est une institution solidement établie. En dépit des périodes de doute ou de désaffection qu’elle a traversées par le passé, son rôle est unanimement salué au sein de la communauté internationale et le recours à ses services par les Etats n’a jamais été aussi soutenu. 35 ans après, je continue de mesurer chaque jour le privilège qui est le mien de servir au mieux de mes capacités l’organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies.
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Les photos dans l’article sont une courtoisie de la Cour International de Justice.
The Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia in the Hague, in collaboration with the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism, hosted the first Indonesia Medical Wellness Tourism Promotion (IMWTP), in Amsterdam, 26 October 2024, marking a significant step forward in Indonesia-Netherlands relations through the innovative sector of medical wellness tourism.
Ambassador Mayerfas in his opening remarks highlighted Indonesia’s strong points in wellness tourism. “Indonesia, with its rich biodiversity, cutting-edge healthcare facilities, and deep-rooted traditional healing practices, is emerging as a global hub for medical wellness tourism. Indonesia offers not only high-quality medical services but also unique experiences that blend modern healthcare with traditional therapies, set in the middle of the beauty of our natural landscapes.”
The Director of Health Services Governance of the Ministry of Health, Sunarto, further emphasized the opportunities for international partnerships and the role of wellness tourism in promoting Indonesia’s rich cultural heritage alongside advanced healthcare solutions.
The representative from the Ministry of Tourism, Arya Galih Anindita, underscored the Indonesian government’s commitment to fostering the medical wellness tourism sector as a key component of its economic and tourism strategy.
Dutch Health Architect, showcasing the design of Aspen Medical Hospital in Depok, West Java, drew attention to the potential for Indonesia-Netherlands partnerships in developing world-class facilities that align with the international standards. On top of this, senior managers from AON, one of leading international insurance companies in Europe, spotlighted the avenues for collaboration in insurance coverage for medical tourism. They expounded the benefits of comprehensive health and wellness packages that provide peace of mind and convenience for international tourists.
The event, which saw active participation from both Indonesian and Dutch stakeholders, aimed at introducing Indonesia’s holistic wellness and medical services to the Dutch market through business-to-business matching session, products exhibition, and various workshops. Key Indonesian participants include the Bali Medical Tourism Association (BMTA), Prima Medika Hospital, Bali Royal Hospital, RSU Bhakti Rahayu, Sada Jiwa Clinic, Unicare Medical Clinic, and the Sanur Special Economic Zone (SEZ). They represented diverse and unique potentials in Indonesia’s rapidly growing health and wellness sector.
Garuda Indonesia Amsterdam and several wellness related stakeholders, such as Kutus Kutus Property International (KKPI), Djamu Djamu, Blora Mustika BV, and Good Jamu, also participated in the two-days exhibition and workshop programs.
With its emphasis on healthy living and innovation, the Netherlands is an ideal partner for Indonesia in advancing this sector. As Indonesia’s wellness and medical tourism sector continues to expand, this event highlights the country’s readiness to welcome Dutch tourists seeking rejuvenation and holistic health treatments in Indonesia’s beautiful and serene settings.
Arusha, The Hague, 10 December 2024 – The President of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (Mechanism), Judge Graciela Gatti Santana, today presented the Mechanism’s twenty-fifth progress report to the United Nations Security Council (Council) in New York.
President Gatti Santana began her address by expressing profound gratitude for the support the Mechanism has received from the Council, particularly during the biennial review process that led to the renewal of the Mechanism’s mandate in June 2024.
The President informed the Council that, since her last address, the Mechanism has advanced with a clear focus. She stated that, while the Mechanism continues to have substantial work in connection with its residual mandated functions, which are unprecedented in scope, “we are delivering justice in line with our statutory obligations, are doing so efficiently, and with a completion mindset”.
By way of illustration, President Gatti Santana referred to a number of judicial activities, including the recent review hearing in the Gérard Ntakirutimana case. There, the Appeals Chamber heard all the relevant evidence and closing submissions from the parties over two working days and pronounced its judgement at the end of the same week, with Mr. Ntakirutimana’s convictions remaining unaltered. The President emphasised that this process was key to the justice cycle and ensured no miscarriage of justice had occurred, but also exemplified the institution’s dedication to completing any in-court proceedings quickly and cost-effectively.
