German President on State Visit in Ireland

Wednesday, 27 through Friday, 29 October 2021, Republic of Ireland: President Michael D. Higgins welcomed on Wednesday, 27 October his German counterpart, Federal President, Dr. Frank-Walter Steinmeier, accompanied by his wife Ms Elke BĂŒdenbender, at Ăras an UachtarĂĄin, the Presidential Residence, for a three day State Visit to Ireland. 

Following a ceremonial welcome, a bilateral meeting took place between the two heads of state. After the meeting, President Steinmeier rang the Peace Bell and planted an Irish Oak tree in the grounds of Áras an Uachtaråin.

The discussions between the two Presidents followed on from that which they had at the recent meeting of the ‘Arraiolos Group’ of non executive presidents held in Rome in September. As per a the statement of the Irish presidency, among the topics that the two Presidents discussed were: 

i) the post-COVID adjustment in Europe and the global vaccination programme, particularly in Africa and the developing world; ii) the Future of Europe and the need for greater social cohesion and dialogue; iii) further developing educational and cultural links between the two countries; iv) climate change and the upcoming COP 26 UN Climate Change Conference; v) current threats to global peace, the importance of multilateralism and the role of the State; vi) Afghanistan and impending food disaster following the recent United Nations report; vii) the issue of protecting and promoting regional languages within the European Union was of particular interest in the discussions. 

President Higgins took the opportunity to thank Germany for its support during the recent Brexit negotiations, especially in regard to the Northern Ireland protocol. The importance of building on the strong relationship between both countries post-Brexit was also discussed.

President Steinmeier and Ms BĂŒdenbender were likewise hosted at Ăras an UachtarĂĄin for a State Dinner.  President Higgins and Sabina Higgins accompanied the German Presidential Couple for some of their engagements held in Dublin, Galway and Limerick over the course of their state visit.

President Steinmeier’s visit followed on the State Visit of President Higgins to Germany in July 2019, when the President visited four German states, including the federal capital Berlin, Frankfurt am Main in Hesse, WĂŒrzburg in Bavaria and Leipzig in Saxony.

Germany is Ireland’s largest trade party within the EU, and third globally, in 2020 over 10% of Irish goods went to Germany, 1% of Germans visited Ireland in 2019 according to data provided by the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs. 

For further information:

Irish Presidency: https://president.ie/en/media-library/photos/president-welcomes-mr-frank-walter-steinmeier-president-of-the-federal-republic-of-germany-and-ms-elke-buedenbender

German Federal Presidency: https://www.bundespraesident.de/SharedDocs/Reden/DE/Frank-Walter-Steinmeier/Reden/2021/10/211027-StB-Irland-Staatsbankett.html;jsessionid=9A66D833ED11CAEF17123E0730B4D807.2_cid505

Irish Embassy in Germany (Ambassador Dr. Nicholas O’Brien): https://www.dfa.ie/irish-embassy/germany/about-us/

Kribi, Perle du sud Cameroun : Vivier Ă©conomique et touristique d’un Cameroun Ă©mergent

Par S.E. Mme Madeleine Liguemoh, Ambassadeur du Cameroon

SituĂ©e Ă  180 km au sud de Douala, capitale Ă©conomique du Cameroun, Kribi relevant du DĂ©partement de l’ocĂ©an est une ville cĂŽtiĂšre nichĂ©e Ă  la lisiĂšre du Golfe de GuinĂ©e en Afrique centrale. Elle est peuplĂ©e d’environ 80.000 Ăąmes maniant les langues française et anglaise, reparties sur les villages et quartiers tels que Lolabe, Bwambe, Ngoye, Mboamanga ou Louma etc. Dans cette citĂ© balnĂ©aire alliant savamment rustique et modernitĂ©, le visiteur a l’opportunitĂ© de se fondre dans la culture des peuples de l’eau vivant en parfaite symbiose avec les descendants des zones forestiĂšres d’un hinterland aux charmes conservĂ©s. On y retrouve, selon l’ethnonymie consacrĂ©e, les Batanga,  Boulou-Fang, MabĂ©a, Ngoumba, Bakoko, Bassa, etc. 

Port du Kribi, Cameroun.

De cet alliage culturel, s’est construite une identitĂ© culinaire invitante, aux profondeurs olfactives enracinĂ©es  dans une tradition gastronomique raffinĂ©e et bigarrĂ©e. C’est le champ d’expression du poisson, produit de prĂ©dilection de cette aire culturelle, prĂ©sentĂ©e sous toutes ses coutures, et n’offrant aucune place au gras, avec en toile de fond, le bien-ĂȘtre des fins gourmets locaux et Ă©trangers. C’est notre Ă©banjĂ©a (poisson pimentĂ©), le mokwa, le mabang, le jomba. A cĂŽtĂ© de ces recettes centenaires, l’évocation du « n’huhu mua mbia Â» (la purĂ©e de noix de palme), le mbolĂš (sauce gluante de noix de mango) ou encore notre  « ndolĂš national Â» viennent attester de l’apport inĂ©galĂ© des plantes forestiĂšres dans l’offre gastronomique kribienne aussi cosmopolite que sa population. Celle-ci habituĂ©e Ă  cĂ©lĂ©brer autant ces plaisirs du palais que les rythmes musicaux traditionnels que les danses  autochtones aux sonoritĂ©s Ă©clectiques, comme le Mbaya, l’Ivanga, ou le Ngosso, reprĂ©sentĂ©s fiĂšrement Ă  la faveur des grandes festivitĂ©s telles que le Mayi (tenu tous les 09 mai), le Februar, le Nguma Mabi.

Sous les sons modernes des envolĂ©es musicales du cĂ©lĂšbre et iconique Eko Roosvelt, l’enfant de Kribi, vous serez bercĂ© par les vagues apaisantes et fascinantes de l’OcĂ©an Atlantique. Majestueusement nappĂ©e sur une cĂŽte maritime Ă©ponyme et imposante, laissant respirer de vastes bancs de sable clair et fin, Kribi dĂ©voile depuis des temps immĂ©moriaux, une richesse touristique parfumĂ©e d’une particuliĂšre authenticitĂ©. Elle est le socle de l’intacte communion enivrante entre les touristes et les chutes mythiques de la LobĂ©, un fleuve au parcours unique se perdant directement dans l’immensitĂ© de l’ocĂ©an atlantique. ImmensitĂ© vous avez dit ! La LobĂ© cache en rĂ©alitĂ© l’exceptionnelle hydrographie de cette citĂ©e offrant, de part son rĂ©seau de fleuves incarnĂ© par la LokoundjĂ© ou le Nyong entre autre, l’occasion rĂȘvĂ©e de savourer les frais plaisirs d’un tourisme fluvial rĂ©vĂ©lant aux visiteurs les douces senteurs naturelles d’un environnement prĂ©servĂ© et enrobĂ© dans une biodiversitĂ© rare, propre au Cameroun justement qualifiĂ© d’« Afrique en miniature Â».

C’est Kribi, l’écologique qui fait corps avec Kribi l’économique, dont l’envol a Ă©tĂ© marquĂ© par la redynamisation d’un centre nĂ©vralgique venant ajouter de la valeur Ă  une Ă©conomie hĂŽteliĂšre en constante Ă©volution, bĂątie autour d’un axe pivot : le Complexe industrialo-portuaire de Kribi Ă©rigĂ© sur les eaux profondes de l’espace ocĂ©anique camerounais.

Le Port Autonome de Kribi (PAK) a Ă©tĂ© créé par DĂ©cret prĂ©sidentiel N°99/132 du 15 juin 1999 et entrĂ© en service le 02 mars 2018. Il repose sur un plan stratĂ©gique multisectoriel bien dĂ©fini par le Gouvernement, qui a rĂ©solument inscrit le secteur portuaire dans l’ordre des prioritĂ©s, pour la croissance et l’émergence du Cameroun.

