Two hundred years of Peruvian diplomacy

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Two hundred years of Peruvian diplomacy

Reflections and challenges of Peru’s foreign policy

By Mr. Oscar Maúrtua de Romaña, Minister of Foreign Relations of the Republic of Peru

The Ministry of Foreign Relations of Peru and its diplomacy turn 200 years in 2021, a year in which we also commemorate the Bicentennial of our National Independence. The Ministry of Foreign Relations and the members of its Diplomatic Service have had an important participation in the formation of the Peruvian State and identity.

During the nineteenth century, the newly emancipated young South American republics had two main problems in establishing themselves as independent and sovereign States: international recognition and the definition of their territories. To do this, the first Peruvian diplomats concentrated their efforts on achieving recognition from their neighbours and the main powers of the 19th century. Peru, convinced that all people should be the masters of their own destinies, maintained the autonomy and independence of its foreign policy, positioning itself as a peaceful, cooperative and supportive new Republic.

To an ethnically and socially diverse country, the defense of the territory was decisive to the formation of the nation. Huge civic and military sacrifices were required, and in each case, Peruvian diplomacy had to negotiate peace, obtaining the best possible results in complex circumstances. The defense of sovereignty and territorial integrity contributed to the consolidation of a State and a nation committed with the freedom and self-determination of the people. Thus, Peru led various integration initiatives, such as the American Congresses of the 19th century, which achieved American solidarity against the intervention of extra-regional powers. Then, throughout the 20th century, it played a leading role in the creation of the Permanent Commission for the South Pacific, the Andean Community, the Organization of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty, the South American Community of Nations and the Pacific Alliance.

Peru understands that its own and collective well-being can only be achieved by maintaining peace and solidarity among nations, with respect for international law that protects the rights of the people. For this reason, it has always been committed to multilateral efforts in favor of international peace and security, such as in the formation of the League of Nations and the United Nations, in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, in the Group of 77, in the promotion of decolonization and nuclear disarmament, and in the pacification of Central America. Moreover, in all the efforts that the United Nations have deployed in different parts of the world to maintain international peace and security, highlighting the figure of the two-time Secretary General, Javier Pérez de Cuéllar.

Ambassador Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, two times Secretary General of the United Nations II

In recent decades, Peruvian diplomats have played a central role in the conclusion of pending border issues with Ecuador and Chile, in the creation of the International Criminal Court, the United Nations Human Rights Council, and the Inter-American Democratic Charter. They had also achieve the membership of Peru in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC), and now are working actively to promote the admittance of Peru in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

Today, they are leading our efforts to face the Venezuelan migratory crises and the Covid-19 pandemic, promoting bilateral and multilateral actions in all the spaces in which Peru participates.

President of the Republic of Peru, Pedro Castillo Terrones, and the Minister of Foreign Relations, Oscar Maúrtua de Romaña.

The defense and promotion of these principles, in accordance with the permanent interests of Peru, have contributed to the construction of a cultural heritage that has integrated into Peruvian society the civic and republican values ​​that today defined our identity. However, every society is a project in development, which requires that the concrete expression of these values ​​reach all Peruvians and, by extension, radiate to other societies in the world.

Aware of these challenges, the Government of President Pedro Castillo promotes a national, autonomous, democratic, social and decentralized diplomacy, which emanates from Peru’s need to bring the benefits of development to the more needed population with justice in opportunities and without discrimination.

Peru’s President Pedro Castillo speaks during the 76th Session of the General Assembly at UN Headquarters in New York, U.S., September 21, 2021. Spencer Platt/Pool via REUTERS

On the other hand, the Covid-19 crisis has reaffirmed the need to revitalize border integration processes, since they allow the geographical neighborhood to be valued in favor of economic and social development. To boost these processes, Peru created Binational Cabinets with Chile, Bolivia, Ecuador and Colombia, which are hold every year. All this, in the framework of the Sustainable Development Goals and the commitment with multilateralism to overcome moments of growing uncertainty and deep economic, social, and environmental imbalances.

In that sense, in his speech to the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States (OAS), President Castillo reaffirmed the need to work together to end social inequalities, to fight against corruption, and to ensure that feeding, education and health are constitutional rights and not just services. Likewise, during his participation in the 76th General Assembly of the United Nations, President Castillo proposed an agreement between the heads of State and the manufacturers of the vaccines so that they reach all people in all countries, ensuring their fair and equitable distribution. In the year of our bicentennial, Peru shows itself to the world as a democratic country, committed to a realistic social transformation within the framework of the rule of law and the respect for human rights, with macroeconomic stability, and an agenda for development in line with the objectives of the United Nations.

In addition to the United States and China, the European Union is one of Peru’s main partners, with whom we share a special affinity in values ​​and vision of development. The Netherlands has a long relationship that goes back to 1826, being one of the first countries to recognize Peru as an independent state. In 2026, we will celebrate 200 years of diplomatic relations.

Peru especially welcomes the support of the Netherlands and Russia, with the facilitation of Norway, in the negotiations that are taking place in Mexico between the Government and the Venezuelan opposition to find a peaceful and sustainable solution to their crisis. This shows that Peru and the Netherlands coincide on the necessary actions to face the challenges of the international community in an increasingly complex and changing world, in which the States will continue to play a central role in the search for the welfare of all people on Earth.

National State: Imagining a World without Narrow Nation States

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National State: Imagining a World without Narrow Nation States

By Albadr SS Alshateri

The question of the “nation-state” is a crucial issue in the developing world. It is highly disputed, and no region saw such debates as the Middle East where it has been a place of contested ideologies and identities. The region is home to ancient civilizations, and the birthplace of all Abrahamic religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Moreover, the religions of the region are not one stripe or hue. Each main religion of the Middle East contains a multitude of denominations and sects. As the late Iraq monarch, Feisal I had lamented in the 1930s:

In this regard and with sadness, I have to say that it is my belief there is still no Iraqi people but unimaginable masses of human beings, devoid of any patriotic idea, imbued with religious traditions and absurdities, connected by no common tie, giving ear to evil, prone to anarchy, and perpetually ready to rise against any government whatever. Out of these masses we want to fashion a people which we would train, educate, and refine….The circumstances, being what they are, the immenseness of the efforts needed for this [can be imagined].

Addressing these and other issues, Ali Rashid Al Nuaimi, a high-ranking UAE official and a public intellectual, wrote a book in 2021 titled National State: Imagining a World without Narrow Nation States. The book could be read as a reflection of the thinking of UAE political elites. The author himself is a product of multiple identities. He was born and raised in the UAE and from an upper class whose father served as the UAE’s foreign minister. He was educated in the US, Portland State University, in Oregon, which he wrongly identifies as a Bible belt state. Then earned a Ph.D. from Imam Mohammad Ibn Saud Islamic University, once a bedrock of religious fundamentalism. He had a run-in with the Muslim Brotherhood who tried to block his appointment as a professor at the UAE University; but triumphed, eventually, to be a chancellor of the same university. 