With respect to the Mechanism’s other residual functions, including for example supervising the enforcement of sentences and providing assistance to national jurisdictions, President Gatti Santana highlighted that they continue to require time, attention, and resources. She explained that the Mechanism is, moreover, best placed to execute them in the near term, given its institutional knowledge and the need to identify viable and just solutions for transfer or completion.
The President underscored, however, that the Mechanism will require ongoing cooperation from States to address critical, unresolved challenges. These include finding a durable solution for the six acquitted or released persons in Niger, who continue to live in limbo and without the rights they were promised when they agreed to relocate there. A second challenge relates to the return of convicted persons from enforcement States to the United Nations Detention Unit in The Hague, which has resulted in the effective conversion of the Unit into a prison facility. Another issue requiring cooperation is the Jojić and Radeta case, pending for nearly a decade due to Serbia’s lack of cooperation in arresting and transferring the accused.
Turning to the Mechanism’s future planning efforts, President Gatti Santana emphasised that the Mechanism has paid very close attention to resolution 2740 (2024) and stands ready to provide any information and support required in relation to the reports that the Council has requested the Secretary-General to prepare. In the meantime, the Mechanism continues to streamline and reduce its operational requirements to more fully realise the Council’s vision of a small, temporary, and efficient institution. This is exemplified by its reductions in staffing and budgetary resources and the closure of both the Kigali Field Office and External Relations Office.
In closing, President Gatti Santana reiterated that the Mechanism exists to complete the cycle of justice initiated by the Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda and remains resolute in its commitment to this cause. She assured the Council that: “We are prepared to conclude this work and to fulfil your promise to Rwanda and the States of the former Yugoslavia – in resolution after resolution – that justice will be done.”
The Hague,16 December 2024: The Conference of States Parties to the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) met in diplomatic format at the Peace Palace in The Hague, the Netherlands, today to approve important amendments to ICMP’s founding Treaty that will further enhance the organization’s capacity to implement its global mandate. The occasion also commemorated the 10th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty.
In December 2014, the Agreement on the Status and Functions of the International Commission on Missing Persons was signed by Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Agreement established ICMP as an intergovernmental organization with its seat in The Hague. The ICMP Agreement includes a clause for its review at the initiative of the original Signatory States. Ten countries participated in the review process, and the amendments reflect practical lessons learned in the decade since the Treaty was signed.
One of the amendments agreed will clarify the criteria and process for States to become parties to the Agreement. States wishing to become parties to the ICMP Agreement are expected to have demonstrated commitment to addressing the issue of missing persons as a state responsibility. Another agreed change will facilitate the organization’s capacities to pursue multilateral initiatives among states, including a standing capacity to respond to the growing number of missing persons around the world.
The number of conflicts around the world – the highest number since 1946 – coupled with the consequences of global warming and an increase in migration has contributed to record numbers of missing persons. An effective standing capacity can respond to this in a manner that is in line with the rule of law and ensures that the rights of all families are secured, regardless of their national, religious or ethnic background, gender, economic situation, or political beliefs, or the circumstances of their disappearance or any other factor.
Today’s conference, which was hosted by the Foreign Ministry of the Netherlands, was organized with support from the governments of Germany, the Netherlands and Kosovo.
Constitutions are foundational documents that shape the political and legal structure of a nation. In democratic systems, they are intended to establish a clear separation of powers, protect individual rights, and ensure that governance is responsive to the needs of the people.
However, leaders in countries like Venezuela, Russia, and Turkey have exploited constitutional amendments to centralize power, eroding democratic institutions. Indonesia faces similar risks with proposals like presidential term extensions and reintroducing state policy guidelines (PPHN), raising concerns over potential abuses of power. This article examines these issues through global comparisons and suggests reforms to safeguard democracy.
Hence, the following lines are examining how the mechanism of constitutional amendments can be misused to consolidate power and undermine democratic norms, a phenomenon known as abusive constitutionalism. By analyzing cases from Turkey, Russia, Venezuela, and China, it explores how leaders manipulate legal frameworks to entrench authority and foster a cult of personality. The paper highlights preventative measures such as eternity clauses, the basic structure doctrine, and civil society engagement as safeguards to protect democracy. It also considers how Indonesia can strengthen its constitutional framework to prevent authoritarianism.