Conscient de ses atouts et soucieux de construire une Ă©conomie forte et rĂ©siliente, ouverte et attractive, le Gouvernement camerounais sait pouvoir compter sur tous ses partenaires. Reprenant les propos de son Directeur GĂ©nĂ©ral, le PAK « est un port sĂ»r et sĂ©curisĂ©, certifiĂ© ISPS, un Port Smart avec la mise en service de son SystĂšme d’Information Portuaire (SIP), lequel consacre une meilleure dĂ©matĂ©rialisation et simplification des procĂ©dures en facilitant le passage du flux de marchandises dans son espace, et dotĂ© d’ une zone logistique amĂ©nagĂ©e et particuliĂšrement Ă©tendue Â».

 C’est le lieu de souligner le caractĂšre moderne de cette infrastructure structurante de l’économie camerounaise,  avec des caractĂ©ristiques nautiques rĂ©pondant aux standards internationaux.  Ouvert toute l’annĂ©e, il possĂšde des actifs, des infrastructures et superstructures permettant une plus grande productivitĂ© de la manutention et des mouvements de navires commerciaux Ă  fort tirant d’eau.  Tout ceci confĂšre Ă  cet Ă©tablissement portuaire la capacitĂ© requise pour dĂ©velopper une Ă©conomie incitative qui « cadre avec des mesures telles que les facilitĂ©s fiscales et douaniĂšres, les facilitĂ©s financiĂšres et administratives spĂ©cifiques Ă  chaque domaine d’activitĂ© Â».

Cette plateforme portuaire moderne, compĂ©titive et calibrĂ©e, a Ă©tĂ© bĂątie pour faire fructifier vos projets, inscrits dans un portefeuille fort intĂ©ressant. Ce dernier comprend des projets matures et d’autres en phase d’études.

Au titre des projets matures n’ayant pas encore de financements, les investisseurs pourront, entre autres chantiers, saisir les opportunitĂ©s suivantes Ă  rĂ©aliser : la construction du quai de service du Port Autonome de Kribi (PAK) ; la rĂ©alisation du systĂšme d’assainissement du PAK ; l’amĂ©nagement de la zone lacustre de 15,5 ha contigĂŒe aux terminaux de la phase 1 du PAK etc


Kribi pendant le soir.

Sous le registre des projets en Ă©tudes, figurent notamment : le dĂ©veloppement du terminal minĂ©ralier en vue de l’exploitation industrielle du fer de Lobe Ă  Kribi ; la crĂ©ation d’une sociĂ©tĂ© de cabotage maritime ; le dĂ©veloppement d’un terminal hydrocarbures.

Loin d’ĂȘtre achevĂ©, ce tableau panoramique est Ă©voquĂ© Ă  dessein, afin de dire Ă  tous les investisseurs intĂ©ressĂ©s par la diversitĂ© des chantiers et des projets de dĂ©veloppement en cours ou ceux inscrits dans la durĂ©e, qu’ils sont les bienvenus, dans cette terre hospitaliĂšre aux multiples possibilitĂ©s : le Cameroun.

Investing in Cameroon, a country of opportunities

0

By Paul Biya, President of the Republic of Cameroon

A country of Central Africa with a land of 475,000 Square meters and a population estimated at 25 million inhabitants, bordering almost all the countries of Central Africa, and with about 1500 kilo-meter opening on the Atlantic Ocean, which allows to supply the CAR and Chad, locked land countries, Cameroon enjoys a strategic position in the sub-region. In addition to these geographical advantages, Cameroon has many assets making the country, a land of opportunities. These assets include: its relative political stability, the existence of legal-economic mechanisms in favour of investors, the abundance of natural resources as well as its cultural and ecological diversity.

Political Stability

Peace and political stability are key factors in any investment decision in a country. Thus, commonly called “Haven” of Peace in Central Africa, Cameroon presents itself as a country of peace in a particularly troubled region. Since gaining independence on January, 1st 1960, the country has had two presidents who had succeeded each other in a constitutional and democratic way, resulting in its stability.

However, as in in all civilized societies the prevailing climate of peace and stability in Cameroon has been put to strain in recent years, particularly because of tensions in the Far North region due to the sporadic activities of Boko Haram and in the North-West and South West regions caused by separatist groups. Many initiatives have been taken to defeat these threats. In this light, we can mention the organization of the Great National Dialogue in September 2019   which resulted in the creation of the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Committee in order to welcome and socially integrate repented former rebels.

Apart from these isolated situations, Cameroon is credited with a diversified and resilient economy. Overall, it internally enjoys a capital of peace and stability, recognized by internal observers who do not hesitate to present Cameroon as an asset to be preserved in a Central Africa weakened by recurrent political-military crises.

Legal-economic environment conducive to foreign and local investors

The Cameroon investment legal base is backed up by an investment charter provided by the Law No 2002 of April 19th 2020, supplemented by the Law No 2013-04 of April 18th 2013 on private investment in the Republic of Cameroun and Law No 2013/011 of December 16th 2013 governing economic zones in Cameroon. In addition, its status as Member State of the Treaty on the Harmonization of Business Law in Africa (OHADA) strengthens this legal framework. There are also administrative and financial incentives under the General Tax Code and backed by the Investment Promotion Agency (IPA). On the one part, the Cameroonian state has set up Business Creation Formality Centers (BCFC), as well as a specific visa and a one-stop shop in all airports of Cameroon to guarantee the transferability of investor’s funds. On the other part, there is a derogation for partnership contracts in the specific sectors considered to be priority including VAT exemption for credits granted for investment in agriculture, fishing, animal husbandry, touristic and leisure sectors.

Furthermore, in 2009 the government adopted a long-term Strategic Vision for development that aims to make “Cameroon an emerging democratic country united in its diversity by 2035”. In its most recent version called 2020-2030 National Development Strategy (NDS30), several objectives have been targeted by the government, which intends to achieve them at the set deadline by relying on 4 pillars which are: Structural transformation of the national economy; welfare and human capital development; employment promotion and economic integration; governance, decentralization and strategic management of the state.

With this in mind, the industry, a real potential lever of growth policy is carried by the immensity of the wealth of the subsoil, sufficient hydrography, a skilled and abundant workforce, a wide opening on the see and a sub-regional market with about 3OO million consumers (including Nigeria). Following Cameroon’s signature of the Continental Free Trade Zone Agreement (CFZTA) on March 21st 2018 in Kigali, the country has resolutely positioned itself as a major economic partner in Central Africa. In this respect, the government has already prepared its national strategy for CFZTA.

Paul Biya, President of Cameroon 2ème jour visite des stands

Repository of Natural resources

Cameroon is full of abundant natural resources with 17 million hectares of suitable forests that make the country the second largest forest area in Africa. It has a wide range of mineral potential including reserves of gold, iron (about 550 million tons, 4th World reserve and 2nd in Africa), of bauxite, cobalt and nickel (the two estimated at more than one billion tons, one of the largest deposits in the world), of aluminum and rutile (about 3 million of tons, 2nd world deposit).

Concerning gas, in addition to petroleum, other reserves are estimated at 116 billion of m3. Thanks to a large hydraulic network, Cameroon has Africa’s second largest Hydroelectric potential: the current production is estimated at 4256GWH; finishing work in progress on the Lom Pangar, Memve’le, Natchigal and Mentchum dams aims at increasing this potential tenfold. Agricultural, food and export products (4th world producer of cocoa, first African producer of banana) contribute 27% to GDP and 21 % to export flows.

