La diplomatie publique: Jamais trop tôt

Par Michaël Morin

La diplomatie est généralement considérée comme distante, éloignée et hiérarchisée pour les gens ne travaillant pas dans le domaine des relations internationales. Aujourd’hui, la diplomatie paraît un peu plus transparente comparativement à un siècle et demi avant. Cependant, la complexité croissante du monde amène à devoir repenser des formes de pourvoir ainsi que leur détermination et leur perception, y compris en diplomatie. Depuis le milieu du vingtième siècle, la diplomatie publique (en anglais « public diplomacy ») a été développée par les chercheur universitaires, dont Joseph Nye[1], des intervenants gouvernementaux, comme aux États-Unis[2], et non-gouvernementaux, comme le Foreign Policy Centre du Royaume-Uni[3], pour faire état des capacités et de la puissance des États et ainsi développer des stratégies.

La diplomatie publique est une branche de la diplomatie qui a trait aux stratégies d’un État dans sa politique étrangères et qui vise à comprendre, informer, arriver à des compromis et à influencer la société civile d’un autre État[4]. Dans la pratique des relations internationales, elle se manifeste par divers outils, dont : la diplomatie culturelle, la puissance dite « tranquille » (en anglais « soft power ») et la diplomatie digitale. Il est à noter que d’autres outils pourraient se manifester ou être à la disposition d’États que ce soit, par exemple, des relations de connaissances entre diplomates. Des outils connexes à la diplomatie publique pourraient aussi être hors du contrôle d’un ou des États et avoir une influence diplomatique culturelle. Des exemples de ces outils peuvent se trouver dans les entreprises et firmes multinationales ainsi que dans le milieu culturel comme les institutions muséales.

La diplomatie publique se présente comme une approche ouverte, non-hiérarchisée, qui se soucie de cultiver une opinion publique favorable et qui conserve les canaux de communications même lorsque les relations diplomatiques sont affectés ou rompues[5]. Elle est ouverte et non-hiérarchisée en touchant les relations et communications entre les populations et leurs gouvernements, et non seulement entre gouvernements comparativement à la diplomatie traditionnellement reconnue. Elle se veut aussi innovatrice, plus démocratique, inclusive, effective et transparente[6]. Avec de tels éléments constituant et définissant la diplomatie publique, comment la diplomatie conduite par les gouvernements peut-elle en tirer les bénéfices et les avantages? Y aurait-il des périodes et des moments où mettre en œuvre une diplomatie publique?

Depuis le référendum du 24 juin 2016, où une majorité de l’électorat britannique a voté pour la sortie de l’Union européenne, le gouvernement du Royaume-Uni a enclenché son processus de sortie appelé « Brexit ». Le processus complexe, qui s’est poursuivi durant des années, a mené à l’adoption d’un accord commercial post-Brexit entre les deux parties, qui est en application depuis le 1er mai 2021. Récemment, en septembre et octobre 2021, le Royaume-Uni a connu des pénuries d’essence et de produits de consommation sur les étagères des magasins. À ces pénuries, les problèmes dans la chaîne de distribution de produits alimentaires se sont ajoutés, dont le porc[7].

Un facteur soulevé sur ces problèmes est le manque de personnel pour assurer le transport de ces marchandises et la chaîne de distribution[8]. Afin de répondre à ce manque, le gouvernement du Royaume-Uni a récemment mobilisé l’armée et annoncé l’émission de nouveau visas pour des travailleurs étrangers. Cependant, le secteur des transports rapporte encore un manque de personnel[9]. En effet, le gouvernement britannique avait annoncé en septembre 2021 l’émission de 5 000 visas de travail pour le secteur des transports alors qu’à peine 300 demandes ont été reçue et 20 visas ont été émis un mois plus tard[10].

En considérant que l’émission de nouveaux visa s’adresse aux travailleurs étrangers, il y a là un secteur où la diplomatie publique aurait été pratique à mettre en place, en amont, pour donner l’image d’une économie britannique croissante et attractive qui encouragerait les travailleurs et travailleuses à s’y joindre. Peut-être qu’avec l’image publique véhiculée par le Brexit, cadrant avec un désir de contrôle plus serré des frontières britanniques, puis avec des processus douaniers plus complexes que sous l’Union européenne, cela semblerait avoir causé un phénomène de repoussoir pour des travailleurs et travailleuses de pays membres de l’Union européenne.