Using conceptual legal research and a comparative approach, this study aims to answer three key questions: (1) What drives the proposed constitutional amendments in Indonesia? (2) How do these proposals align with principles of constitutionalism and democracy? (3) What safeguards can prevent abusive constitutional practices in Indonesia? It seeks to address the research questions by evaluating how constitutional amendments have led to abusive constitutionalism, focusing on Indonesia’s current proposals. Cases from countries such as India, Colombia, and Venezuela provide insights into how term limit extensions, power shifts, and personalization undermine democratic principles. The study emphasizes the role of civil society in maintaining accountability.
II. Constitution, Legal Order and Political Power
2.1 Comparative Framework: Abusive Constitutionalism in a Global Context
Abusive constitutionalism, as defined by David Landau, refers to the manipulation of constitutional mechanisms to undermine democracy under the guise of legal reform. This global phenomenon has been observed in countries like Hungary, Venezuela, Turkey, China, Colombia, and Indonesia. Tactics include extending presidential terms, weakening checks and balances, co-opting judicial institutions, and consolidating power under the rhetoric of stability or national progress.
In Colombia, the 1991 constitution limited the president to a single term to prevent the rise of authoritarian leaders, seeking to entrench power. However, President Álvaro Uribe Vélez sought to amend the constitution to allow re-election, raising concerns about democratic backsliding. Similarly, in Venezuela, constitutional reforms extended the presidential term from one four-year term to two six-year terms, enabling Hugo Chávez to consolidate power. Like Colombia’s example, these amendments were framed as necessary for national progress, but they ultimately allowed for the rise of authoritarian rule.
In Hungary, the ruling party employed both amendments and replacements to the constitution to consolidate power. This included adding more constitutional court judges, restructuring key state commissions, and making it more difficult to amend the constitution in ways that could challenge the ruling party’s dominance. These measures illustrate how constitutional reforms can be used as tools for entrenching power, rather than reforming governance. Similar trends are observable in Indonesia, where proposed constitutional amendments, such as reintroducing the National Guidelines (PPHN), may serve to further centralize authority in the hands of the president.
Rosalind Dixon and David Landau’s concept of Abusive Constitutional Borrowing highlights how democratic frameworks are repurposed for authoritarian control, often by weakening institutions like constitutional courts or anti-corruption bodies. Research shows that while leaders frequently attempt to evade term limits through constitutional changes, public resistance, rather than judicial intervention, is often the key deterrent.
The global patterns suggest that Indonesia’s proposed amendments may not aim to improve governance but rather consolidate power, exemplifying Landau’s concept of abusive constitutionalism.
2.2 SEA as a Case Study: Current Constitutional Proposals
This section examines the largest country of Southeastern Asia, that or RI’s proposed constitutional amendments, specifically the reintroduction of the National Guidelines (PPHN) and the extension of the presidential term, highlighting their potential to reshape the country’s political landscape. While these proposals are framed as governance and stability enhancements, they raise concerns about democratic principles and the risk of power consolidation. While Article 37 provides a structured framework for constitutional amendments, it centralizes power within the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), raising concerns about potential abuse. The MPR could prioritize the interests of the ruling party, potentially undermining democratic accountability.
Key concerns include:
Reintroduction of the PPHN: This could centralize policy control under the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), weakening the independence of other state institutions.
Presidential Term Extension: Extending the presidency to three terms risks eroding safeguards against power personalization and weakening democratic consolidation.
Though Article 37 legitimizes the amendment process, it also reveals vulnerabilities where mechanisms intended to enable constitutional change can be exploited for undemocratic purposes. This aligns with global trends in abusive constitutionalism, where amendment processes are used to entrench power rather than strengthen democracy. The subsequent analysis will assess whether these proposals represent genuine reforms or potential abuses.
2.3 The Role of the Cult of Personality in Consolidating Power
The cult of personality is a political strategy where leaders create a heroic and idealized image to centralize authority, often undermining institutional governance. Personalization of power centralizes decision-making, undermining institutional integrity and democratic norms. While it may offer short-term stability, it often results in volatile governance. A comparative analysis of China, Russia, and Turkey illustrates how personalization of power influences governance and constitutional changes.
In China,Xi Jinping has constructed a cult of personality through state propaganda, portraying himself as indispensable to China’s future. The removal of presidential term limits in 2018 marked a significant step toward consolidating indefinite rule, shifting governance from a collective leadership model to a centralized and personalized system. This strengthens Xi’s authority but risks long-term instability.
Similarly, Vladimir Putin has cultivated a strongman image tied to Russia’s global resurgence. Constitutional changes in 2020 reset term limits, allowing him to stay in power until 2036. Unlike China, Russia maintains a façade of democratic institutions, which are systematically weakened to ensure control.
In Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has used populist rhetoric to reshape governance. The 2017 constitutional referendum transitioned Turkey from a parliamentary to a Semi-Presidential system (of the French type), granting Erdoğan extensive executive powers while eroding judicial and legislative independence. His leadership demonstrates how personalization can align institutional frameworks with individual authority.
All three leaders use propaganda, legalistic and legal mechanism of constitutional amendments, and weakened institutional checks to consolidate power. However, their methods differ: China relies on institutional propaganda, Russia undermines democratic processes while maintaining a democratic façade, and Turkey invokes populist narratives.
While Indonesia faces some risk of developing a cult of personality under a charismatic leader like President Prabowo Subianto, its democratic safeguards act as barriers. The multi-party system, decentralized governance, and two-term presidential limit reduce the risk of power concentration. Additionally, Indonesia’s historical experience with Suharto’s authoritarian regime has fostered societal resistance to personalization of power. However, threats like media control, weakened institutions, or populist appeals remain, making vigilance and reform essential for preserving democracy.
2.4 Abusive Constitutionalism: Detection and Prevention
The personalization of power, as observed in China, Russia, and Turkey, often manifests through constitutional amendments that consolidate authority. To counteract such trends, it is essential to explore mechanisms that protect constitutional integrity and democratic principles from being abused—a concern that resonates with Indonesia’s ongoing constitutional debates.
Abusive constitutionalism, where leaders manipulate constitutional amendments to entrench their power, poses a significant threat to democratic integrity. Lessons from India, Colombia, and Venezuela highlight strategies to prevent such practices, focusing on eternity clauses, the basic structure doctrine, and civil society involvement. These mechanisms aim to protect the constitution’s fundamental principles from being jeopardized by constitutional amendments.
Eternity Clauses
Certain core democratic principles, like executive power limitations, should be enshrined as unalterable. For example, Colombia used eternity clauses to block amendments extending presidential terms, with civil society and courts preserving institutional integrity. Likewise, Indonesia’s constitution already includes immutable clauses (e.g., protecting the unitary state), but clauses related to term limits and the balance of powers should also be safeguarded.
Basic Structure Doctrine
This doctrine, pioneered in India, ensures that fundamental constitutional principles cannot be amended. In Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973), India’s Supreme Court ruled that constitutional amendments cannot alter the constitution’s core framework. Indonesia’s judiciary could adopt similar judicial review mechanisms to block amendments concentrating power in the presidency or weakening checks and balances.
Civil Society
Active civil society is crucial for resisting constitutional abuses. Public pressure and grassroots activism can expose and challenge manipulative amendments. For example, Venezuela’s failure to maintain an independent judiciary or robust civil society allowed repeated amendments that eroded democracy under Hugo Chávez. In contrast, Colombia and India demonstrate how civil society and judicial action can resist overreach.
Indonesia’s vibrant civil society and constitutional safeguards have so far resisted elite-driven amendments, such as proposals for term extensions or system changes justified as necessary for stability. However, increasing media control and elite-driven reforms in Indonesia make public engagement and judicial oversight ever more crucial to prevent potential abuses of democratic principles.
Summary and outlook
This analysis highlights the risks posed by selected countries’ proposed constitutional amendments, which aim to strengthen the executive branch through measures like extending presidential terms and reintroducing the PPHN of largest country in SEA. These changes mirror trends in Russia, Turkey, and China, where centralizing power fosters a cult of personality, erodes institutional independence, and undermines democratic principles.
The amendments could diminish democratic accountability, weaken institutional safeguards, and pave the way for authoritarian rule by concentrating power among political elites. To counteract such risks, these countries must strengthen checks and balances, adopt mechanisms like eternity clauses and the basic structure doctrine, and ensure robust civil society engagement in constitutional processes.
A political culture emphasizing pluralism, transparency, and institutional independence is imperative to preserving democratic values and preventing the personalization of power. The analysis concludes that while constitutional reforms may be justified as necessary for progress, history shows their potential to consolidate power and erode democracy, emphasizing the importance of preventive measures against authoritarianism.
Authors:
Prof. Dr. Djawed Sangdel, Managing Rector of the Swiss UFEM University, Geneva. The State MP of the Swiss Confederation’s Genevé Grand Conseil.
Damla Mesulam of Leiden University, The Hague, specialized in International Relations and Organizations. Her research spans EU-Turkey relations, sustainability, and social justice activism. Currently, she is research fellow of the International Institute IFIMES in Hague, Netherlands.