Cultural Diversity and ecotourism

Due to its remarkably contrasting landscape made up of high and low lands, its varied vegetation (including the forest, the savannah and dry regions), its tropical climate blending with the diversity of intertropical climates, its essentially young and dynamic population, Cameroon is rightly considered as “Africa in miniature”. This name, proudly embodied by the country of indomitable lions is illustrated by the great ecological and sociological diversity of Cameroon.

As a matter of fact, Cameroon is home of 240 national languages corresponding to 240 ethnic groups sub-divided in three large groups (Bantus, Semi-bantus and Sudanese).  Moreover, the country’s bilingualism is an undeniable asset; French and English, the official languages are respectively spoken by 70% and 30% of the population. Cameroon is a secular state with two main religions (Christianism and Islam) alongside ancestral religions. Ecologically, the country has a diverse fauna with 107 mammals and 320 bird species scattered in and around the Dja reserve in the south, world heritage site by UNESCO; a rich flora with trees of all sizes and types.

It is also possible to practice various forms of tourism in Cameroon (Seaside tourism along the maritime coast, Safari photos in the savannahs and the northern sahel with national parks such as Waza, Bouba Djida with several animal species (gorillas, giraffes, lions, elephants, hippopotamus, etc.), cultural tourism, hiking in the mountains, ecotourism ( in protected areas and other reserves such as Korup in the south-west of the country) and business tourism (Conferences, exhibitions, fairs).On the contrary, these comparative advantages make of Cameroon a good investment risk.

It would be interesting for all home nationals and visit Cameroon in order to experience these generosities and enjoy the institutional provisions conducive to investment which constitutes the many advantages offered by Cameroon, Africa in miniature, land of opportunities, legendary welcoming and hospitality. 

Rwanda’s Peacekeeping Missions: Promoting Global Peace and Security

0

By Vincent Biruta, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation

Society and the world in general continue to experience security threats of all kinds that have, in many instances, cost countless human lives and left many more deeply traumatized. Populations have lost their means of livelihood on account of destruction of property occasioned by insecurity and violence. Insecurity, taking many forms, is usually a transnational problem caused by the way things are done in a country which can also impact a region.

Taking Rwanda as a case, insecurity took the form of a genocide. Our past history has shown that Rwanda was left alone during the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994 and was abandoned by the international community including the UN troops under the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) that had been in the country for exactly 6 months by April 1994. However, we have learnt from this and our post-genocide trajectory has been focused on taking into consideration those lessons learnt and thus, do things differently. A major part of our national effort has been on building a united country.

With this, the protection of civilians remains at the centre of our domestic laws and part of our foreign policy. The Constitution further mandates the Government of Rwanda to take part in peacekeeping globally and to fully support all the communities affected. This commitment to make a difference, where we can, has also been reflected with the signing of the 2015 Kigali Principles on Protection of Civilians.

Subsequently, Rwanda is such a vibrant advocate of multilateralism for security through its participation in several African Union and United Nations peacebuilding operations. In fact, Rwanda is now ranked in the top five contributor to the UN peacekeeping operations, with over 5,000 troops engaged in various missions since 2004, namely in Darfur (2004), South Sudan (in 2011) and Central African Republic (in 2014).

Additionally, the Government of Rwanda has also entered in bilateral agreements, upon request and after further consultations with relevant stakeholders, and institutions, to deploy Rwandan troops. Most recently, the Rwandan troops in Mozambique have joined their efforts with Mozambique Armed Defence Forces (FADM) and forces from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in designated sectors of responsibility to fight terrorism in Cabo Delgado Province and restore Mozambican state authority. The Joint Forces have already liberated several key towns from the terrorists, which is a step in restoring stability in the country.

Peacebuilding is most definitely a long-term and ongoing process, and cooperation between all actors is critical to minimise and resolve the root causes of security threats. That said, we must pay attention to the local contexts and the situations on the ground.  For this reason, the deployment of our troops are not limited to military operations, however, they are also engaged in development activities including in the health sector by providing treatment to local citizens. Our troops have also been introducing our home grown solutions, when fitted, like the monthly community works commonly referred to as Umuganda, to support vulnerable groups and contribute to the welfare of the citizens in the host nation. But above all this, we must understand the concept of ownership from the concerned local actors to achieve concrete and long-lasting results.  

All these examples that I have cited are rooted in Rwanda’s domestic approach and have brought our soldiers and police officers closer to the local communities as well as helping them to earn the population’s trust in the countries where they serve. They have also been appreciated by local communities for their discipline, resilience, professionalism, and promotion of dignity for women amongst others.

Because of the lessons learnt and the experiences gained that we want to share with everyone, today, our Government runs the Rwanda Peace Academy, that offers training and research courses with the objective to enhance capacity for conflict prevention and post-conflict management in the region and beyond. It is a project that aims to share values and skills relating to the accumulated experience by our troops, which we hope will have a global impact, that will help create sustainable peace in the world.

In conclusion, regardless of the countries where our troops are, our mission is to protect the ordinary people who are the most vulnerable and at risk and that is why we will always be ready to contribute whenever civilians are endangered. Our goal is to connect with local realities, understand the cultural context and engage the community which most definitely have helped establishing trust and enhance the effectiveness of the missions. We remain ready to assume our responsibility in achieving global peace.

Two hundred years of Peruvian diplomacy

0

Reflections and challenges of Peru’s foreign policy

By Mr. Oscar MaĂșrtua de Romaña, Minister of Foreign Relations of the Republic of Peru

The Ministry of Foreign Relations of Peru and its diplomacy turn 200 years in 2021, a year in which we also commemorate the Bicentennial of our National Independence. The Ministry of Foreign Relations and the members of its Diplomatic Service have had an important participation in the formation of the Peruvian State and identity.

During the nineteenth century, the newly emancipated young South American republics had two main problems in establishing themselves as independent and sovereign States: international recognition and the definition of their territories. To do this, the first Peruvian diplomats concentrated their efforts on achieving recognition from their neighbours and the main powers of the 19th century. Peru, convinced that all people should be the masters of their own destinies, maintained the autonomy and independence of its foreign policy, positioning itself as a peaceful, cooperative and supportive new Republic.

To an ethnically and socially diverse country, the defense of the territory was decisive to the formation of the nation. Huge civic and military sacrifices were required, and in each case, Peruvian diplomacy had to negotiate peace, obtaining the best possible results in complex circumstances. The defense of sovereignty and territorial integrity contributed to the consolidation of a State and a nation committed with the freedom and self-determination of the people. Thus, Peru led various integration initiatives, such as the American Congresses of the 19th century, which achieved American solidarity against the intervention of extra-regional powers. Then, throughout the 20th century, it played a leading role in the creation of the Permanent Commission for the South Pacific, the Andean Community, the Organization of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty, the South American Community of Nations and the Pacific Alliance.

Peru understands that its own and collective well-being can only be achieved by maintaining peace and solidarity among nations, with respect for international law that protects the rights of the people. For this reason, it has always been committed to multilateral efforts in favor of international peace and security, such as in the formation of the League of Nations and the United Nations, in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, in the Group of 77, in the promotion of decolonization and nuclear disarmament, and in the pacification of Central America. Moreover, in all the efforts that the United Nations have deployed in different parts of the world to maintain international peace and security, highlighting the figure of the two-time Secretary General, Javier Pérez de Cuéllar.

Ambassador Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, two times Secretary General of the United Nations II

In recent decades, Peruvian diplomats have played a central role in the conclusion of pending border issues with Ecuador and Chile, in the creation of the International Criminal Court, the United Nations Human Rights Council, and the Inter-American Democratic Charter. They had also achieve the membership of Peru in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC), and now are working actively to promote the admittance of Peru in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

Today, they are leading our efforts to face the Venezuelan migratory crises and the Covid-19 pandemic, promoting bilateral and multilateral actions in all the spaces in which Peru participates.