Ainsi, pour tenter de prévenir ou d’en atténuer les impacts négatifs sur l’économie britannique, la diplomatie du Royaume-Uni aurait pu pousser le développement d’une stratégie de communication visant des candidates et candidats potentiels pour travailler dans ces secteurs ciblés de l’économie, qui comprendrait l’utilisation de médias sociaux. Ainsi, en rétrospective, la mise en œuvre d’une diplomatie digitale aurait été judicieuse. De ces populations dans les États membres de l’Union européenne proviendrait certainement la majeure partie du personnel requis pour appuyer la chaine de distribution des produits de consommation au marché britannique. À cet effet, une stratégie s’adressant aux population de ces États aurait été bénéfique au Royaume-Uni pour attirer la main d’œuvre nécessaire tout en appuyant l’établissement et le maintien de relations constructives avec l’Union européenne.

En conclusion, la diplomatie publique est un concept qui permet d’apporter une perspective sur les stratégies et les résultats d’un État dans sa politique étrangère. Avec ses concepts d’ouverture, la mise de côté de la hiérarchie, l’inclusion et la démocratie, la mise en place d’une telle diplomatie présente un défi pour tous les gouvernements. Une approche gouvernementale comprend habituellement une vision, la mise en place d’objectifs, de structures de rapport et d’imputabilité. Ces structures sont des réflexes institutionnels et demandent une certaine hiérarchisation. Le Brexit et ses impacts ne se limitent pas seulement à la conduite de la politique étrangère, mais aussi aux conditions politiques domestiques au Royaume-Uni et, évidemment, aux conditions de la pandémie actuelle. Néanmoins, dans le cas du Brexit et des problématiques récentes dans la distribution de produits de consommation, il y a là un domaine où la diplomatie publique aurait pu être utile avant, de manière préventive, afin d’apporter des solutions en temps opportun. Il n’est jamais trop tôt pour le faire. Ceci demande de mobiliser des habiletés et talents informels, surtout en communication, et pour un public plus large que la diplomatie traditionnelle. La diplomatie publique est cruciale et inévitable pour tous les États dans un monde d’une complexité croissante.


Sur l’auteur:

Photo Michael Morin Smll

Michaël Morin, Analyste principal des politiques, Direction générale de la Politique stratégique, Agence des services frontaliers du Gouvernement du Canada.

Note : Les opinions exprimées dans cet essai n’engagent que l’auteur à titre personnel et ne constituent pas la position du gouvernement du Canada. Cet essai est un exercice produit dans le cadre d’une formation sur la diplomatie publique donnée en septembre et octobre 2021 par Eugene Matos, ministre-conseiller de l’ambassade de la République Dominicaine à Haïti.


[1]     NYE, Joseph. « Public Diplomacy and Soft Power », The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 616, no 1, 1er mars 2008, p. 94‑109.

[2]     UNITED STATES. STATE DEPARTMENT. POLICY COORDINATING COMMITTEE. U.S. National Strategy for Public Diplomacy and Strategic Communication, June 2007, 34 p. [https://2001-2009.state.gov/documents/
organization/87427.pdf] (consulté le 22 septembre 2021).

[3]     LEONARD, Mark (dir.), Catherine STEAD et Conrad SMEWING. Public Diplomacy, The Foreign Policy Centre, London, United Kingdom, 2002, 101 p. [https://fpc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2006/09/35.pdf] (consulté le 23 septembre 2021).

[4]     MATOS, Eugenio. Mastering Public Diplomacy, [Séance de formation en ligne], du 22 septembre au 20 octobre 2021, Institut de développement professionnel, Université d’Ottawa.

[5]     ibid.

[6]     ibid.

[7]     •     THOMPSON REUTERS. « British pork industry warns of massive pig cull due to labour shortages », CBC News, 1er octobre 2021. [https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/uk-pork-industry-labour-shortages-1.6196452] (consulté le 2 octobre 2021).

       •     PLUMMER, Robert. « Shortage problem: What’s the UK running low on and why? », BBC News, 2021. [https://www.bbc.com/news/business-58721085] (consulté le 14 octobre 2021).