German and Bulgarian authorities have rolled up a criminal group that was involved in the large-scale theft of power cables across Germany. The disappearance of the cables caused major disruptions to large public construction sites. During a joint operation coordinated by Eurojust and Europol, eight suspects were arrested.
The criminal group consisting mostly of Bulgarian nationals, set up a large-scale operation to steal power cables in three states in Germany, Baden-Wuerttemberg, Hesse and Saarland. After stealing the power cables, the group sold them for substantial profits. Afterwards, the proceeds were then transferred to Bulgaria.
Through investigations, the authorities were able to link 45 individual cases of power cable theft to the criminal group. The total value of the stolen cables is around 1 million euros.
After German authorities discovered that the criminal group behind the theft was partly residing in Bulgaria and was moving their profits to Bulgaria, cooperation between the authorities was set up at Eurojust. The authorities worked together to plan the joint operation to arrest the suspects and stop the thefts. Europol supported the action day by deploying an expert with a mobile office to Bulgaria. Leading up to this, Europol organised an operational meeting, provided operational analysis and supported the cross-border surveillance with a virtual command post.
In the early hours of 17 December, authorities in Bulgaria and Germany took action with nearly 200 officers, investigators and prosecutors deployed. The operation was coordinated from Eurojust’s headquarters in The Hague. Twenty-four house searches, nine personal searches and six car searches took place in Bulgaria. During the searches, authorities were able to seize items such as telephones and document that will now be used to continue investigations into the group. Eight suspects were arrested, five in Bulgaria and three in Germany.
The following authorities were involved in the actions:
Germany: Public Prosecution Office Heilbronn; Heilbronn Police
Bulgaria: Public Prosecution Offices Varna and Shumen; Investigative Department to the Sofia City PO and the Regional Directorate of the Ministry of Home Affairs-Varna
The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Mr. Karim A.A. Khan KC, is pleased to invite a second round of comments on a new policy initiative by the Office of the Prosecutor to advance accountability for environmental crimes under the Rome Statute.
The initiative will culminate in a new comprehensive policy paper that aims to guide the Office in ensuring a systematic approach to dealing with environmental crimes from the outset of the preliminary examination process to investigations and prosecutions.
The new policy will seek to further promote accountability, transparency, and predictability in the work of the Office in this crucial area. Developed on the basis of the Rome Statute, other regulatory instruments of the Court, applicable treaties, and the principles and rules of international law, the policy will also draw on the jurisprudence of the Court and other relevant jurisdictions in seeking to clarify the existing framework within which the Office may take action in this area. Emphasis will also be placed on how the Office can engage with and support national authorities to ensure a collective, effective approach to environmental crimes within the framework of the Rome Statute.
The initiative was launched in February 2024 and has already benefited from an initial round of more than 80 submissions received prior to the drafting process. This new round of consultations aims to solicit more specific and focused feedback on the text of the draft policy itself.
In highlighting the potential importance of the environmental crimes policy and the central role of stakeholder consultation in its development, Prosecutor Khan stated: “The natural environment forms the bedrock for human life. Our investigations in various regions of the world reveal a pattern: serious international crimes are often driven by or result in significant environmental damage, such as the poisoning of wells and water supplies in Darfur. This is why my Office is developing a policy on how it can harness the treaty that created the Court, the Rome Statute, to address such crimes and to support national authorities in doing the same. We need your input to shape this policy.”
Professor Kevin Jon Heller, Special Adviser to the Prosecutor on War Crimes, will be assisting the Prosecutor and the Office in developing the policy.
On 17 December 2024, the Defence and the Prosecution discontinued their appeals against the guilty verdict in the case The Prosecutor v. Al Hassan Ag Abdoul Aziz Ag Mohamed Ag Mahmoud before the International Criminal Court (ICC). The parties will not appeal the sentence. The verdict and the sentence in this case are now final and the case will proceed to the reparations stage.
Next steps: On 10 December 2024, Trial Chamber X issued an Order for Submissions on Reparations, giving instructions and deadlines to the Prosecution, the Legal representatives of victims, the Defence, the Registry, the Trust Fund for Victims and the Republic of Mali for various submissions on reparations to victims. The Chamber will then render its decision on reparations in the case in due course.
Mr Al Hassan will remain in the ICC detention centre until the ICC designates a country to serve his sentence.