President of the Republic of Peru, Pedro Castillo Terrones, and the Minister of Foreign Relations, Oscar Maúrtua de Romaña.

The defense and promotion of these principles, in accordance with the permanent interests of Peru, have contributed to the construction of a cultural heritage that has integrated into Peruvian society the civic and republican values ​​that today defined our identity. However, every society is a project in development, which requires that the concrete expression of these values ​​reach all Peruvians and, by extension, radiate to other societies in the world.

Aware of these challenges, the Government of President Pedro Castillo promotes a national, autonomous, democratic, social and decentralized diplomacy, which emanates from Peru’s need to bring the benefits of development to the more needed population with justice in opportunities and without discrimination.

Peru’s President Pedro Castillo speaks during the 76th Session of the General Assembly at UN Headquarters in New York, U.S., September 21, 2021. Spencer Platt/Pool via REUTERS

On the other hand, the Covid-19 crisis has reaffirmed the need to revitalize border integration processes, since they allow the geographical neighborhood to be valued in favor of economic and social development. To boost these processes, Peru created Binational Cabinets with Chile, Bolivia, Ecuador and Colombia, which are hold every year. All this, in the framework of the Sustainable Development Goals and the commitment with multilateralism to overcome moments of growing uncertainty and deep economic, social, and environmental imbalances.

In that sense, in his speech to the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States (OAS), President Castillo reaffirmed the need to work together to end social inequalities, to fight against corruption, and to ensure that feeding, education and health are constitutional rights and not just services. Likewise, during his participation in the 76th General Assembly of the United Nations, President Castillo proposed an agreement between the heads of State and the manufacturers of the vaccines so that they reach all people in all countries, ensuring their fair and equitable distribution. In the year of our bicentennial, Peru shows itself to the world as a democratic country, committed to a realistic social transformation within the framework of the rule of law and the respect for human rights, with macroeconomic stability, and an agenda for development in line with the objectives of the United Nations.

In addition to the United States and China, the European Union is one of Peru’s main partners, with whom we share a special affinity in values ​​and vision of development. The Netherlands has a long relationship that goes back to 1826, being one of the first countries to recognize Peru as an independent state. In 2026, we will celebrate 200 years of diplomatic relations.

Peru especially welcomes the support of the Netherlands and Russia, with the facilitation of Norway, in the negotiations that are taking place in Mexico between the Government and the Venezuelan opposition to find a peaceful and sustainable solution to their crisis. This shows that Peru and the Netherlands coincide on the necessary actions to face the challenges of the international community in an increasingly complex and changing world, in which the States will continue to play a central role in the search for the welfare of all people on Earth.

National State: Imagining a World without Narrow Nation States

By Albadr SS Alshateri

The question of the “nation-state” is a crucial issue in the developing world. It is highly disputed, and no region saw such debates as the Middle East where it has been a place of contested ideologies and identities. The region is home to ancient civilizations, and the birthplace of all Abrahamic religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Moreover, the religions of the region are not one stripe or hue. Each main religion of the Middle East contains a multitude of denominations and sects. As the late Iraq monarch, Feisal I had lamented in the 1930s:

In this regard and with sadness, I have to say that it is my belief there is still no Iraqi people but unimaginable masses of human beings, devoid of any patriotic idea, imbued with religious traditions and absurdities, connected by no common tie, giving ear to evil, prone to anarchy, and perpetually ready to rise against any government whatever. Out of these masses we want to fashion a people which we would train, educate, and refine
.The circumstances, being what they are, the immenseness of the efforts needed for this [can be imagined].

Addressing these and other issues, Ali Rashid Al Nuaimi, a high-ranking UAE official and a public intellectual, wrote a book in 2021 titled National State: Imagining a World without Narrow Nation States. The book could be read as a reflection of the thinking of UAE political elites. The author himself is a product of multiple identities. He was born and raised in the UAE and from an upper class whose father served as the UAE’s foreign minister. He was educated in the US, Portland State University, in Oregon, which he wrongly identifies as a Bible belt state. Then earned a Ph.D. from Imam Mohammad Ibn Saud Islamic University, once a bedrock of religious fundamentalism. He had a run-in with the Muslim Brotherhood who tried to block his appointment as a professor at the UAE University; but triumphed, eventually, to be a chancellor of the same university. 

The book is the product of all these experiences, and seeks to show that what Arab and Muslim societies “need is to institutionalise and instill the concept of the ‘national state’”. The national state the author advocates for is not the western type, however. He advances a new concept of “state of citizenship”. A “state of a legal contract or social contract between the subject and the state; the state that serves its people and realises their ambitions and aspirations regardless of their background and the state that rules by law”. If it sounds like the western concept of social contract, a la Locke and Hobbes, it does because it is akin to that concept. 

The author delves into the subject from the get-go. His is a highly subjective analysis of what has occurred in the Arab world, and he does not hide behind a scholarly façade. The problem is personal and national, and he pursues it with passion. The Arab World was rocked by sociopolitical disturbances in the past decade, otherwise known as the ‘Arab Spring’. The states of the Arab spring were shattered beyond recognition, which serves as the backdrop of this book. 

The author defines the national state that he terms as a bright idea in contrast to other prototypes of states. The varieties of states throughout Muslim history are dismissed as anachronisms. The state in the modern sense is nothing like the religious states that existed. The caliphate is an amalgam of political entities whose sole purpose was to line up the coffers of the central authority, and according to the author has no place in modern society. A theocracy like Iran cannot be a country of all its peoples. It has to discriminate against adherents of other religious beliefs. 

The nation-state that saw its roots in the Peace of Westphalia has outlived its use. What is needed today is what the author calls the national state. The nation-state is a European construct that lacks empirical reality; in a globalized world, there is hardly a state that is coterminous with a nation or an ethnic identity. Even in Europe, the author argues, many states have multiple ethnic groups. Further, ethnic groups are scattered throughout several states. 

The idea of a nation-state that was imposed by European colonial powers on the Middle East ignored the realities of much of the Middle East. Countries of the Levant, for example, have numerous sectarian groups. Nearby Iraq, has a multitude of ethnic and sectarian groups. As the previous quote by King Feisal has shown, Iraq cannot constitute a nation. Conversely, the national state is an all-encompassing structure that accommodates pluralities of identities. The common denominator between the hodge-podge of peoples is the concept of citizenship—citizens of equal rights and obligations that are loyal to their national states even against their country of origin, ethnicity, sect, or tribal allegiance. The author cites the American patriots revolting against their mother country, Britain, as a case in point.   

The problem as the author sees it is history. History is the culprit in preventing the emergence of the national state. Muslims and Arabs look to their history and pine to its past glories. The author enjoins the people of the Middle East to do what others have done. See history as the source of inspiration not as a diktat for the future. “This is not going to happen unless we think of and deal with history as a repository of experiences, values, and practices that require positive and successful selection” The negative parts of history have to be redacted and completely forgotten! In other words, history should be rescued from traditions and submitted to the service of the national state. 

The model the author admires is South Korea. Accordingly, Korea adopted a ‘cultural refinery model’. A select committee classified Korean ideas and values into three categories: functional, non-functional, and mixed of the two. The first which contributes to the well-being of individuals and is compatible with modernity was incorporated into the educational curricula. The non-functional was concealed from the public view. The mixed was sieved: the positive was emphasized and the negative was suppressed.  

The author unleashes his criticism against political Islam; and takes no prisoner. Political Islam is deemed a menace to the national state because it calls for a universal allegiance that transcends the national state that the author vehemently advocates for. There is no other place that this manifests itself than the Muslim diaspora in the West. The Muslims, according to the author, reject their adopted country and profess fidelity to their religion, worse yet, they want to reproduce the societies they left in their new area of residence. In extreme cases, Muslims were “hostile to the larger society and hated the local residents who hosted them”!