The book is the product of all these experiences, and seeks to show that what Arab and Muslim societies “need is to institutionalise and instill the concept of the ‘national state’”. The national state the author advocates for is not the western type, however. He advances a new concept of “state of citizenship”. A “state of a legal contract or social contract between the subject and the state; the state that serves its people and realises their ambitions and aspirations regardless of their background and the state that rules by law”. If it sounds like the western concept of social contract, a la Locke and Hobbes, it does because it is akin to that concept. 

The author delves into the subject from the get-go. His is a highly subjective analysis of what has occurred in the Arab world, and he does not hide behind a scholarly façade. The problem is personal and national, and he pursues it with passion. The Arab World was rocked by sociopolitical disturbances in the past decade, otherwise known as the ‘Arab Spring’. The states of the Arab spring were shattered beyond recognition, which serves as the backdrop of this book. 

The author defines the national state that he terms as a bright idea in contrast to other prototypes of states. The varieties of states throughout Muslim history are dismissed as anachronisms. The state in the modern sense is nothing like the religious states that existed. The caliphate is an amalgam of political entities whose sole purpose was to line up the coffers of the central authority, and according to the author has no place in modern society. A theocracy like Iran cannot be a country of all its peoples. It has to discriminate against adherents of other religious beliefs. 

The nation-state that saw its roots in the Peace of Westphalia has outlived its use. What is needed today is what the author calls the national state. The nation-state is a European construct that lacks empirical reality; in a globalized world, there is hardly a state that is coterminous with a nation or an ethnic identity. Even in Europe, the author argues, many states have multiple ethnic groups. Further, ethnic groups are scattered throughout several states. 

The idea of a nation-state that was imposed by European colonial powers on the Middle East ignored the realities of much of the Middle East. Countries of the Levant, for example, have numerous sectarian groups. Nearby Iraq, has a multitude of ethnic and sectarian groups. As the previous quote by King Feisal has shown, Iraq cannot constitute a nation. Conversely, the national state is an all-encompassing structure that accommodates pluralities of identities. The common denominator between the hodge-podge of peoples is the concept of citizenship—citizens of equal rights and obligations that are loyal to their national states even against their country of origin, ethnicity, sect, or tribal allegiance. The author cites the American patriots revolting against their mother country, Britain, as a case in point.   

The problem as the author sees it is history. History is the culprit in preventing the emergence of the national state. Muslims and Arabs look to their history and pine to its past glories. The author enjoins the people of the Middle East to do what others have done. See history as the source of inspiration not as a diktat for the future. “This is not going to happen unless we think of and deal with history as a repository of experiences, values, and practices that require positive and successful selection” The negative parts of history have to be redacted and completely forgotten! In other words, history should be rescued from traditions and submitted to the service of the national state. 

The model the author admires is South Korea. Accordingly, Korea adopted a ‘cultural refinery model’. A select committee classified Korean ideas and values into three categories: functional, non-functional, and mixed of the two. The first which contributes to the well-being of individuals and is compatible with modernity was incorporated into the educational curricula. The non-functional was concealed from the public view. The mixed was sieved: the positive was emphasized and the negative was suppressed.  

The author unleashes his criticism against political Islam; and takes no prisoner. Political Islam is deemed a menace to the national state because it calls for a universal allegiance that transcends the national state that the author vehemently advocates for. There is no other place that this manifests itself than the Muslim diaspora in the West. The Muslims, according to the author, reject their adopted country and profess fidelity to their religion, worse yet, they want to reproduce the societies they left in their new area of residence. In extreme cases, Muslims were “hostile to the larger society and hated the local residents who hosted them”!

Political Islam takes advantage of such communities in the West to shore up its political power and pressures the host governments to back the Islamic movements back home. Al Nuaimi gives the example of the Islamist Turkish Justice and Development Party, which exploits the Turkish communities in Europe for its advantage—even when “the interests of the Turkish immigrants in Europe are far from the interests of the political party.” His recommendation is a clear call for these communities to integrate with their adopted societies and abandon any nostalgia for the ways of life they left behind. Assimilation, not multiculturalism, is the panacea for the ills of the Muslims in the diaspora. All the same, attachment to a foreign country by ex-pats is not peculiar to Muslim communities. Other communities have shown similar proclivities. Take Jews for example and their lobbying efforts on behalf of Israel. Greek and Armenian-Americans’ campaigns in the interest of their former countries. Africans also do the same. 

Al Nuaimi, however, reserves his ire for the Muslim Brothers—the quintessential political Islam. The Muslim Brothers that he knows from the inside is the antithesis of the national state. He argues that MB does not believe in a state or a homeland. It is patrimony is an imagined nation with extraterritorial claims. Sayyid Qutb, the preeminent theoretician of the MB, once averred that the homeland “is a handful of rotten dirt.” According to the author, for the MB anyone outside their orbit is existing in the dark ages, or jahiliyyah, an allusion to the pre-Islamic times.  

What is to be done, to borrow Lenin’s words? For Al Nuaimi education is the key. He laments the educational system in the Arab and Muslim Worlds for being based on rote learning. Information trumps analysis and critical thinking. Ideas, values, and skills must drive the learning process. “This tripartite focus is the basis upon which modern societies depend in order to adopt creative ideas, civilisational values, and innovative skills.” Nothing requires reform and restructuring, from the author’s perspective, like religious education. The protection of future generations depends on carrying such transubstantiation. Muslims have to reconcile their beliefs with their time and place, and not engross themselves in an unattainable past. 

For all his advocacy and pleas, the author does not call for a liberal order. That is a blind spot in the book. The sum parts of his call, however, looks and sounds like liberalism writ large. Why he does not utter the word is a mystery to me. 

About the author:

Albadr AbuBaker Alshateri

Dr. Albadr Alshateri is an Adjunct Professor at the UAE National Defense College in Abu Dhabi. He earned a Ph.D from the University of Michigan in comparative politics, international relations and political economy as well as two masters degrees in political science and in Middle Eastern and North African Studies. He holds a BA from Indiana University, where he studied political science and Near Eastern Languages and Cultures, as well as a certificate in African studies.

Dr. Alshateri has received numerous awards, including a prize for his dissertation entitled “The Political Economy of State Formation: The United Arab Emirates in Comparative Perspective”, from the Society for Arab Gulf Studies (USA). Dr. Alshateri has contributed articles to Al Ittihad Newspaper (Abu Dhabi), Al Khaleej Newspaper (Sharjah), The National (Abu Dhabi), American Diplomacy, and Gulf News (Dubai)

Leonardo’s Faces, Suzy Rosaria van Buren

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Leonardo’s Faces, Suzy Rosaria van Buren

Celebrating Leonardo Royal Hotel Den Haag Promenade – 50 years of diplomatic mission

Behind the logo of the Vitruvian man, multiple employees ensure that the Leonardo Royal Hotel Den Haag Promenade provides excellent, customized, hospitality services to all.