Today, the Appeals Chamber, by majority, Judge Gocha Lordkipanidze and Judge Erdenebalsuren Damdin dissenting, invited the legal representatives of the participating victims to file any observations on the notices of discontinuance of appeals by 30 December 2024.
The 5th of December is a significant occasion in Thailand, celebrated as both the National Day and the birthday anniversary of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej The Great. This day also serves as “Father’s Day” in the country.
On December 5, 2024, Thailand proudly hosted a series of celebrations to honor these important events. To commemorate this day, His Excellency Mr. Asi Mamanee, the Ambassador of Thailand in the Netherlands, successfully organized a National Day reception in The Hague. Prior to addressing his esteemed guests, Ambassador Mamanee respectfully paid homage to His Majesty the King of Thailand.
Below is the complete address delivered by H.E. Ambassador Asi Mamanee.
“For the people of Thailand, the 5th of December is an important day as it represents many auspicious occasions. It is the National Day of Thailand, and Birthday Anniversary of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej The Great. With over 70 years of the late King’s devotion to the development of our country, the day also marks as “the Father’s Day” in Thailand.
As we gather to celebrate Thailand’s National day here today, the year 2024 is also a special year which marks a few other causes for celebration.
First, this year, the people of Thailand celebrate the 6th Cycle Birthday Anniversary of His Majesty King Maha Vajiralongkorn. Throughout this year, the Royal Thai Government, including the Thai Embassies around the world, organized series of events to commemorate the 72nd birthday anniversary of His Majesty the King of Thailand.
The year 2024 also marks 420th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Thailand and the Netherlands, which commenced in 1604, when the Dutch VOC or the Dutch East India Company began its trade with Ayutthaya, capital of Siam which is present day Thailand. The VOC sent the Dutch envoys to the royal court of Ayutthaya to have an audience with the Siamese king. This historic encounter was deemed an official establishment of the ties between Thailand and the Netherlands. It is the longest formal diplomatic friendship Thailand has with any country in the world.
On this important milestone, the Royal Thai Embassy organized a number of activities throughout the year to celebrate this special occasion. To name just a few example, the 15th Thailand Grand Festival, our flagship event to showcase a variety of Thai soft power through Thai cuisine and culture was organized at the Lange Voorhout, in the past summer. The event was well attended by over twenty thousand people on a one day festivity.
On the historical side, the Thai Embassy commissioned an academic research on the first Siamese diplomatic mission to the Netherlands in 1608. You can learn more about this adventurous journey of the Siamese delegation, which was graciously received by Prince Maurits, the Stadholder, from the QR code on the souvenir postcards you will receive upon your departure.
At the end of this month, a year-long major renovation of our chancery building at the beautiful Archipelbuurt will be completed, and will resume its function. The refurbishment has preserved the original aesthetics of this monumental building while enhancing its functionality. It is a testament of Thailand’s cherishment and heartfelt investment towards this over 4 centuries of Thai-Dutch relations.
For more than 4 centuries, Thailand and the Netherlands have maintained strong and cordial bonds. We share the same values, particularly in our aspiration to promote sustainable development. We boast vibrant and open societies. Both countries are leading food exporters, and are hybrid nations firmly situated in the mainland with maritime linkage, which contributes to the strength we maintain in regional connectivity.
At a bilateral level, water management cooperation between Thailand and the Netherlands remains robust as ever as both face common challenges of sea-level rises. We strive to effectively implement Thailand-the Netherlands MoU on the cooperation in the field of integrated water resources management and climate change adaptation which was signed in 2021. We jointly organized many activities this year including the seminar on “Water Diplomacy” and the co-signing of the Letter of Intent (LOI) for research and development of innovations in sustainable water resource management between Chulalongkorn University of Thailand, and Deltares Institute.
On an economic front, the Netherlands is the biggest EU source of foreign direct investment in Thailand, and has recently become no. 4 globally, with investment in areas ranging from agriculture to petrochemicals. The Netherlands is also the largest EU destination for Thai Direct Investment (TDI) overseas and no. 3 globally.
Our people-to-people ties are vibrant and strong. Over 200,000 Dutch tourists visited Thailand last year. On the other hand, there are more than 20,000 Thais living here in the Netherlands, making it one of the largest Thai community in Europe.