[8]     ibid.

[9]     SYAL, Rajeev. « Emergency visa scheme extended in major U-turn by Boris Johnson », The Guardian, 1er octobre 2021. [https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/oct/01/overseas-food-and-fuel-drivers-to-get-visas-in-major-u-turn-by-boris-johnson] (consulté le 3 octobre 2021).

[10]   ALLEGRETTI, Aubrey. « Just 20 UK visas issued to foreign lorry drivers, government admits », The Guardian, 13 octobre 2021. [https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/oct/13/just-20-uk-visas-issued-to-foreign-lorry-drivers-government-admits] (consulté le 13 octobre 2021).

Is it time to recognize the woman as a human being?

Afghan women education under the new regime

By Marco Pizzorno

The scream of Afghan women shakes the consciences of all humanity. Geopolitical revolutions are changing the face of many Asian countries and unfortunately these metamorphoses affect, more and more frequently, the rights of the defenseless and the personal dignity of those oppressed by war.

The recent compliance with international agreements, which saw the US take troops home after almost twenty years of war, triggered a real humanitarian catastrophe that hit the Afghan population. Media around the world have picked up on the desperate attempts of people trying to cling to the planes of “Democracy”. And on this point it is really difficult to deny or forget what the frightened eyes of the population have written on the pages of history.

After the establishment of the new policies, in Afghanistan, what shook the world was the suffering of women, now revealed, evident, global and finally no longer hidden.

Precisely on this topic the BBC reported news of violence and segregation, describing in fact, that even the Afghan universities will be divided by gender and new rules on costume and clothing will also be imposed by the authorities. Although the new government has assured that it will guarantee education and work for women, the concerns of the international community remain high, because in reality the problem is everyone’s. It is linked to life and human dignity and on this point there are no flags of belonging.

Human Rights Watch illustrates how previously the administrations established in those territories, between 1996 and 2001, denied rights to women by imposing stoning, torture and confinement in homes, and in many cases not only the right to work, but also that of a simple outdoor walk.

At this point the reflections compulsively ask us to question the need to strengthen the Cedaw Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Its doctrine is fundamental as it develops precisely on the distinction, exclusion or limitation to the detriment of women. It works to ensure conditions of equality between men and women and all those fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural and civil sectors.

The convention fights to eradicate any discrimination practiced by people, entities and organizations and takes action to eliminate coercion in addition to “customary” and discriminatory practices. The question is important and is linked by reflex to terrorism and its perverse manipulative perceptions. Precisely for this reason, the most useful question to guarantee global individual dignity would be to ask ourselves if, in full respect of all religions and international laws, it was now the time to unite in diversity to change things?

Diplomatic IKIGAI

By Alexandra Paucescu

When I checked the dictionary, I found out that ‘a person’s IKIGAI is represented by the things that the individual finds truly motivating, described as his or her reason for existing’.

It seemed to me the best word to associate with Tomohiro Harada.

He is currently accompanying his Norwegian diplomat wife on a posting abroad, to Chile, but he never forgot about his own aspirations, purpose and finding what makes him truly happy. He is constantly trying to accommodate their life together, as a mutual benefit. ‘We, as diplomatic spouses, have the important role of looking out for broader changes that could affect the course of our lives in the future. It’s about creating intellectual space between us to discuss what our interests are. It’s about taking lead in discussing issues that affect these interests in order to “future-proof” our home’. 

Tomohiro Harada.

He tells me about his life so far and I have to admit, I am quite impressed with his extensive international living experience! He also has a rather wise approach, saying that ‘a foreign country is not designed to make you comfortable. It is designed to make its own people comfortable’.

His story began in Japan, where he grew up. He later attended primary and high school in New Zeeland. ‘After that, I started my undergraduate degree in International Relations at the University of New South Wales in Australia and then transferred to the University of St Andrews in Scotland. I did my postgraduate degree at Moscow State Institute of International Relations in Russia and moved to Norway in 2016, where I started my PhD’.

So, one could say that his whole life on the move has prepared him for the current diplomatic situation. He tells me candidly ‘until I married my wife, everything has been rather temporary and uncertain in my life. I thrived when I was constantly on the move, but I was also scared of it. All of that changed when I married. From that point on, I’ve felt like I finally have “permanent fixture” and “certainty” in my life. I haven’t given up my old life, because it very much continues, but I gained something by having a life companion on a diplomatic mission’.