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Name:              Suzy Rosaria van Buren

Nationality:      Dutch  

Function:          F&B Supervisor

Department:    F&B (Food and Beverage)

When did you start working at the Promenade Hotel?
I started working here in December 2017. I had no F&B experience so I was very nervous at first. But I was warmly welcomed with open arms and I’ve been trained by my colleagues.

Have you always worked in the same department? Yes, I have. It is a very diverse department because we have breakfast, lunch and dinner, but we also have banqueting. And that is what I like because we have small group meetings for 8 persons or BIG parties for over 1300 people.

What was the most remarkable (diplomatic) event you experienced?
All of them, I love working the events. Especially the Food Festivals and the after-summer drinks organized by Leonardo Royal and Diplomat Magazine every year.

Why was this so remarkable? Because it’s always hosted by Mayelinne and other countries. This way I learn more about the habits and delicious food of many places in the world.

What do you consider interesting about the international guests and events organized at the hotel? There is always something new to learn about different countries. And because everyone is so different, it is beautiful to see how everyone works.

Are Beirut street battles only the beginning?

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Are Beirut street battles only the beginning?


By Heino Matzken, M.Sc. Ph.D. 

The economic and political situation in the former “Switzerland of the Middle East” was already bad, but October 14th made it even worse! The shootings between members of the Shiite movements Hezbollah (“Party of God”) and Amal (“Hope”) against Christian militias and the official army, the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), lasted hours on the streets of Beirut.

Seven dead and over 30 injured paid the price of a political bet. The Shiite parties tried to prevent progress in the investigation of the port explosion last year and demanded that the responsible judge Tarek Bitar be replaced. To underline this demand, members of their militias organized a rally in front of the Palace of Justice (within a Christian quarter), which escalated and led to this tragedy. Above all, the clash demonstrated two things that have dominated the country in the past and will continue to rule it in the future: that the warlords and patriarchs of the civil war are still in power and that sectarian tensions between the 18 officially recognized denominations remain existent.  

But let’s start at the beginning. In 1920 the French mandate created modern Lebanon by separating the Lebanon Mountain, the coastal strip with the main ports of Saida, Beirut and Tripoli as well as the fertile Beqaa Valley from Syria. The original French idea was to create “a safe haven” for Christians in the Middle East, especially the Maronites. Unfortunately, the foundation was never accepted by Damascus and initially not by a large part of the Lebanese population. Since then, many different religious and ethnic groups have been “doomed” to live and thrive together.

However, a strong, intelligent and diplomatic leadership, represented by the Maronite President Bishara al-Khuri and the Sunni Prime Minister Riad Al Solh, succeeded in reaching an agreement in 1943 with the signing of the so-called “National Pact”. This agreement provided for the sharing of power among the most important religious groups in the young country. The unwritten agreement laid the foundation for Lebanon as a multi-confessional state that has shaped the country to this day. Since then, the president has had to be a Christian Maronite, the prime minister a Sunni and the speaker of parliament a Shiite.

Even the number of seats in parliament was predefined and guaranteed a 6:5 ratio in favor of Christians (including Eastern Orthodox, Melkite Catholics, Armenian Orthodox and Protestants). A compromise was found that allowed the country to prosper but did not change the basic problems. The patriarchal system in connection with confessional frictions prevented the building of a “real nation”. People living in Lebanon first identify with their family / village / area, then with their religion and only last with their “homeland”! There are Shiites from Nabatiya, Druze from the Chouf Mountains or Maronites from Jounieh. But there aren’t many Lebanese.  

The 15-year civil war, that began with the Palestinian refugee problem and continued with the invasions of Israel and Syria, has deepened the rifts between the various groups. The reorganization and the new rules of power-sharing in the Saudi city of Taif in 1989 ended the civil war, but did not lead to civil peace. Unfortunately, the peace accord allowed Hezbollah as the only faction to keep its weapons because of its role as “defender of Lebanon against Israel”. All of the old warlords continued to dominate the political scene. They further strengthened their positions through lucrative posts in frequently changing governments. At the same time, they filled their own pockets at the expense of the state.

Money that came in through “foreigners” or loans from friendly countries and the global community was not invested in infrastructure, schools or the health system. It disappeared – slowly and into many different pockets. The “Switzerland of the Middle East” steered into bankruptcy. In October 2019, young and well-educated people, tired of nepotism, took to the streets and overthrew the Saad Hariri government. But nothing has happened since then! The world community is calling for reforms before it financially supports Lebanon, young people are leaving the country by the thousands, and the old warlords continue to block any change in the political system. In order to keep the population calm, the prices for fuel, medicines and basic foodstuffs were lowered through subsidies. The former “Bank of the Gulf States” has slowly used up all its reserves, always hoping that an angel will step in.  

The self-created political and economic system failed last year when Lebanon was unable to pay its debts for the first time in March 2020. Since then, a political dead end, the port explosion in August 2020 and the increasing economic crises associated with the pandemic took away the last hope of many Lebanese – especially the young and well-educated. While job opportunities are rare, more and more families are “activating” their private networks around the world. Young people are starting to study abroad and engineers, doctors or nurses are trying to find jobs in the USA, Canada or France.

After 13 months without political leadership, billionaire Miqati formed a new government this September. Although hopes have risen for a few weeks (the unofficial exchange rate temporarily fell from 22,000 Lebanese pounds for one US dollar to 12,000), real and much-needed reforms are not expected. The period is too short until the preparations for the parliamentary elections in spring 2022 will dominate the political agenda again. Although the new ministers, some of them experts in their fields, are motivated to get real results, change is unlikely to be accepted by all parties. The sectarian clashes on October 14th underscored this prediction.  

While Judge Tarek Bitar wants to investigate the reasons for the port explosion in August 2020 and demands accountability, Hezbollah and Amal (unofficially the port is dominated by Hezbollah) fear possible revelations about responsibility for the disaster. To put pressure on the Miqati-government to replace the investigating judge Bitar, a protest march by the Iran-backed militia had been announced. What began as a demonstration escalated into a shootout between Hezbollah and Amal fighters, as well as Christians and LAF soldiers. Seven people died and paid the price of a political game. One of the many reasons the clashes had such a resonance was the location. The civil war also began in April 1975 in the Christian suburb of Ain al-Remmaneh on the southeastern edge of Beirut. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah then warned in a speech that he could command 100,000 fighters. The Christian leader of the “Lebanese Armed Forces”, Samir Geagea (also a former civil warlord), replied that his party has no militia and is not looking for a war, but will defend itself if necessary. The consequences are short, medium and long term.  

Although the government is still officially in office, Hezbollah and Amal have blackmailed Miqati and normal work among cabinet members is no longer possible. Trust – if it ever existed – between the various members of the government is destroyed. In the medium term, inter-confessional tensions could break out again and many people fear that there will be clashes between Sunnis, Shiites and Christians again in the upcoming weeks and months.