Political Islam takes advantage of such communities in the West to shore up its political power and pressures the host governments to back the Islamic movements back home. Al Nuaimi gives the example of the Islamist Turkish Justice and Development Party, which exploits the Turkish communities in Europe for its advantage—even when “the interests of the Turkish immigrants in Europe are far from the interests of the political party.” His recommendation is a clear call for these communities to integrate with their adopted societies and abandon any nostalgia for the ways of life they left behind. Assimilation, not multiculturalism, is the panacea for the ills of the Muslims in the diaspora. All the same, attachment to a foreign country by ex-pats is not peculiar to Muslim communities. Other communities have shown similar proclivities. Take Jews for example and their lobbying efforts on behalf of Israel. Greek and Armenian-Americans’ campaigns in the interest of their former countries. Africans also do the same. 

Al Nuaimi, however, reserves his ire for the Muslim Brothers—the quintessential political Islam. The Muslim Brothers that he knows from the inside is the antithesis of the national state. He argues that MB does not believe in a state or a homeland. It is patrimony is an imagined nation with extraterritorial claims. Sayyid Qutb, the preeminent theoretician of the MB, once averred that the homeland “is a handful of rotten dirt.” According to the author, for the MB anyone outside their orbit is existing in the dark ages, or jahiliyyah, an allusion to the pre-Islamic times 

What is to be done, to borrow Lenin’s words? For Al Nuaimi education is the key. He laments the educational system in the Arab and Muslim Worlds for being based on rote learning. Information trumps analysis and critical thinking. Ideas, values, and skills must drive the learning process. “This tripartite focus is the basis upon which modern societies depend in order to adopt creative ideas, civilisational values, and innovative skills.” Nothing requires reform and restructuring, from the author’s perspective, like religious education. The protection of future generations depends on carrying such transubstantiation. Muslims have to reconcile their beliefs with their time and place, and not engross themselves in an unattainable past. 

For all his advocacy and pleas, the author does not call for a liberal order. That is a blind spot in the book. The sum parts of his call, however, looks and sounds like liberalism writ large. Why he does not utter the word is a mystery to me. 

About the author:

Albadr AbuBaker Alshateri

Dr. Albadr Alshateri is an Adjunct Professor at the UAE National Defense College in Abu Dhabi. He earned a Ph.D from the University of Michigan in comparative politics, international relations and political economy as well as two masters degrees in political science and in Middle Eastern and North African Studies. He holds a BA from Indiana University, where he studied political science and Near Eastern Languages and Cultures, as well as a certificate in African studies.

Dr. Alshateri has received numerous awards, including a prize for his dissertation entitled “The Political Economy of State Formation: The United Arab Emirates in Comparative Perspective”, from the Society for Arab Gulf Studies (USA). Dr. Alshateri has contributed articles to Al Ittihad Newspaper (Abu Dhabi), Al Khaleej Newspaper (Sharjah), The National (Abu Dhabi), American Diplomacy, and Gulf News (Dubai)

Leonardo’s Faces, Suzy Rosaria van Buren

Celebrating Leonardo Royal Hotel Den Haag Promenade – 50 years of diplomatic mission

Behind the logo of the Vitruvian man, multiple employees ensure that the Leonardo Royal Hotel Den Haag Promenade provides excellent, customized, hospitality services to all.

———————————————————————————————–

Name:              Suzy Rosaria van Buren

Nationality:      Dutch  

Function:          F&B Supervisor

Department:    F&B (Food and Beverage)

When did you start working at the Promenade Hotel?
I started working here in December 2017. I had no F&B experience so I was very nervous at first. But I was warmly welcomed with open arms and I’ve been trained by my colleagues.

Have you always worked in the same department? Yes, I have. It is a very diverse department because we have breakfast, lunch and dinner, but we also have banqueting. And that is what I like because we have small group meetings for 8 persons or BIG parties for over 1300 people.

What was the most remarkable (diplomatic) event you experienced?
All of them, I love working the events. Especially the Food Festivals and the after-summer drinks organized by Leonardo Royal and Diplomat Magazine every year.

Why was this so remarkable? Because it’s always hosted by Mayelinne and other countries. This way I learn more about the habits and delicious food of many places in the world.

What do you consider interesting about the international guests and events organized at the hotel? There is always something new to learn about different countries. And because everyone is so different, it is beautiful to see how everyone works.

Are Beirut street battles only the beginning?


By Heino Matzken, M.Sc. Ph.D. 

The economic and political situation in the former “Switzerland of the Middle East” was already bad, but October 14th made it even worse! The shootings between members of the Shiite movements Hezbollah (“Party of God”) and Amal (“Hope”) against Christian militias and the official army, the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), lasted hours on the streets of Beirut.

Seven dead and over 30 injured paid the price of a political bet. The Shiite parties tried to prevent progress in the investigation of the port explosion last year and demanded that the responsible judge Tarek Bitar be replaced. To underline this demand, members of their militias organized a rally in front of the Palace of Justice (within a Christian quarter), which escalated and led to this tragedy. Above all, the clash demonstrated two things that have dominated the country in the past and will continue to rule it in the future: that the warlords and patriarchs of the civil war are still in power and that sectarian tensions between the 18 officially recognized denominations remain existent.  

But let’s start at the beginning. In 1920 the French mandate created modern Lebanon by separating the Lebanon Mountain, the coastal strip with the main ports of Saida, Beirut and Tripoli as well as the fertile Beqaa Valley from Syria. The original French idea was to create “a safe haven” for Christians in the Middle East, especially the Maronites. Unfortunately, the foundation was never accepted by Damascus and initially not by a large part of the Lebanese population. Since then, many different religious and ethnic groups have been “doomed” to live and thrive together.

However, a strong, intelligent and diplomatic leadership, represented by the Maronite President Bishara al-Khuri and the Sunni Prime Minister Riad Al Solh, succeeded in reaching an agreement in 1943 with the signing of the so-called “National Pact”. This agreement provided for the sharing of power among the most important religious groups in the young country. The unwritten agreement laid the foundation for Lebanon as a multi-confessional state that has shaped the country to this day. Since then, the president has had to be a Christian Maronite, the prime minister a Sunni and the speaker of parliament a Shiite.

Even the number of seats in parliament was predefined and guaranteed a 6:5 ratio in favor of Christians (including Eastern Orthodox, Melkite Catholics, Armenian Orthodox and Protestants). A compromise was found that allowed the country to prosper but did not change the basic problems. The patriarchal system in connection with confessional frictions prevented the building of a “real nation”. People living in Lebanon first identify with their family / village / area, then with their religion and only last with their “homeland”! There are Shiites from Nabatiya, Druze from the Chouf Mountains or Maronites from Jounieh. But there aren’t many Lebanese.  

The 15-year civil war, that began with the Palestinian refugee problem and continued with the invasions of Israel and Syria, has deepened the rifts between the various groups. The reorganization and the new rules of power-sharing in the Saudi city of Taif in 1989 ended the civil war, but did not lead to civil peace. Unfortunately, the peace accord allowed Hezbollah as the only faction to keep its weapons because of its role as “defender of Lebanon against Israel”. All of the old warlords continued to dominate the political scene. They further strengthened their positions through lucrative posts in frequently changing governments. At the same time, they filled their own pockets at the expense of the state.

Money that came in through “foreigners” or loans from friendly countries and the global community was not invested in infrastructure, schools or the health system. It disappeared – slowly and into many different pockets. The “Switzerland of the Middle East” steered into bankruptcy. In October 2019, young and well-educated people, tired of nepotism, took to the streets and overthrew the Saad Hariri government. But nothing has happened since then! The world community is calling for reforms before it financially supports Lebanon, young people are leaving the country by the thousands, and the old warlords continue to block any change in the political system. In order to keep the population calm, the prices for fuel, medicines and basic foodstuffs were lowered through subsidies. The former “Bank of the Gulf States” has slowly used up all its reserves, always hoping that an angel will step in.  