Such nice words, a true love statement, although life is not always easy as a diplomatic spouse.

He points out that ‘we (diplomatic spouses) are not a monolithic group, with a uniform experience. If someone says “our lives are super easy,” we can only confirm or deny this perception, based on our own experience (or experiences of people that we know). I am in Chile now, but I lived in a lot of countries, and prejudices come in many forms, not just as a diplomatic spouse, but also as an “Asian” person. I would say that prejudice arising from being Asian has been much more consistent and personal than being a diplomatic spouse, at least when I am out on the street among strangers. But of course, there are perks for being abroad as a spouse of a Norwegian diplomat. Not only being a male diplomatic spouse is widely accepted and welcomed in Norway, but “belonging to Norway” also gives me disposition as “Norwegian”, to an extent, to belong to the Nordic communities, where I am accepted,  while distancing myself from the “Asian” community, which doesn’t always accept the idea of a trailing husband’.

He continues ‘I am now formally employed as a researcher at a university in Norway, to complete my PhD studies. I have to say that this has been extremely difficult as a diplomatic spouse. Pandemic also has a lot to do with it, and it affected my work environment significantly, knowing that I thrive more at my office. I thought that keeping my job and working on it while abroad is the best case scenario, but there are clear downsides too, and I continue to struggle. 

On the bright side, I see a lot of opportunities. Once I finish my PhD, I want to start something new. It’s given that finding a job is a difficult thing, but what if “job” is not what we are looking for? I’m looking for things that make me happy, things that I am good at, things that keep me busy during the day, and so on. Then, a job becomes just one of many things rather than “the thing”. Not having a job often means no income and I think a lot of expats, especially the young ones, feel the money pressure. It’s something that my wife and I talk about a lot, because if that is to be expected, we need to talk about how to be smart with our money. And that’s what I research immensely in my spare time, thinking about family planning, pensions and “rainy day” funds. I actually find it very surprising that while a lot of ex-pat coaches touch upon expat life generally, they don’t talk about expat life and money, and that’s the big thing I am trying to understand right now’.

I asked Tomohiro about the general perception about diplomatic spouses, whether he feels it is close to reality, and furthermore, how is it when it comes to diplomatic MALE spouses.

‘Misperception is a problem that exists not only externally but also internally. For example, many male spouses, including myself, intervene quite forcefully when we are rendered invisible in diplomatic discourses and practices, as female spouses as well as female diplomats have done for decades, if not centuries. As I mentioned before, Norway, albeit not perfect, has come a long way to change the societal perception of men taking paternity leave or becoming diplomatic spouses. Because of this, we feel the exclusion of male spouses very acutely in diplomatic and expat communities abroad’.

‘So, before we think about what misperceptions are out there about us, we need to know more about ourselves. What kind of diplomatic spouses are there? There are mothers, fathers, unmarried spouses, gay spouses, spouses in hardship places and so on. Only then can we discover who we are, as a group’.

Asked if he had advice for other diplomatic spouses, he responded ‘to the extent that spouses are dependent on diplomats, the diplomats owe their spouses the vision of their life on foreign soil. It’s about ensuring that the diplomatic spouses see themselves in the life of their significant others and diplomacy at-large. At the same time, diplomatic life can create a false sense of security in a world that is really in disarray. As fast as the world is changing right now, we, as spouses, also need to adapt to these changes and pursue new skills which enable us to make positive impact in our world’.

Tomohiro Harada seems to me like the type of young man who perfectly understands the position and the role that he has right now, but who is constantly looking for opportunities, ways to express and evolve, new ways to find his “IKIGAI”.

About the author:

Alexandra Paucescu

Alexandra Paucescu- Author of “Just a Diplomatic Spouse” Romanian, management graduate with a Master in business, cultural diplomacy and international relations studies.

She speaks Romanian, English, French, German and Italian,  gives lectures on intercultural communication and is an active NGO volunteer.