Some even fear another “7th of May”. In 2008, Hezbollah fighters invaded West Beirut to destroy Sunni and Druze opponents that day. A second civil war seems to be looming. But the most important consequence of the “Ain al-Remmaneh shots” is another setback for hopes for a successful and peaceful future. No reconciliation seems achievable, no government is in the position to introduce reforms, and no politician takes the responsibility of laying the basis for a future that could persuade the young population to stay! Lebanese politicians have ruled for decades, some since the early 70s. They survived civil war, assassinations, riots and other unrest. Now they are desperately struggling to hold onto their positions and wealth as the country continues to crumble and suffer from one of the world’s worst economic collapses in decades, a former paradise and a place where diverse ethnic groups and religions meet peaceful coexistence can become a “failed state”.

Let us hope that the various leaders of the “cedar state” rethink their strategies and find an urgently needed solution for the good of all people and for the stability of the region!  

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For further information: https://heinomatzken.jimdofree.com

AUKUS: New nuclear threat in Indo-Pacific region

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AUKUS: New nuclear threat in Indo-Pacific region

By Sazzad Haider

The history book on the self/ is always repeating itself-the lyrics of ABBA’s waterloo song have to become an axiom if we analyze the recent turmoil in Asia-pacific regions following formation of AUKUS,  an English linguistics alliance comprise with the USA, UK and Australian against Asian giant China. 

Similarly, all the great powers in nineteenth century – the Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan, Russia and the USA forged an alliance to downplay the Chinese regional dominance. China lost all the wars with foreign forces and was forced to sign imbalanced treaties which gave alluring concessions to foreign powers. The British extracted a huge concession, colonized Hong Kong and legalized opium trading. China was forced to lease or cede territories to rival countries. Russian empire annexed outer Manchuria and parts of outer northwest China while Jiaozhou Bay invaded by Germany. In addition, Japan occupied the Formosa islands and France also gained Zhanjiang.

Now, the Spratly Islands of the South China Sea has become a golden apple of the goddess Eris in Greek mythology, a catalyst of conflict. The Spratly Islands are stretched out over 409,000 square km in the South China Sea. Most of Islands are submerged and among them twelve are natural islets. People live temporally here and the islands are sanctuary of seabirds and turtles. These Islets are larger one hectare. Since 2014, China started large-scale reclamations of the seven reefs including Johnson South Reef, Fiery Cross Reef, Gaven Reefs and Cuarteron Reef.  Vietnam developed three reefs while Malaysia developed one Reef. Taiwan continued reclamation at Itu Aba Reef.  

France took up the archipelago between in 1933 to 1939. During the second- world war, Japan occupied the Islands and built a submarine base. After the war, the Chinese nationalist government established a garrison at Itu Aba till their exile to Taiwan in 1949. Japan reclaimed the Island in 1951. Now China, Taiwan, Vietnam and Philippines declared their ownership. The USA treated the waterways as international territory and restrained from reorganization to any countries.  China has occupied seven reefs since 1988.

 Vietnam also constructed more over 14 military installations in its occupied reef.

In economic and strategic point views the Spratly Islands deserves great importance for the regional countries of the South China Sea. The Spratly Islands is expected to be huge sources of oil and natural gas for occupying countries. Regions are also a mammoth fishing hub of the world. This sea route is one of the busiest commercial shipping traffic in northeast Asia. In this strategic naval corridor, the USA has intensified military spearhead and naval presence following the Chinese move to build artificial islands. The USA launched several “freedom of navigation operations” to ensure free and open access to the South China Sea. In the course of maneuvers the US warships sailed near the Chinese occupied Islands in the South China Sea. China protested the voyage of the USA destroyers in the naval routes without the Chinese permission. The USA considered “the Chinese maintained straight baselines around the Paracels Islands” is violation of UN Convention on the law of sea.  So the tensions over the Spratly Island are remained as turmoil on the USA-Sino relationship and also evoked China to increase naval might.  

Some military analysts believe China is emerging as one of the outermost dangers to the USA military supremacy in Asia since the end of the cold war. China has the most advanced ballistic missile force in the world. To counter the Chinese missile arsenals, the Pentagon is now gambling for new strategic weapons. The Pentagon is rebuilding its fleet and accelerating development of new weapons including the urgent introduction of longer-range missiles. The United States aims to deploy a 355-strong fleet by 2034 in accordance with the budget proposal documents of Trump Administration of 2020.  Japan, South Korea and Australia are upgrading their navies with new, advanced warships and submarines to counter the Chinese threats.

According to some military experts, the Chinese missile would serve to deter the USA aircraft carriers from getting too close to the Chinese territories. China has only two air craft carriers (third in early construction) against eleven air craft carriers of the USA. China cannot defeat the USA at sea. ‘But’ according to a Chinese retired Colonel “we have missiles that specifically target aircraft carriers to stop them from approaching our territorial waters if there were conflict.”

 “If the US aircraft carriers come too close to our coastlines in a conflict, our missiles can destroy them.” The retired Colonel said in an interview with Reuters.

The Chinese officials have never disclosed the number of missiles but the Communist Youth League (CYLC) disclosed a figure on it official twitter account in October 2016. According to CYLC the Chinese rocket forces consisting of 100,000 personnel and produced about 200 intercontinental ballistic missiles, about 300 medium-range ballistic missiles, 1,150 short-range ballistic missiles and 3,000 cruise missiles.

Since 2017, China has intensified political and economic dominance over the controversial Spratly Islands in the South China Sea.

In 2014, tensions erupted between China and its seven neighbor countries over the Spratly Islands as China operated massive dredging to build artificial islands in the disputed location on seabed of the South China Sea. By mid2015, China built at least seven artificial Islands in the South China Sea following of conducting a massive land reclamation project. China built some military installations in these artificial islands including army barracks, watch tower and a runway for fighter planes.

China also ruled out the possibility to use these installations on military intention and clarified that the objectives are absolutely for civilian purposes to safeguard fishing and maritime trade.

 Along with China, Vietnam, Malaysia, Taiwan, the Philippines and Brunei have claimed rights of these territories.

In this circumstance, the UK, US and Australian signed ‘the AUKUS Pact’ a biggest defense partnership in decades to counter China in the Asia-Pacific. Following signing of AUKUS, Australia will get the US technologies for constructing a nuclear submarine to defuse the growing threat from China.

We can compare the AUKUS to NATO-the USA initiated greatest military alliance to diminish the USSR’s communist expansions in Europe and all over the world following the devastation of the second-world war. All capitalistic countries of Europe delightedly joined with the NATO-which generated cold-war against the Soviet Union.

But, significantly, the AUKUS got harsh reactions from European NATO ally.  

First of all, following the forming AUKUS France, the biggest power of European Union lost deal with $90bn contract to build 12 submarines for Australia. 

It marked a setback for President Emmanuel Macron. Macron’s EU allies also expressed dismay over submarine deal. 

Moreover, prime members of the European Union are not now in position to oppose China absolutely. Now the relationship between China and Western Europe is at highest level of cooperation since the Chinese Revolution. China market and Chinese investments is important for the EU’s post-COVID recovery. So, AUKUS kept away from NATO while forming anti-China alliance in Indo-China region. Therefore the newly formed Anglo-linguistic alliance degraded the NATO’s role in Asia.  