The self-created political and economic system failed last year when Lebanon was unable to pay its debts for the first time in March 2020. Since then, a political dead end, the port explosion in August 2020 and the increasing economic crises associated with the pandemic took away the last hope of many Lebanese – especially the young and well-educated. While job opportunities are rare, more and more families are “activating” their private networks around the world. Young people are starting to study abroad and engineers, doctors or nurses are trying to find jobs in the USA, Canada or France.

After 13 months without political leadership, billionaire Miqati formed a new government this September. Although hopes have risen for a few weeks (the unofficial exchange rate temporarily fell from 22,000 Lebanese pounds for one US dollar to 12,000), real and much-needed reforms are not expected. The period is too short until the preparations for the parliamentary elections in spring 2022 will dominate the political agenda again. Although the new ministers, some of them experts in their fields, are motivated to get real results, change is unlikely to be accepted by all parties. The sectarian clashes on October 14th underscored this prediction.  

While Judge Tarek Bitar wants to investigate the reasons for the port explosion in August 2020 and demands accountability, Hezbollah and Amal (unofficially the port is dominated by Hezbollah) fear possible revelations about responsibility for the disaster. To put pressure on the Miqati-government to replace the investigating judge Bitar, a protest march by the Iran-backed militia had been announced. What began as a demonstration escalated into a shootout between Hezbollah and Amal fighters, as well as Christians and LAF soldiers. Seven people died and paid the price of a political game. One of the many reasons the clashes had such a resonance was the location. The civil war also began in April 1975 in the Christian suburb of Ain al-Remmaneh on the southeastern edge of Beirut. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah then warned in a speech that he could command 100,000 fighters. The Christian leader of the “Lebanese Armed Forces”, Samir Geagea (also a former civil warlord), replied that his party has no militia and is not looking for a war, but will defend itself if necessary. The consequences are short, medium and long term.  

Although the government is still officially in office, Hezbollah and Amal have blackmailed Miqati and normal work among cabinet members is no longer possible. Trust – if it ever existed – between the various members of the government is destroyed. In the medium term, inter-confessional tensions could break out again and many people fear that there will be clashes between Sunnis, Shiites and Christians again in the upcoming weeks and months.

Some even fear another “7th of May”. In 2008, Hezbollah fighters invaded West Beirut to destroy Sunni and Druze opponents that day. A second civil war seems to be looming. But the most important consequence of the “Ain al-Remmaneh shots” is another setback for hopes for a successful and peaceful future. No reconciliation seems achievable, no government is in the position to introduce reforms, and no politician takes the responsibility of laying the basis for a future that could persuade the young population to stay! Lebanese politicians have ruled for decades, some since the early 70s. They survived civil war, assassinations, riots and other unrest. Now they are desperately struggling to hold onto their positions and wealth as the country continues to crumble and suffer from one of the world’s worst economic collapses in decades, a former paradise and a place where diverse ethnic groups and religions meet peaceful coexistence can become a “failed state”.

Let us hope that the various leaders of the “cedar state” rethink their strategies and find an urgently needed solution for the good of all people and for the stability of the region!  

———


For further information: https://heinomatzken.jimdofree.com

AUKUS: New nuclear threat in Indo-Pacific region

By Sazzad Haider

The history book on the self/ is always repeating itself-the lyrics of ABBA’s waterloo song have to become an axiom if we analyze the recent turmoil in Asia-pacific regions following formation of AUKUS,  an English linguistics alliance comprise with the USA, UK and Australian against Asian giant China. 

Similarly, all the great powers in nineteenth century – the Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan, Russia and the USA forged an alliance to downplay the Chinese regional dominance. China lost all the wars with foreign forces and was forced to sign imbalanced treaties which gave alluring concessions to foreign powers. The British extracted a huge concession, colonized Hong Kong and legalized opium trading. China was forced to lease or cede territories to rival countries. Russian empire annexed outer Manchuria and parts of outer northwest China while Jiaozhou Bay invaded by Germany. In addition, Japan occupied the Formosa islands and France also gained Zhanjiang.

Now, the Spratly Islands of the South China Sea has become a golden apple of the goddess Eris in Greek mythology, a catalyst of conflict. The Spratly Islands are stretched out over 409,000 square km in the South China Sea. Most of Islands are submerged and among them twelve are natural islets. People live temporally here and the islands are sanctuary of seabirds and turtles. These Islets are larger one hectare. Since 2014, China started large-scale reclamations of the seven reefs including Johnson South Reef, Fiery Cross Reef, Gaven Reefs and Cuarteron Reef.  Vietnam developed three reefs while Malaysia developed one Reef. Taiwan continued reclamation at Itu Aba Reef.  

France took up the archipelago between in 1933 to 1939. During the second- world war, Japan occupied the Islands and built a submarine base. After the war, the Chinese nationalist government established a garrison at Itu Aba till their exile to Taiwan in 1949. Japan reclaimed the Island in 1951. Now China, Taiwan, Vietnam and Philippines declared their ownership. The USA treated the waterways as international territory and restrained from reorganization to any countries.  China has occupied seven reefs since 1988.

 Vietnam also constructed more over 14 military installations in its occupied reef.

In economic and strategic point views the Spratly Islands deserves great importance for the regional countries of the South China Sea. The Spratly Islands is expected to be huge sources of oil and natural gas for occupying countries. Regions are also a mammoth fishing hub of the world. This sea route is one of the busiest commercial shipping traffic in northeast Asia. In this strategic naval corridor, the USA has intensified military spearhead and naval presence following the Chinese move to build artificial islands. The USA launched several “freedom of navigation operations” to ensure free and open access to the South China Sea. In the course of maneuvers the US warships sailed near the Chinese occupied Islands in the South China Sea. China protested the voyage of the USA destroyers in the naval routes without the Chinese permission. The USA considered “the Chinese maintained straight baselines around the Paracels Islands” is violation of UN Convention on the law of sea.  So the tensions over the Spratly Island are remained as turmoil on the USA-Sino relationship and also evoked China to increase naval might.  

Some military analysts believe China is emerging as one of the outermost dangers to the USA military supremacy in Asia since the end of the cold war. China has the most advanced ballistic missile force in the world. To counter the Chinese missile arsenals, the Pentagon is now gambling for new strategic weapons. The Pentagon is rebuilding its fleet and accelerating development of new weapons including the urgent introduction of longer-range missiles. The United States aims to deploy a 355-strong fleet by 2034 in accordance with the budget proposal documents of Trump Administration of 2020.  Japan, South Korea and Australia are upgrading their navies with new, advanced warships and submarines to counter the Chinese threats.

According to some military experts, the Chinese missile would serve to deter the USA aircraft carriers from getting too close to the Chinese territories. China has only two air craft carriers (third in early construction) against eleven air craft carriers of the USA. China cannot defeat the USA at sea. ‘But’ according to a Chinese retired Colonel “we have missiles that specifically target aircraft carriers to stop them from approaching our territorial waters if there were conflict.”

 â€œIf the US aircraft carriers come too close to our coastlines in a conflict, our missiles can destroy them.” The retired Colonel said in an interview with Reuters.

The Chinese officials have never disclosed the number of missiles but the Communist Youth League (CYLC) disclosed a figure on it official twitter account in October 2016. According to CYLC the Chinese rocket forces consisting of 100,000 personnel and produced about 200 intercontinental ballistic missiles, about 300 medium-range ballistic missiles, 1,150 short-range ballistic missiles and 3,000 cruise missiles.