La «caractéristique»

Par Alexandre Khodakov

Ce mot sonne en russe presque comme en français, mais a une autre signification. En russe ce n’est pas un adjectif, mais un substantif qui veut dire beaucoup plus que l’action de caractériser une personne. Tout fonctionnaire soviétique, tout membre du Parti communiste était familier de cette notion qui pouvait s’associer avec une chance, un succès, une promotion, ou avoir une signification redoutable, jusqu’à la fin de carrière.

La « caractéristique » était un document écrit qui fusionnait l’évaluation de la performance avec le certificat de bonne conduite. Tout fonctionnaire qui devait être promu ou muté à un autre lieu de travail, à une autre fonction, recevait une « caractéristique ». Il était notoire que ce document n’était pas délivré à l’intéressé, on l’envoyait au département du personnel où il était conservé dans le dossier personnel du fonctionnaire.

Il était impossible de le retirer du dossier. Il était signé par le chef hiérarchique et le secrétaire de la cellule locale du Parti communiste. La « caractéristique » devait contenir un nombre d’éléments obligatoires. Au tout début elle devait constater que la personne en question était « idéologiquement mûre » et « fidèle aux principes moraux »[1]. Le jargon bureaucratique de la période socialiste ne se prête pas à la traduction, il faut que je fournisse une explication. « Idéologiquement mûr » voulait dire « résistant à l’influence de l’idéologie bourgeoise », la fidélité aux principes moraux exigeait l’absence de relations sexuelles en dehors de la famille. Eh bien, un bon nombre de fonctionnaires qui n’étaient pas fidèles à leur femme – on est tous humains, n’est-ce pas – craignaient que leur infidélité ne soit inscrite dans la « caractéristique » plus que le divorce. Enfin, un divorce était aussi répréhensible, mais aux Affaires étrangères on pouvait divorcer une fois sans conséquence. Deux divorces pouvaient freiner la promotion. Après trois on était le plus souvent mis à la porte.

Bien sûr, la « caractéristique » comportait une évaluation des connaissances professionnelles, de l’attitude au travail, des relations personnelles avec les collègues, mais tout cela était moins important que l’idéologie et la morale.

Il va de soi, qu’en cas de conflit avec un subordonné, le chef hiérarchique turpide pouvait se venger en modifiant l’évaluation de celui-ci d’une façon défavorable.

L’abus d’alcool inscrit dans la « caractéristique » pouvait également signifier la fin de la carrière. On racontait cette histoire comme une anecdote, mais même si elle est inventée, cela reflète la façon ingénieuse dont on pouvait s’en sortir dans les cas difficiles. Voilà :

Dans une garnison militaire lointaine il y avait un capitaine qui était un vrai boit-sans-soif. Il était saoul tous les jours, dès le matin. Le temps était venu pour lui de changer de résidence. Son commandant devait donc lui donner une « caractéristique ». Facile à comprendre qu’il était confronté à un dilemme. Écrire dans le document que le capitaine était un buveur, un ivrogne, pouvait mettre la fin à sa carrière. Ne pas l’écrire – s’exposer aux sanctions pour avoir caché la vérité qui sortirait tôt ou tard. Le commandant, assisté par le chef de la cellule du Parti, a inséré la formule suivante : « Boit beaucoup, mais avec dégoût. »

Je reçois ma première « caractéristique » à l’occasion de ma promotion au rang d’attaché. Des années plus tard un fonctionnaire du département du personnel me montre le texte – c’est un geste de bienveillance, je ne suis pas censé lire ce qui est écrit là-dedans. J’apprends ainsi que quelques mots qui paraissent insignifiants, peuvent avoir une grande influence sur la carrière.


[1] Si l’on en croit l’écrivain soviétique Julian Semenov, auteur du fameux roman « Dix-sept instants du printemps », des formulations pareilles figuraient dans les dossiers personnels des fonctionnaires nazis en Allemagne hitlérienne. D’un autre côté, je ne peux pas exclure qu’en écrivant cela, il se moquait du régime soviétique, même s’il avait la réputation d’un serviteur fidèle de ce dernier.