The Great Britain, former key member of European Union has to get tremendous benefit from the AUKUS as well as the submarine deal. 

Post BREXIT, it seems that the UK could have restored in its colonial glory consisting of military and economic aspects. 

Now, the British lion has begun to roar in different seas, oceans, and continent in a bid to assert its global role.    

Britain was astonishing enmeshed in a diplomatic and military dispute with Russia recently as the British ships have asserted navigation rights in the Black Sea. 

The UK has now been a very vocal critic of China’s Indo- Pacific military presence. 

In July, the Queen Elizabeth, the British aircraft carrier cruised on the South China Sea in the pick of the US-China rigidity. The UK also sent Naval Forces and expeditionary units alongside Australian and the US forces in the Northern Territory. It also planned to establish a permanent planning and coordination mini-HQ in Darwin and keeping one or two frigates on station in the Indo-Pacific, probably in Singapore.

The Britain also backed the USA to grab the submarine deal from its EU ally France and extracted economic benefit from the deal. The British lion can be gotten a lion share from selling Derby-based Rolls-Royce reactors for the intending submarine of Australian.

Now the British lion has kept a keen eye on a very lucrative market in Indo-Pacific countries for exporting military equipment. If the UK can implement its arms marketing plan in collaboration with the USA, it economy will be flourished again from the set back of BRIXIT. 

The USA and the UK pushed Australia successfully to enter into the nuclear club by giving the nuclear powered submarine. 

After Australian, the Asian economic tigers, mostly located in Indo-pacific regions are targeted for next deals. Therefore, a “Chinese hobgoblin” the Spratly Islands exists before those countries. 

But AUKUS got a cold-hearted response from some of rivals of China on the Spratly Islands issue such as ASEAN countries. Indonesia one of the leading members of ASEAN marked the Australian submarine deal as “deeply concerned over the continuing arms race and power projection in the region”.

By the provocation the UK and USA, alluring of making endless money from arms deal will continue to ignite an unforeseen arms race in Indo-pacific region.

Republic of Korean and Taiwan, the core allies of the USA may not pass over the offer of nuclear deal in future. The berating attitude of China and its ally North Korea towards those countries can invent a room for adorning them with nuclear arsenals. Therefore, it is assumed the arms manufacturers of the USA and UK are eagerly waiting for implanting a new nuclear zone in Indo-Pacific regions.  

But if a war erupt in Asia –Pacific region over the golden apple ‘ the Spratly Islands’ or for the acts of North Korean rocket boy Kim Jong Un, every country will be gravely affected from a varied but prolonged war and the war cost will be much higher than the cost of  the golden apple ‘ the Spratly Islands’. 

About author:

Sazzad Haider, Photographer Habib Raza.

Sazzad Haider is a writer, journalist and filmmaker living in Bangladesh. He edits The Diplomatic Journal.  

La diplomatie publique: Jamais trop tôt

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La diplomatie publique: Jamais trop tôt

Par Michaël Morin

La diplomatie est généralement considérée comme distante, éloignée et hiérarchisée pour les gens ne travaillant pas dans le domaine des relations internationales. Aujourd’hui, la diplomatie paraît un peu plus transparente comparativement à un siècle et demi avant. Cependant, la complexité croissante du monde amène à devoir repenser des formes de pourvoir ainsi que leur détermination et leur perception, y compris en diplomatie. Depuis le milieu du vingtième siècle, la diplomatie publique (en anglais « public diplomacy ») a été développée par les chercheur universitaires, dont Joseph Nye[1], des intervenants gouvernementaux, comme aux États-Unis[2], et non-gouvernementaux, comme le Foreign Policy Centre du Royaume-Uni[3], pour faire état des capacités et de la puissance des États et ainsi développer des stratégies.

La diplomatie publique est une branche de la diplomatie qui a trait aux stratégies d’un État dans sa politique étrangères et qui vise à comprendre, informer, arriver à des compromis et à influencer la société civile d’un autre État[4]. Dans la pratique des relations internationales, elle se manifeste par divers outils, dont : la diplomatie culturelle, la puissance dite « tranquille » (en anglais « soft power ») et la diplomatie digitale. Il est à noter que d’autres outils pourraient se manifester ou être à la disposition d’États que ce soit, par exemple, des relations de connaissances entre diplomates. Des outils connexes à la diplomatie publique pourraient aussi être hors du contrôle d’un ou des États et avoir une influence diplomatique culturelle. Des exemples de ces outils peuvent se trouver dans les entreprises et firmes multinationales ainsi que dans le milieu culturel comme les institutions muséales.

La diplomatie publique se présente comme une approche ouverte, non-hiérarchisée, qui se soucie de cultiver une opinion publique favorable et qui conserve les canaux de communications même lorsque les relations diplomatiques sont affectés ou rompues[5]. Elle est ouverte et non-hiérarchisée en touchant les relations et communications entre les populations et leurs gouvernements, et non seulement entre gouvernements comparativement à la diplomatie traditionnellement reconnue. Elle se veut aussi innovatrice, plus démocratique, inclusive, effective et transparente[6]. Avec de tels éléments constituant et définissant la diplomatie publique, comment la diplomatie conduite par les gouvernements peut-elle en tirer les bénéfices et les avantages? Y aurait-il des périodes et des moments où mettre en œuvre une diplomatie publique?

Depuis le référendum du 24 juin 2016, où une majorité de l’électorat britannique a voté pour la sortie de l’Union européenne, le gouvernement du Royaume-Uni a enclenché son processus de sortie appelé « Brexit ». Le processus complexe, qui s’est poursuivi durant des années, a mené à l’adoption d’un accord commercial post-Brexit entre les deux parties, qui est en application depuis le 1er mai 2021. Récemment, en septembre et octobre 2021, le Royaume-Uni a connu des pénuries d’essence et de produits de consommation sur les étagères des magasins. À ces pénuries, les problèmes dans la chaîne de distribution de produits alimentaires se sont ajoutés, dont le porc[7].

Un facteur soulevé sur ces problèmes est le manque de personnel pour assurer le transport de ces marchandises et la chaîne de distribution[8]. Afin de répondre à ce manque, le gouvernement du Royaume-Uni a récemment mobilisé l’armée et annoncé l’émission de nouveau visas pour des travailleurs étrangers. Cependant, le secteur des transports rapporte encore un manque de personnel[9]. En effet, le gouvernement britannique avait annoncé en septembre 2021 l’émission de 5 000 visas de travail pour le secteur des transports alors qu’à peine 300 demandes ont été reçue et 20 visas ont été émis un mois plus tard[10].