I am also pleased to note that Thailand and the Netherlands play progressive role in multilateral cooperation. Thailand is pleased that the ASEAN-Netherlands Development Partnership is gaining strong momentum. Thailand looks forward to joining the Netherlands in being the Members of the United Nations Human Rights Council next year to advance the cause of human rights. We will also work closely together in many areas of our mutual interest, including advancing sustainable development cooperation.
We have varieties of Thai food for you to try during the reception today, including our famous Tom Yum Koong or Thai Hot and Sour Shrimp Soup. We are proud to share with you that Tom Yum Goong will be inscribed on the UNESCO list of ‘Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity’ during the nineteenth session of the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage which will take place later today in Asunción, Republic of Paraguay. So I hope you would enjoy it.
May I now kindly invite you to join me in a toast to the good health and happiness of His Majesty King Maha Vajiralongkorn of Thailand and His Majesty King Willem-Alexander of the Netherlands.”
More than 250 attendees participated in the celebration, including notable figures from the Netherlands, such as H.E. Mrs. Dominique Kurhling, Director of the Department of Asia and Oceania.The event also attracted key friends of Thailand, with members of the Diplomatic Corps, leaders from the private sector, academia, the media, and the Thai community all in attendance.
En 2017, le Sénégal a offert l’œuvre emblématique Paix par la Justice de Khalidou Kassé à la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) à La Haye. Ce tableau magistral a subi quelques égratignures au fil des années. Diplomat Magazine a rencontré l’artiste alors qu’il restaurait son œuvre avant son retour au Sénégal. Lors de cette visite, Son Excellence Mme Ramatoulaye Ba Epse Faye, Ambassadrice de la République du Sénégal aux Pays-Bas, nous a également honorés de sa présence.
Diplomat Magazine (DM) – La restauration de cette œuvre ici, à La Haye, souligne son importance. Quels sentiments ou réflexions cela vous inspire-t-il de travailler à nouveau sur cette pièce emblématique dans le contexte de la Cour pénale internationale ? Est-ce différent de l’époque où vous l’aviez créée au Sénégal ?
Khalidou Kassé – Oui, il faut dire que c’est différent. C’est différent parce que j’ai eu un recul, de 2017 à aujourd’hui, pour réexaminer l’œuvre. En la revoyant, je l’ai réétudiée, et j’ai réalisé que, dans ce tableau, j’avais atteint ce que je cherchais. Une œuvre d’art, dit-on, n’est jamais vraiment achevée, car chaque fois que l’artiste la contemple, il ressent l’envie d’y ajouter quelque chose.
Mais en revoyant ce tableau, j’ai constaté qu’il était complet. En 2017, je ne pensais pas revenir pour le restaurer. Pourtant, chaque détail, chaque coup de pinceau m’a rappelé le processus créatif qui m’a conduit à l’offrir à la CPI.
DM – C’est comme retrouver un enfant qui a grandi.
Kassé – Absolument, un enfant qui a grandi tout en conservant ses qualités et sa finesse. Cette restauration m’a aussi permis de raviver le message que j’avais voulu transmettre à travers cette œuvre. Paix par la Justice est une grande œuvre, et je suis profondément honoré qu’elle soit ici, à la Cour pénale internationale.
Je tiens à exprimer ma gratitude à Son Excellence Mme l’Ambassadrice Ramatoulaye Ba Epse Faye, qui n’a ménagé aucun effort pour faciliter ma venue. Elle a coordonné les échanges entre le ministère sénégalais de la Culture et celui des Affaires étrangères, permettant ainsi la restauration de cette œuvre.
En ce qui concerne le tableau, il véhicule un message clair : la paix par la justice. L’œuvre porte un message de paix, d’amour et d’espoir. La véritable mission de l’art est de tisser des liens et de résoudre les conflits.
DM – Pouvez-vous nous parler des éléments symboliques présents dans l’œuvre ?
Kassé – Bien sûr. Cette œuvre s’inspire notamment de la Charte de Kurukan Fuga, considérée comme l’une des premières constitutions au monde. À travers ce tableau, j’ai voulu rappeler que les droits de l’homme transcendent les différences.
On y voit deux mains tendues – une noire et une blanche – symbolisant l’unité nécessaire pour sauver l’humanité, un monde en plein tumulte. Les couleurs vives évoquent les migrations, sans distinction de race ni d’origine.
Le tableau est également illuminé par un soleil, symbole d’espoir, qui éclaire notre chemin collectif à travers trois lumières : celle du cœur, de l’esprit et de l’action. Enfin, la colombe de la paix écrit, de sa plume, sur les pages de la conscience collective un message universel.