Information sur l’auteur:

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is WhatsApp-Image-2020-11-08-at-15.44.451-768x1024.jpeg
Alexander Khodakov

Né à Moscou en 1952, Alexander Khodakov fait ses études de droit  à  l’Institut de relations internationales de Moscou (MGIMO). Après trois ans à MGIMO, il fait un an d’études à l’université d’Alger. En 1974 il est recruté par le Ministère des affaires étrangères de l’URSS et part en poste au Gabon. Rentré à Moscou, il intègre le département juridique du Ministère. De 1985 à  1991 il travaille  à New York au sein de la mission permanente de l’URSS auprès des Nations unies. De retour à Moscou en 1991 il revient au département juridique, dont il devient directeur en 1994. Quatre ans plus tard il est nommé ambassadeur de Russie aux Pays-Bas et représentant permanent auprès de l’Organisation pour l’interdiction des armes chimiques (OIAC). En 2004 il passe au service de l’OIAC comme directeur des projets spéciaux et ensuite secrétaire des organes directifs. En 2011 il rejoint le greffe de la Cour pénale internationale et exerce pendant trois ans comme conseiller spécial pour les relations extérieures.

Depuis 2015 il vit  à La Haye, avec sa famille. Il a écrit Cuisine Diplomatique un vibrant récit des histoires inédites sur sa vie diplomatique.

Vietnam Value ​​– A quality commitment to the world market

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By Mr. Pham Viet Anh, Ambassador of Viet Nam

In the world, many countries have built their famous brands of companies and products/services that have existed for hundreds of year. Those big brands contribute to creating national value, creating the position and strength of the country. For the Netherlands, there are famous names attached with their products/services that made Dutch value such as Royal Haskoning DHV, Royal Boskalis Westminster N.V, Shell, Unilever, Heineken, Philips…

In the field of branding, Viet Nam is still a young country among members of WTO and very young compared to the Netherlands. When the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) came to Viet Nam in the 16th century to exchange goods, Viet Nam still did not have the same trade concepts at that time. After a century of war, it is understandable that the Vietnam national brand in general and Vietnamese products/services brands in particular are not known by the world. That is a big disadvantage of Viet Nam in term of global trade.

With the policy of proactive and active economic integration, over the past 18 years, Viet Nam has launched and implemented the Program “Vietnam National Brand” (Vietnam Value) to encourage businesses to build their own brands attached with their products or/and services to be recognized and honored as Vietnam value by the process of evaluating, selecting under specified criteria given by the government. The criteria set out for the program are also the basis for each business to self-assess its own quality of products/services in order to build stable brands, to introduce them to the world market.

In the process of evaluating and honoring “Vietnam value” to any company, product and service, not only the criteria of quality, but also the research and development, the content of innovation in the production process, the use and policies toward labor and the impacts on the environment are also very important key points to take into consideration. Thus, to ensure product and service quality, the ultimate goal is always to serve people while protecting nature and the living environment.

We evaluate and honour Vietnamese brands every 2 years. In 2020, despite the severe impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, we held our 7th assessment with more than 1,000 businesses across the country. There were 124 enterprises with 283 products and services that met or exceeded the standards of the Vietnam National Brand Program and recognized them as Vietnam Value. This time, a large number of well-known brands have been recognized as Vietnam Value.

We honoured companies and their products/services under specific sector/industry such as, in textile and garment industry, we honour Viettien, Garment 10, Nha Be Company; in  handicraft industry, we have Minh Long I Ceramic, Chu Dau Ceramic; in Food and Beverage sector, we have Vinamilk, Vinacafe, Vissan, Cholimex; in Rubber industry, we honored DRC, Casumina; in Construction materials, we have big names as Hoa Phat Group, Hoa Sen Group, Dong A Steel, Eurowindow, etc… Especially, there have been 15 companies who honored as Vietnam Value in 7 consecutive times. Most of the above groups/companies have exported their products to the Netherlands.

Whenever you see the ‘Vietnam value’ logo in three colours: blue, green and white printed in company profiles, brochures or media publications and in product packaging, you can trust and use that product or work with the business that makes it because all have been recognized by the Vietnam National Brand Program. 

Kyrgyz Minister Kazakbaev met World Customs Organization DG Mikuriya

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kyrgyz Republic Ruslan Kazakbaev met with the Secretary General of the World Customs Organization Kunio Mikuriya in Brussel

On September 28, 2021, during a meeting to Brussels the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kyrgyz Republic, Ruslan Kazakbaev met with the Secretary General of the World Customs Organization, Kunio Mikuriya.