En considérant que l’émission de nouveaux visa s’adresse aux travailleurs étrangers, il y a là un secteur où la diplomatie publique aurait été pratique à mettre en place, en amont, pour donner l’image d’une économie britannique croissante et attractive qui encouragerait les travailleurs et travailleuses à s’y joindre. Peut-être qu’avec l’image publique véhiculée par le Brexit, cadrant avec un désir de contrôle plus serré des frontières britanniques, puis avec des processus douaniers plus complexes que sous l’Union européenne, cela semblerait avoir causé un phénomène de repoussoir pour des travailleurs et travailleuses de pays membres de l’Union européenne.

Ainsi, pour tenter de prévenir ou d’en atténuer les impacts négatifs sur l’économie britannique, la diplomatie du Royaume-Uni aurait pu pousser le développement d’une stratégie de communication visant des candidates et candidats potentiels pour travailler dans ces secteurs ciblés de l’économie, qui comprendrait l’utilisation de médias sociaux. Ainsi, en rétrospective, la mise en œuvre d’une diplomatie digitale aurait été judicieuse. De ces populations dans les États membres de l’Union européenne proviendrait certainement la majeure partie du personnel requis pour appuyer la chaine de distribution des produits de consommation au marché britannique. À cet effet, une stratégie s’adressant aux population de ces États aurait été bénéfique au Royaume-Uni pour attirer la main d’œuvre nécessaire tout en appuyant l’établissement et le maintien de relations constructives avec l’Union européenne.

En conclusion, la diplomatie publique est un concept qui permet d’apporter une perspective sur les stratégies et les résultats d’un État dans sa politique étrangère. Avec ses concepts d’ouverture, la mise de côté de la hiérarchie, l’inclusion et la démocratie, la mise en place d’une telle diplomatie présente un défi pour tous les gouvernements. Une approche gouvernementale comprend habituellement une vision, la mise en place d’objectifs, de structures de rapport et d’imputabilité. Ces structures sont des réflexes institutionnels et demandent une certaine hiérarchisation. Le Brexit et ses impacts ne se limitent pas seulement à la conduite de la politique étrangère, mais aussi aux conditions politiques domestiques au Royaume-Uni et, évidemment, aux conditions de la pandémie actuelle. Néanmoins, dans le cas du Brexit et des problématiques récentes dans la distribution de produits de consommation, il y a là un domaine où la diplomatie publique aurait pu être utile avant, de manière préventive, afin d’apporter des solutions en temps opportun. Il n’est jamais trop tôt pour le faire. Ceci demande de mobiliser des habiletés et talents informels, surtout en communication, et pour un public plus large que la diplomatie traditionnelle. La diplomatie publique est cruciale et inévitable pour tous les États dans un monde d’une complexité croissante.

Sur l’auteur:

Photo Michael Morin Smll

Michaël Morin, Analyste principal des politiques, Direction générale de la Politique stratégique, Agence des services frontaliers du Gouvernement du Canada.

Note : Les opinions exprimées dans cet essai n’engagent que l’auteur à titre personnel et ne constituent pas la position du gouvernement du Canada. Cet essai est un exercice produit dans le cadre d’une formation sur la diplomatie publique donnée en septembre et octobre 2021 par Eugene Matos, ministre-conseiller de l’ambassade de la République Dominicaine à Haïti.

[1]     NYE, Joseph. « Public Diplomacy and Soft Power », The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 616, no 1, 1er mars 2008, p. 94‑109.

[2]     UNITED STATES. STATE DEPARTMENT. POLICY COORDINATING COMMITTEE. U.S. National Strategy for Public Diplomacy and Strategic Communication, June 2007, 34 p. [https://2001-2009.state.gov/documents/
organization/87427.pdf] (consulté le 22 septembre 2021).

[3]     LEONARD, Mark (dir.), Catherine STEAD et Conrad SMEWING. Public Diplomacy, The Foreign Policy Centre, London, United Kingdom, 2002, 101 p. [https://fpc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2006/09/35.pdf] (consulté le 23 septembre 2021).

[4]     MATOS, Eugenio. Mastering Public Diplomacy, [Séance de formation en ligne], du 22 septembre au 20 octobre 2021, Institut de développement professionnel, Université d’Ottawa.

[5]     ibid.

[6]     ibid.

[7]     •     THOMPSON REUTERS. « British pork industry warns of massive pig cull due to labour shortages », CBC News, 1er octobre 2021. [https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/uk-pork-industry-labour-shortages-1.6196452] (consulté le 2 octobre 2021).

       •     PLUMMER, Robert. « Shortage problem: What’s the UK running low on and why? », BBC News, 2021. [https://www.bbc.com/news/business-58721085] (consulté le 14 octobre 2021).

[8]     ibid.

[9]     SYAL, Rajeev. « Emergency visa scheme extended in major U-turn by Boris Johnson », The Guardian, 1er octobre 2021. [https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/oct/01/overseas-food-and-fuel-drivers-to-get-visas-in-major-u-turn-by-boris-johnson] (consulté le 3 octobre 2021).

[10]   ALLEGRETTI, Aubrey. « Just 20 UK visas issued to foreign lorry drivers, government admits », The Guardian, 13 octobre 2021. [https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/oct/13/just-20-uk-visas-issued-to-foreign-lorry-drivers-government-admits] (consulté le 13 octobre 2021).

Is it time to recognize the woman as a human being?

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Is it time to recognize the woman as a human being?

Afghan women education under the new regime

By Marco Pizzorno

The scream of Afghan women shakes the consciences of all humanity. Geopolitical revolutions are changing the face of many Asian countries and unfortunately these metamorphoses affect, more and more frequently, the rights of the defenseless and the personal dignity of those oppressed by war.

The recent compliance with international agreements, which saw the US take troops home after almost twenty years of war, triggered a real humanitarian catastrophe that hit the Afghan population. Media around the world have picked up on the desperate attempts of people trying to cling to the planes of “Democracy”. And on this point it is really difficult to deny or forget what the frightened eyes of the population have written on the pages of history.

After the establishment of the new policies, in Afghanistan, what shook the world was the suffering of women, now revealed, evident, global and finally no longer hidden.

Precisely on this topic the BBC reported news of violence and segregation, describing in fact, that even the Afghan universities will be divided by gender and new rules on costume and clothing will also be imposed by the authorities. Although the new government has assured that it will guarantee education and work for women, the concerns of the international community remain high, because in reality the problem is everyone’s. It is linked to life and human dignity and on this point there are no flags of belonging.

Human Rights Watch illustrates how previously the administrations established in those territories, between 1996 and 2001, denied rights to women by imposing stoning, torture and confinement in homes, and in many cases not only the right to work, but also that of a simple outdoor walk.

At this point the reflections compulsively ask us to question the need to strengthen the Cedaw Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Its doctrine is fundamental as it develops precisely on the distinction, exclusion or limitation to the detriment of women. It works to ensure conditions of equality between men and women and all those fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural and civil sectors.

The convention fights to eradicate any discrimination practiced by people, entities and organizations and takes action to eliminate coercion in addition to “customary” and discriminatory practices. The question is important and is linked by reflex to terrorism and its perverse manipulative perceptions. Precisely for this reason, the most useful question to guarantee global individual dignity would be to ask ourselves if, in full respect of all religions and international laws, it was now the time to unite in diversity to change things?