DM – Votre carrière de militant et vos collaborations avec des organisations internationales témoignent de votre passion pour des causes mondiales. Comment ces expériences ont-elles façonné votre vision de l’art comme outil de changement et de dialogue global ?
Kassé – L’art est pour moi un outil puissant pour défendre les causes sociales. Mon engagement remonte à ma jeunesse, où j’ai été confronté à des injustices dans ma propre famille. Depuis, j’ai œuvré pour les enfants démunis et les jeunes, que ce soit aux États-Unis, au Sénégal ou ailleurs.
J’ai également collaboré avec des figures telles que la Princesse Lalla Meryem au Maroc et des institutions qui utilisent l’art pour sensibiliser et mobiliser. Aujourd’hui, je continue de croire que l’art a le pouvoir de transformer les cœurs et les esprits.
DM – Votre Excellence, comment percevez-vous le rôle de l’art contemporain dans la promotion de la paix et de la justice à l’échelle mondiale ?
Ambassadrice Ramatoulaye Ba Epse Faye – L’art contemporain est un langage universel. Il accompagne les peuples dans leur quête de paix et de sérénité. À travers cette œuvre, Khalidou Kassé illustre parfaitement ce rôle, en rappelant que la justice et la paix sont essentielles dans les relations internationales.
Lorsque nous avons été informés, par Osvaldo Zavala Giler, Greffier de la CPI, des besoins de restauration, l’ambassade du Sénégal a immédiatement pris les dispositions nécessaires. Je tiens à remercier le ministère de la Culture et le ministère des Affaires étrangères du Sénégal, qui ont facilité le déplacement de M. Kassé pour qu’il puisse accomplir ce travail.
Ce tableau est un symbole fort, admiré par mes collègues ambassadeurs et tous les diplomates qui fréquentent les locaux de la CPI. Il incarne des valeurs fondamentales : la paix, la justice, la solidarité et le vivre-ensemble.
DM – Un dernier mot pour conclure cette entrevue ?
Kassé – Je tiens à remercier Son Excellence Mme l’Ambassadrice pour son soutien indéfectible et l’équipe de l’ambassade pour leur accueil chaleureux. Restaurer Paix par la Justice a été un honneur et une occasion de raviver son message universel. Merci à tous ceux qui ont rendu cela possible.
On Saturday, the 29th of June, the Netherlands celebrated its annual Veterans Day in the city of The Hague, paying tribute to the men and women who have served in the armed forces. The event featured a variety of activities, including a grand parade of veterans and active military personnel, which took place in the presence of His Majesty King Willem-Alexander of the Netherlands.
Military attachés from embassies in The Hague were invited by Anton Lutter Chairman of Stichting Herenking Veteranen to witness the event. Representatives from several nations, including Japan, France, Indonesia, the Philippines, and China, were among the attendees at the annual military parade. Following the parade, a reception was hosted at Restaurant Poentjak, a historic venue that also serves as the meeting place for the Stichting Herdenking Veteranen (Foundation Commemoration Veterans), commonly known as The Hague Veterans Club.
Stichting Herdenking Veteranen
Founded in 2005, the Stichting Herdenking Veteranen aims to promote societal recognition of the contributions made by veterans toward peace and security. The organization is dedicated to promote knowledge about veterans and increasing public appreciation for their sacrifices. Its informal “clubhouse” at Restaurant Poentjak provides a regular meeting space for members.
The Foundation’s Committee of Recommendation includes distinguished figures such as Dr. Wim van Eekelen and Mr. Hans Hillen, both former Secretaries of Defense; Maj. Gen. (ret.) Leen Noordzij, former president of the National Veterans Platform; and Col. (ret.) Loek Habraken, former director of the Veterans Institute. They, alongside the Foundation’s board, were present at the National Veterans Day festivities, reinforcing their commitment to honoring the service of veterans.
Netherlands Veterans Day has become a meaningful occasion for recognizing the sacrifices of the country’s veterans also for fostering international connections. The participation of foreign military representatives highlights the shared commitment to peace and security across nations. As the event grows in prominence, it continues to strengthen the bond between the local community, the international diplomatic corps, and veterans themselves.
This year’s celebration served as a reminder of the enduring impact of veterans’ service and the importance of cherishing their contributions to society. By hosting such events, The Hague reinforces its role as a city dedicated to peace, justice, and global solidarity.