During the meeting, Minister R. Kazakbaev informed about the upcoming First EU-Central Asia Economic Forum, which will be held in Bishkek on November 5, 2021. The parties discussed the possibility of holding a separate side event on the part of the World Customs Organization within the framework of the Forum.

At the meeting, special attention was given to the activities of the Regional Training Center of the World Customs Organization, which makes its significant contribution to the improvement of the professional qualifications of customs officers in the region.

The parties also discussed the opening of the Center for Professional and Cynological Training in Bishkek, which will give the region’s customs dog handlers an opportunity to receive additional opportunities to improve their skills and abilities.

Dutch translation of Il Filibusterismo, presented to Mayor of Ghent in Belgium

By Anton Lutter

The year 2021 marks the 130th anniversary of the publication of Philippines’ national hero Jose Rizal’s El Filibusterismo. His second novel, in English known as The Reign of Greed, was banned as a result of portraying colonial abuse and corruption. First published in September 1891 in Ghent (Belgium), it had a profound effect on Philippine society especially on views of national identity.

For that reason, Philippines’ ambassador to The Netherlands, H.E. Mr. Jose Eduardo Malaya, recently visited the commemoration – organized by the Knights of RizalGhent Chapter in cooperation with the City of Ghent. The first Dutch translation of El Filibusterismo by Mr. Gerard Arp in 2019 was presented to the Mayor of Ghent, Mr. Mathias de Clerq, by ambassador Malaya and Sir Anton Lutter, KCR, chapter commander of The Hague chapter.

Ambassador Eduardo de Vega, Ambassador Eduardo Malaya, Sir Anton Lutter, KCR, Mayor Mathias de Clercq.

Amongst the many prominent guests attending were the Philippines’ ambassador to Belgium and the European Union, H.E. Mr. Eduardo J. de Vega, the regional commander for Europe, Sir Albert Arevalo, KGOR, the area commander for Belgium, Sir Jim Rebong, KGOR and from The Hague chapter the former Utrecht provincial assemblyman, Sir Steef Klarenbeek, KOR.

The event consisted of a reception at Ghents historical city hall, exhibition of Rizal’s works and a grand dinner preceded by the chartering of the Knights of Rizal Gomburza chapter, earlier in the day there was a flower offering ceremony at the Jose Rizal marker at the building where El Filibusterismo was printed.

Ambassador Malaya addressing the attendants at the historic city hall of Ghent.

In his speech at the historic city hall of Ghent ambassador Malaya highlighted the importance of the literary masterpiece El Filibusterismo and spoke of how Jose Rizal was inspired by the Dutch book Max Havelaar written by Multatuli.

 

 

 

 

Bavarian Premier’s flag ribbon bestowed upon the US Army European Command

Monday, 25 October 2021, Munich, Free State of Bavaria, Germany: On the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the liberation of the Dachau concentration camp by the 7th Army of the US, Bavarian Premier Dr. Markus Söder awarded the Bavarian Premier’s Flag Ribbon to the US Army European Command stationed in Bavaria during a ceremony held at the Kaisersaal (Emperor’s Hall) of Munich Residenz, a former regal palace.

The award also recognized the contribution made over decades by the many thousands of US soldiers in Bavaria to securing peace and freedom. The event, which had to be postponed for a year due to Corona, was attended by US Secretary of the Army Christine Wormuth, the President of the Jewish Community Dr. Charlotte Knobloch as well as the Head of Bavarian State Chancellery, Dr. Florian Herrmann, Minister of State for Federal and Media Affairs, among others.

For further information 



Bestowal ceremony: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DObtxwzKda0

https://www.bayern.de/buergerservice/mediathek/?fotoreihe=76669

Secretary of the Army: https://www.army.mil/leaders/sa/

Manori Unambuwe accredited in Montenegro

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Tuesday, 26 October 2021, Cetinje, Republic of Montenegro: President Milo Đukanović received for her accreditation in the capacity as non-resident Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, Manori Premila Unambuwe.

Ambassador Manori Unambuwe is resident in Berlin, Germany, where she was accredited on 20 August 2020. From Berlin, she covers bilateral relations to Switzerland, Croatia, Montenegro and North Macedonia. 