Diplomatic IKIGAI

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Diplomatic IKIGAI

By Alexandra Paucescu

When I checked the dictionary, I found out that ‘a person’s IKIGAI is represented by the things that the individual finds truly motivating, described as his or her reason for existing’.

It seemed to me the best word to associate with Tomohiro Harada.

He is currently accompanying his Norwegian diplomat wife on a posting abroad, to Chile, but he never forgot about his own aspirations, purpose and finding what makes him truly happy. He is constantly trying to accommodate their life together, as a mutual benefit. ‘We, as diplomatic spouses, have the important role of looking out for broader changes that could affect the course of our lives in the future. It’s about creating intellectual space between us to discuss what our interests are. It’s about taking lead in discussing issues that affect these interests in order to “future-proof” our home’. 

Tomohiro Harada.

He tells me about his life so far and I have to admit, I am quite impressed with his extensive international living experience! He also has a rather wise approach, saying that ‘a foreign country is not designed to make you comfortable. It is designed to make its own people comfortable’.

His story began in Japan, where he grew up. He later attended primary and high school in New Zeeland. ‘After that, I started my undergraduate degree in International Relations at the University of New South Wales in Australia and then transferred to the University of St Andrews in Scotland. I did my postgraduate degree at Moscow State Institute of International Relations in Russia and moved to Norway in 2016, where I started my PhD’.

So, one could say that his whole life on the move has prepared him for the current diplomatic situation. He tells me candidly ‘until I married my wife, everything has been rather temporary and uncertain in my life. I thrived when I was constantly on the move, but I was also scared of it. All of that changed when I married. From that point on, I’ve felt like I finally have “permanent fixture” and “certainty” in my life. I haven’t given up my old life, because it very much continues, but I gained something by having a life companion on a diplomatic mission’.

Such nice words, a true love statement, although life is not always easy as a diplomatic spouse.

He points out that ‘we (diplomatic spouses) are not a monolithic group, with a uniform experience. If someone says “our lives are super easy,” we can only confirm or deny this perception, based on our own experience (or experiences of people that we know). I am in Chile now, but I lived in a lot of countries, and prejudices come in many forms, not just as a diplomatic spouse, but also as an “Asian” person. I would say that prejudice arising from being Asian has been much more consistent and personal than being a diplomatic spouse, at least when I am out on the street among strangers. But of course, there are perks for being abroad as a spouse of a Norwegian diplomat. Not only being a male diplomatic spouse is widely accepted and welcomed in Norway, but “belonging to Norway” also gives me disposition as “Norwegian”, to an extent, to belong to the Nordic communities, where I am accepted,  while distancing myself from the “Asian” community, which doesn’t always accept the idea of a trailing husband’.

He continues ‘I am now formally employed as a researcher at a university in Norway, to complete my PhD studies. I have to say that this has been extremely difficult as a diplomatic spouse. Pandemic also has a lot to do with it, and it affected my work environment significantly, knowing that I thrive more at my office. I thought that keeping my job and working on it while abroad is the best case scenario, but there are clear downsides too, and I continue to struggle. 

On the bright side, I see a lot of opportunities. Once I finish my PhD, I want to start something new. It’s given that finding a job is a difficult thing, but what if “job” is not what we are looking for? I’m looking for things that make me happy, things that I am good at, things that keep me busy during the day, and so on. Then, a job becomes just one of many things rather than “the thing”. Not having a job often means no income and I think a lot of expats, especially the young ones, feel the money pressure. It’s something that my wife and I talk about a lot, because if that is to be expected, we need to talk about how to be smart with our money. And that’s what I research immensely in my spare time, thinking about family planning, pensions and “rainy day” funds. I actually find it very surprising that while a lot of ex-pat coaches touch upon expat life generally, they don’t talk about expat life and money, and that’s the big thing I am trying to understand right now’.

I asked Tomohiro about the general perception about diplomatic spouses, whether he feels it is close to reality, and furthermore, how is it when it comes to diplomatic MALE spouses.

‘Misperception is a problem that exists not only externally but also internally. For example, many male spouses, including myself, intervene quite forcefully when we are rendered invisible in diplomatic discourses and practices, as female spouses as well as female diplomats have done for decades, if not centuries. As I mentioned before, Norway, albeit not perfect, has come a long way to change the societal perception of men taking paternity leave or becoming diplomatic spouses. Because of this, we feel the exclusion of male spouses very acutely in diplomatic and expat communities abroad’.

‘So, before we think about what misperceptions are out there about us, we need to know more about ourselves. What kind of diplomatic spouses are there? There are mothers, fathers, unmarried spouses, gay spouses, spouses in hardship places and so on. Only then can we discover who we are, as a group’.

Asked if he had advice for other diplomatic spouses, he responded ‘to the extent that spouses are dependent on diplomats, the diplomats owe their spouses the vision of their life on foreign soil. It’s about ensuring that the diplomatic spouses see themselves in the life of their significant others and diplomacy at-large. At the same time, diplomatic life can create a false sense of security in a world that is really in disarray. As fast as the world is changing right now, we, as spouses, also need to adapt to these changes and pursue new skills which enable us to make positive impact in our world’.

Tomohiro Harada seems to me like the type of young man who perfectly understands the position and the role that he has right now, but who is constantly looking for opportunities, ways to express and evolve, new ways to find his “IKIGAI”.

About the author:

Alexandra Paucescu

Alexandra Paucescu- Author of “Just a Diplomatic Spouse” Romanian, management graduate with a Master in business, cultural diplomacy and international relations studies.

She speaks Romanian, English, French, German and Italian,  gives lectures on intercultural communication and is an active NGO volunteer.

La «caractéristique»

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La «caractéristique»

Par Alexandre Khodakov

Ce mot sonne en russe presque comme en français, mais a une autre signification. En russe ce n’est pas un adjectif, mais un substantif qui veut dire beaucoup plus que l’action de caractériser une personne. Tout fonctionnaire soviétique, tout membre du Parti communiste était familier de cette notion qui pouvait s’associer avec une chance, un succès, une promotion, ou avoir une signification redoutable, jusqu’à la fin de carrière.

La « caractéristique » était un document écrit qui fusionnait l’évaluation de la performance avec le certificat de bonne conduite. Tout fonctionnaire qui devait être promu ou muté à un autre lieu de travail, à une autre fonction, recevait une « caractéristique ». Il était notoire que ce document n’était pas délivré à l’intéressé, on l’envoyait au département du personnel où il était conservé dans le dossier personnel du fonctionnaire.