Since 2017, China has intensified political and economic dominance over the controversial Spratly Islands in the South China Sea.

In 2014, tensions erupted between China and its seven neighbor countries over the Spratly Islands as China operated massive dredging to build artificial islands in the disputed location on seabed of the South China Sea. By mid2015, China built at least seven artificial Islands in the South China Sea following of conducting a massive land reclamation project. China built some military installations in these artificial islands including army barracks, watch tower and a runway for fighter planes.

China also ruled out the possibility to use these installations on military intention and clarified that the objectives are absolutely for civilian purposes to safeguard fishing and maritime trade.

 Along with China, Vietnam, Malaysia, Taiwan, the Philippines and Brunei have claimed rights of these territories.

In this circumstance, the UK, US and Australian signed ‘the AUKUS Pact’ a biggest defense partnership in decades to counter China in the Asia-Pacific. Following signing of AUKUS, Australia will get the US technologies for constructing a nuclear submarine to defuse the growing threat from China.

We can compare the AUKUS to NATO-the USA initiated greatest military alliance to diminish the USSR’s communist expansions in Europe and all over the world following the devastation of the second-world war. All capitalistic countries of Europe delightedly joined with the NATO-which generated cold-war against the Soviet Union.

But, significantly, the AUKUS got harsh reactions from European NATO ally.  

First of all, following the forming AUKUS France, the biggest power of European Union lost deal with $90bn contract to build 12 submarines for Australia. 

It marked a setback for President Emmanuel Macron. Macron’s EU allies also expressed dismay over submarine deal. 

Moreover, prime members of the European Union are not now in position to oppose China absolutely. Now the relationship between China and Western Europe is at highest level of cooperation since the Chinese Revolution. China market and Chinese investments is important for the EU’s post-COVID recovery. So, AUKUS kept away from NATO while forming anti-China alliance in Indo-China region. Therefore the newly formed Anglo-linguistic alliance degraded the NATO’s role in Asia.  

The Great Britain, former key member of European Union has to get tremendous benefit from the AUKUS as well as the submarine deal. 

Post BREXIT, it seems that the UK could have restored in its colonial glory consisting of military and economic aspects. 

Now, the British lion has begun to roar in different seas, oceans, and continent in a bid to assert its global role.    

Britain was astonishing enmeshed in a diplomatic and military dispute with Russia recently as the British ships have asserted navigation rights in the Black Sea. 

The UK has now been a very vocal critic of China’s Indo- Pacific military presence. 

In July, the Queen Elizabeth, the British aircraft carrier cruised on the South China Sea in the pick of the US-China rigidity. The UK also sent Naval Forces and expeditionary units alongside Australian and the US forces in the Northern Territory. It also planned to establish a permanent planning and coordination mini-HQ in Darwin and keeping one or two frigates on station in the Indo-Pacific, probably in Singapore.

The Britain also backed the USA to grab the submarine deal from its EU ally France and extracted economic benefit from the deal. The British lion can be gotten a lion share from selling Derby-based Rolls-Royce reactors for the intending submarine of Australian.

Now the British lion has kept a keen eye on a very lucrative market in Indo-Pacific countries for exporting military equipment. If the UK can implement its arms marketing plan in collaboration with the USA, it economy will be flourished again from the set back of BRIXIT. 

The USA and the UK pushed Australia successfully to enter into the nuclear club by giving the nuclear powered submarine. 

After Australian, the Asian economic tigers, mostly located in Indo-pacific regions are targeted for next deals. Therefore, a “Chinese hobgoblin” the Spratly Islands exists before those countries. 

But AUKUS got a cold-hearted response from some of rivals of China on the Spratly Islands issue such as ASEAN countries. Indonesia one of the leading members of ASEAN marked the Australian submarine deal as “deeply concerned over the continuing arms race and power projection in the region”.

By the provocation the UK and USA, alluring of making endless money from arms deal will continue to ignite an unforeseen arms race in Indo-pacific region.

Republic of Korean and Taiwan, the core allies of the USA may not pass over the offer of nuclear deal in future. The berating attitude of China and its ally North Korea towards those countries can invent a room for adorning them with nuclear arsenals. Therefore, it is assumed the arms manufacturers of the USA and UK are eagerly waiting for implanting a new nuclear zone in Indo-Pacific regions.  

But if a war erupt in Asia –Pacific region over the golden apple ‘ the Spratly Islands’ or for the acts of North Korean rocket boy Kim Jong Un, every country will be gravely affected from a varied but prolonged war and the war cost will be much higher than the cost of  the golden apple ‘ the Spratly Islands’. 

About author:

Sazzad Haider, Photographer Habib Raza.

Sazzad Haider is a writer, journalist and filmmaker living in Bangladesh. He edits The Diplomatic Journal.  

La diplomatie publique: Jamais trop tĂŽt

Par Michaël Morin

La diplomatie est gĂ©nĂ©ralement considĂ©rĂ©e comme distante, Ă©loignĂ©e et hiĂ©rarchisĂ©e pour les gens ne travaillant pas dans le domaine des relations internationales. Aujourd’hui, la diplomatie paraĂźt un peu plus transparente comparativement Ă  un siĂšcle et demi avant. Cependant, la complexitĂ© croissante du monde amĂšne Ă  devoir repenser des formes de pourvoir ainsi que leur dĂ©termination et leur perception, y compris en diplomatie. Depuis le milieu du vingtiĂšme siĂšcle, la diplomatie publique (en anglais « public diplomacy Â») a Ă©tĂ© dĂ©veloppĂ©e par les chercheur universitaires, dont Joseph Nye[1], des intervenants gouvernementaux, comme aux États-Unis[2], et non-gouvernementaux, comme le Foreign Policy Centre du Royaume-Uni[3], pour faire Ă©tat des capacitĂ©s et de la puissance des États et ainsi dĂ©velopper des stratĂ©gies.

La diplomatie publique est une branche de la diplomatie qui a trait aux stratĂ©gies d’un État dans sa politique Ă©trangĂšres et qui vise Ă  comprendre, informer, arriver Ă  des compromis et Ă  influencer la sociĂ©tĂ© civile d’un autre État[4]. Dans la pratique des relations internationales, elle se manifeste par divers outils, dont : la diplomatie culturelle, la puissance dite « tranquille Â» (en anglais « soft power Â») et la diplomatie digitale. Il est Ă  noter que d’autres outils pourraient se manifester ou ĂȘtre Ă  la disposition d’États que ce soit, par exemple, des relations de connaissances entre diplomates. Des outils connexes Ă  la diplomatie publique pourraient aussi ĂȘtre hors du contrĂŽle d’un ou des États et avoir une influence diplomatique culturelle. Des exemples de ces outils peuvent se trouver dans les entreprises et firmes multinationales ainsi que dans le milieu culturel comme les institutions musĂ©ales.

La diplomatie publique se prĂ©sente comme une approche ouverte, non-hiĂ©rarchisĂ©e, qui se soucie de cultiver une opinion publique favorable et qui conserve les canaux de communications mĂȘme lorsque les relations diplomatiques sont affectĂ©s ou rompues[5]. Elle est ouverte et non-hiĂ©rarchisĂ©e en touchant les relations et communications entre les populations et leurs gouvernements, et non seulement entre gouvernements comparativement Ă  la diplomatie traditionnellement reconnue. Elle se veut aussi innovatrice, plus dĂ©mocratique, inclusive, effective et transparente[6]. Avec de tels Ă©lĂ©ments constituant et dĂ©finissant la diplomatie publique, comment la diplomatie conduite par les gouvernements peut-elle en tirer les bĂ©nĂ©fices et les avantages? Y aurait-il des pĂ©riodes et des moments oĂč mettre en Ɠuvre une diplomatie publique?