Previous to her ambassadorship, Manori Unambuwe was Director of Information and Communication at the Technology Agency of Sri Lanka in Colombo. 

She holds an MBA in Business Administration and Management from the Australian Institute of Business headquartered in Adelaide, South Australia. 

For further information: 

Montenegrin Presidency: http://www.predsjednik.me/view_page.php?id=1671&fbclid=IwAR1JKswMJdgTbOPHG91dogbKucO2PeI2X0sAhScHx0kwc-ciqYExnb8RSXY

Video of the accreditation’s ceremony: https://www.facebook.com/predsjednikcg/videos/567247327722076

Karim A. A. Khan QC, concludes the preliminary examination of the Situation in Colombia


ICC Prosecutor, Mr Karim A. A. Khan QC, concludes the preliminary examination of the Situation in Colombia with a Cooperation Agreement with the Government charting the next stage in support of domestic efforts to advance transitional justice

On 28 October 2021, in Bogota, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (“ICC” or the “Court”), Mr Karim A.A. Khan QC, concluded a Cooperation Agreement with the Government of Colombia that renews the commitment of the Office to Colombia’s national accountability processes. This agreement reinforces and further defines the mutual roles the Office and the Government will undertake to ensure that the significant progress achieved by domestic prosecutorial and judicial entities, and in particular by the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, is sustained and strengthened.

Following a thorough assessment, the Prosecutor is satisfied that complementarity is working today in Colombia. The Government of Colombia, together with the ordinary courts, the Justice and Peace Law Tribunals, the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, civil society and the people of Colombia are to be commended for their resilience and determination in demanding justice and accountability in their quest for peace. The progress made has led the Office to determine that the national authorities of Colombia are neither inactive, unwilling nor unable to genuinely investigate and prosecute Rome Statute crimes.

In the course of his engagement with stakeholders, the Prosecutor emphasised that an assessment of complementarity should not, and cannot, be postponed indefinitely pending the completion of all possible domestic proceedings. To the contrary, the Statute and the Court’s case law are clear that the admissibility assessment must be carried out on the basis of the facts as they exist.

In light of this, the Prosecutor has determined that the preliminary examination must be closed. The absence of a preliminary examination does not, however, mean an end to the Office’s engagement with Colombia or its support to the accountability processes underway. To the contrary, it marks the beginning of a new chapter of support and engagement – an example of positive complementarity in action.

The closure of the preliminary examination does not detract from the reality that significant work is still required and that the institutions established must continue to be given the space to perform their constitutional responsibilities. The Government of Colombia commits itself to such continued support in the Agreement concluded today.

The signature of this Agreement – the first of its kind concluded by the Office and a State Party – breaks new ground by entering into a series of mutual undertakings to ensure that domestic transitional justice processes in Colombia remain on track.

On the part of the Government of Colombia, these commitments include: 1) safeguarding the established constitutional and legislative framework; 2) preserving and supporting existing structures operating to ensure accountability; 3) continuing to properly fund these structures and safeguarding their budgets; 4) protecting their independence and preventing any interference with their functions; 5) ensuring the safety and security of judicial and prosecutorial personnel as well as participants appearing before the different accountability mechanisms; and 6) promoting full cooperation and coordination between the different State entities involved, including between the Attorney General’s Office and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace. The Government of Colombia has also committed to informing the Prosecutor of the progress of domestic investigations and prosecutions. Colombia has also undertaken to facilitate access to relevant records and documentation in accordance with the Rome Statute and Colombian law.

For its part, the Office of the Prosecutor commits to support Colombia’s accountability efforts. Such efforts include continued dialogue and interaction with the Government of Colombia and State institutions, annual visits to Colombia, exchanging of lessons learned and best practices with national justice mechanisms.

Crucially, because the ICC is a permanent institution, the Agreement recalls that the Prosecutor may reconsider his assessment of complementarity in light of any significant change in circumstances. The Agreement is binding and of indefinite duration.

The signature of the Agreement and the consequent closing of the preliminary examination marks a new beginning, and also a paradigm shift, outside the preliminary examination, to allow Colombia and the Office of the Prosecutor to build upon a long lasting, sustainable relationship within the framework of the Agreement. 

Cooperation Agreement between the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and the Government of Colombia