Il était impossible de le retirer du dossier. Il était signé par le chef hiérarchique et le secrétaire de la cellule locale du Parti communiste. La « caractéristique » devait contenir un nombre d’éléments obligatoires. Au tout début elle devait constater que la personne en question était « idéologiquement mûre » et « fidèle aux principes moraux »[1]. Le jargon bureaucratique de la période socialiste ne se prête pas à la traduction, il faut que je fournisse une explication. « Idéologiquement mûr » voulait dire « résistant à l’influence de l’idéologie bourgeoise », la fidélité aux principes moraux exigeait l’absence de relations sexuelles en dehors de la famille. Eh bien, un bon nombre de fonctionnaires qui n’étaient pas fidèles à leur femme – on est tous humains, n’est-ce pas – craignaient que leur infidélité ne soit inscrite dans la « caractéristique » plus que le divorce. Enfin, un divorce était aussi répréhensible, mais aux Affaires étrangères on pouvait divorcer une fois sans conséquence. Deux divorces pouvaient freiner la promotion. Après trois on était le plus souvent mis à la porte.

Bien sûr, la « caractéristique » comportait une évaluation des connaissances professionnelles, de l’attitude au travail, des relations personnelles avec les collègues, mais tout cela était moins important que l’idéologie et la morale.

Il va de soi, qu’en cas de conflit avec un subordonné, le chef hiérarchique turpide pouvait se venger en modifiant l’évaluation de celui-ci d’une façon défavorable.

L’abus d’alcool inscrit dans la « caractéristique » pouvait également signifier la fin de la carrière. On racontait cette histoire comme une anecdote, mais même si elle est inventée, cela reflète la façon ingénieuse dont on pouvait s’en sortir dans les cas difficiles. Voilà :

Dans une garnison militaire lointaine il y avait un capitaine qui était un vrai boit-sans-soif. Il était saoul tous les jours, dès le matin. Le temps était venu pour lui de changer de résidence. Son commandant devait donc lui donner une « caractéristique ». Facile à comprendre qu’il était confronté à un dilemme. Écrire dans le document que le capitaine était un buveur, un ivrogne, pouvait mettre la fin à sa carrière. Ne pas l’écrire – s’exposer aux sanctions pour avoir caché la vérité qui sortirait tôt ou tard. Le commandant, assisté par le chef de la cellule du Parti, a inséré la formule suivante : « Boit beaucoup, mais avec dégoût. »

Je reçois ma première « caractéristique » à l’occasion de ma promotion au rang d’attaché. Des années plus tard un fonctionnaire du département du personnel me montre le texte – c’est un geste de bienveillance, je ne suis pas censé lire ce qui est écrit là-dedans. J’apprends ainsi que quelques mots qui paraissent insignifiants, peuvent avoir une grande influence sur la carrière.

[1] Si l’on en croit l’écrivain soviétique Julian Semenov, auteur du fameux roman « Dix-sept instants du printemps », des formulations pareilles figuraient dans les dossiers personnels des fonctionnaires nazis en Allemagne hitlérienne. D’un autre côté, je ne peux pas exclure qu’en écrivant cela, il se moquait du régime soviétique, même s’il avait la réputation d’un serviteur fidèle de ce dernier.

Information sur l’auteur:

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is WhatsApp-Image-2020-11-08-at-15.44.451-768x1024.jpeg
Alexander Khodakov

Né à Moscou en 1952, Alexander Khodakov fait ses études de droit  à  l’Institut de relations internationales de Moscou (MGIMO). Après trois ans à MGIMO, il fait un an d’études à l’université d’Alger. En 1974 il est recruté par le Ministère des affaires étrangères de l’URSS et part en poste au Gabon. Rentré à Moscou, il intègre le département juridique du Ministère. De 1985 à  1991 il travaille  à New York au sein de la mission permanente de l’URSS auprès des Nations unies. De retour à Moscou en 1991 il revient au département juridique, dont il devient directeur en 1994. Quatre ans plus tard il est nommé ambassadeur de Russie aux Pays-Bas et représentant permanent auprès de l’Organisation pour l’interdiction des armes chimiques (OIAC). En 2004 il passe au service de l’OIAC comme directeur des projets spéciaux et ensuite secrétaire des organes directifs. En 2011 il rejoint le greffe de la Cour pénale internationale et exerce pendant trois ans comme conseiller spécial pour les relations extérieures.

Depuis 2015 il vit  à La Haye, avec sa famille. Il a écrit Cuisine Diplomatique un vibrant récit des histoires inédites sur sa vie diplomatique.

Vietnam Value ​​– A quality commitment to the world market

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Vietnam Value ​​– A quality commitment to the world market

By Mr. Pham Viet Anh, Ambassador of Viet Nam

In the world, many countries have built their famous brands of companies and products/services that have existed for hundreds of year. Those big brands contribute to creating national value, creating the position and strength of the country. For the Netherlands, there are famous names attached with their products/services that made Dutch value such as Royal Haskoning DHV, Royal Boskalis Westminster N.V, Shell, Unilever, Heineken, Philips…

In the field of branding, Viet Nam is still a young country among members of WTO and very young compared to the Netherlands. When the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) came to Viet Nam in the 16th century to exchange goods, Viet Nam still did not have the same trade concepts at that time. After a century of war, it is understandable that the Vietnam national brand in general and Vietnamese products/services brands in particular are not known by the world. That is a big disadvantage of Viet Nam in term of global trade.

With the policy of proactive and active economic integration, over the past 18 years, Viet Nam has launched and implemented the Program “Vietnam National Brand” (Vietnam Value) to encourage businesses to build their own brands attached with their products or/and services to be recognized and honored as Vietnam value by the process of evaluating, selecting under specified criteria given by the government. The criteria set out for the program are also the basis for each business to self-assess its own quality of products/services in order to build stable brands, to introduce them to the world market.

In the process of evaluating and honoring “Vietnam value” to any company, product and service, not only the criteria of quality, but also the research and development, the content of innovation in the production process, the use and policies toward labor and the impacts on the environment are also very important key points to take into consideration. Thus, to ensure product and service quality, the ultimate goal is always to serve people while protecting nature and the living environment.

We evaluate and honour Vietnamese brands every 2 years. In 2020, despite the severe impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, we held our 7th assessment with more than 1,000 businesses across the country. There were 124 enterprises with 283 products and services that met or exceeded the standards of the Vietnam National Brand Program and recognized them as Vietnam Value. This time, a large number of well-known brands have been recognized as Vietnam Value.

We honoured companies and their products/services under specific sector/industry such as, in textile and garment industry, we honour Viettien, Garment 10, Nha Be Company; in  handicraft industry, we have Minh Long I Ceramic, Chu Dau Ceramic; in Food and Beverage sector, we have Vinamilk, Vinacafe, Vissan, Cholimex; in Rubber industry, we honored DRC, Casumina; in Construction materials, we have big names as Hoa Phat Group, Hoa Sen Group, Dong A Steel, Eurowindow, etc… Especially, there have been 15 companies who honored as Vietnam Value in 7 consecutive times. Most of the above groups/companies have exported their products to the Netherlands.

Whenever you see the ‘Vietnam value’ logo in three colours: blue, green and white printed in company profiles, brochures or media publications and in product packaging, you can trust and use that product or work with the business that makes it because all have been recognized by the Vietnam National Brand Program. 

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