Depuis le rĂ©fĂ©rendum du 24 juin 2016, oĂč une majoritĂ© de l’électorat britannique a votĂ© pour la sortie de l’Union europĂ©enne, le gouvernement du Royaume-Uni a enclenchĂ© son processus de sortie appelĂ© « Brexit Â». Le processus complexe, qui s’est poursuivi durant des annĂ©es, a menĂ© Ă  l’adoption d’un accord commercial post-Brexit entre les deux parties, qui est en application depuis le 1er mai 2021. RĂ©cemment, en septembre et octobre 2021, le Royaume-Uni a connu des pĂ©nuries d’essence et de produits de consommation sur les Ă©tagĂšres des magasins. À ces pĂ©nuries, les problĂšmes dans la chaĂźne de distribution de produits alimentaires se sont ajoutĂ©s, dont le porc[7].

Un facteur soulevĂ© sur ces problĂšmes est le manque de personnel pour assurer le transport de ces marchandises et la chaĂźne de distribution[8]. Afin de rĂ©pondre Ă  ce manque, le gouvernement du Royaume-Uni a rĂ©cemment mobilisĂ© l’armĂ©e et annoncĂ© l’émission de nouveau visas pour des travailleurs Ă©trangers. Cependant, le secteur des transports rapporte encore un manque de personnel[9]. En effet, le gouvernement britannique avait annoncĂ© en septembre 2021 l’émission de 5 000 visas de travail pour le secteur des transports alors qu’à peine 300 demandes ont Ă©tĂ© reçue et 20 visas ont Ă©tĂ© Ă©mis un mois plus tard[10].

En considĂ©rant que l’émission de nouveaux visa s’adresse aux travailleurs Ă©trangers, il y a lĂ  un secteur oĂč la diplomatie publique aurait Ă©tĂ© pratique Ă  mettre en place, en amont, pour donner l’image d’une Ă©conomie britannique croissante et attractive qui encouragerait les travailleurs et travailleuses Ă  s’y joindre. Peut-ĂȘtre qu’avec l’image publique vĂ©hiculĂ©e par le Brexit, cadrant avec un dĂ©sir de contrĂŽle plus serrĂ© des frontiĂšres britanniques, puis avec des processus douaniers plus complexes que sous l’Union europĂ©enne, cela semblerait avoir causĂ© un phĂ©nomĂšne de repoussoir pour des travailleurs et travailleuses de pays membres de l’Union europĂ©enne.

Ainsi, pour tenter de prĂ©venir ou d’en attĂ©nuer les impacts nĂ©gatifs sur l’économie britannique, la diplomatie du Royaume-Uni aurait pu pousser le dĂ©veloppement d’une stratĂ©gie de communication visant des candidates et candidats potentiels pour travailler dans ces secteurs ciblĂ©s de l’économie, qui comprendrait l’utilisation de mĂ©dias sociaux. Ainsi, en rĂ©trospective, la mise en Ɠuvre d’une diplomatie digitale aurait Ă©tĂ© judicieuse. De ces populations dans les États membres de l’Union europĂ©enne proviendrait certainement la majeure partie du personnel requis pour appuyer la chaine de distribution des produits de consommation au marchĂ© britannique. À cet effet, une stratĂ©gie s’adressant aux population de ces États aurait Ă©tĂ© bĂ©nĂ©fique au Royaume-Uni pour attirer la main d’Ɠuvre nĂ©cessaire tout en appuyant l’établissement et le maintien de relations constructives avec l’Union europĂ©enne.

En conclusion, la diplomatie publique est un concept qui permet d’apporter une perspective sur les stratĂ©gies et les rĂ©sultats d’un État dans sa politique Ă©trangĂšre. Avec ses concepts d’ouverture, la mise de cĂŽtĂ© de la hiĂ©rarchie, l’inclusion et la dĂ©mocratie, la mise en place d’une telle diplomatie prĂ©sente un dĂ©fi pour tous les gouvernements. Une approche gouvernementale comprend habituellement une vision, la mise en place d’objectifs, de structures de rapport et d’imputabilitĂ©. Ces structures sont des rĂ©flexes institutionnels et demandent une certaine hiĂ©rarchisation. Le Brexit et ses impacts ne se limitent pas seulement Ă  la conduite de la politique Ă©trangĂšre, mais aussi aux conditions politiques domestiques au Royaume-Uni et, Ă©videmment, aux conditions de la pandĂ©mie actuelle. NĂ©anmoins, dans le cas du Brexit et des problĂ©matiques rĂ©centes dans la distribution de produits de consommation, il y a lĂ  un domaine oĂč la diplomatie publique aurait pu ĂȘtre utile avant, de maniĂšre prĂ©ventive, afin d’apporter des solutions en temps opportun. Il n’est jamais trop tĂŽt pour le faire. Ceci demande de mobiliser des habiletĂ©s et talents informels, surtout en communication, et pour un public plus large que la diplomatie traditionnelle. La diplomatie publique est cruciale et inĂ©vitable pour tous les États dans un monde d’une complexitĂ© croissante.


Sur l’auteur:

Photo Michael Morin Smll

Michaël Morin, Analyste principal des politiques, Direction générale de la Politique stratégique, Agence des services frontaliers du Gouvernement du Canada.

Note : Les opinions exprimĂ©es dans cet essai n’engagent que l’auteur Ă  titre personnel et ne constituent pas la position du gouvernement du Canada. Cet essai est un exercice produit dans le cadre d’une formation sur la diplomatie publique donnĂ©e en septembre et octobre 2021 par Eugene Matos, ministre-conseiller de l’ambassade de la RĂ©publique Dominicaine Ă  HaĂŻti.


[1]     NYE, Joseph. « Public Diplomacy and Soft Power Â», The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 616, no 1, 1er mars 2008, p. 94‑109.

[2]     UNITED STATES. STATE DEPARTMENT. POLICY COORDINATING COMMITTEE. U.S. National Strategy for Public Diplomacy and Strategic Communication, June 2007, 34 p. [https://2001-2009.state.gov/documents/
organization/87427.pdf] (consulté le 22 septembre 2021).

[3]     LEONARD, Mark (dir.), Catherine STEAD et Conrad SMEWING. Public Diplomacy, The Foreign Policy Centre, London, United Kingdom, 2002, 101 p. [https://fpc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2006/09/35.pdf] (consultĂ© le 23 septembre 2021).

[4]     MATOS, Eugenio. Mastering Public Diplomacy, [SĂ©ance de formation en ligne], du 22 septembre au 20 octobre 2021, Institut de dĂ©veloppement professionnel, UniversitĂ© d’Ottawa.

[5]     ibid.

[6]     ibid.

[7]     ‱     THOMPSON REUTERS. « British pork industry warns of massive pig cull due to labour shortages Â», CBC News, 1er octobre 2021. [https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/uk-pork-industry-labour-shortages-1.6196452] (consultĂ© le 2 octobre 2021).

       ‱     PLUMMER, Robert. « Shortage problem: What’s the UK running low on and why? Â», BBC News, 2021. [https://www.bbc.com/news/business-58721085] (consultĂ© le 14 octobre 2021).

[8]     ibid.

[9]     SYAL, Rajeev. « Emergency visa scheme extended in major U-turn by Boris Johnson Â», The Guardian, 1er octobre 2021. [https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/oct/01/overseas-food-and-fuel-drivers-to-get-visas-in-major-u-turn-by-boris-johnson] (consultĂ© le 3 octobre 2021).

[10]   ALLEGRETTI, Aubrey. « Just 20 UK visas issued to foreign lorry drivers, government admits Â», The Guardian, 13 octobre 2021. [https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/oct/13/just-20-uk-visas-issued-to-foreign-lorry-drivers-government-admits] (consultĂ© le 13 octobre 2021).