The impact of disinformation on human rights is a growing concern in contemporary society. Disinformation, defined as the deliberate spread of false or misleading information, has become increasingly prevalent due to advancements in technology and the ease with which information can be disseminated. This phenomenon poses substantial threats to the enjoyment of basic human rights, including freedom of expression, access to information, and the right to a fair trial.
One of the primary ways in which disinformation affects human rights is by undermining freedom of expression. Disinformation campaigns aim to manipulate public opinion by spreading false or misleading information that often aligns with specific agendas or biases. This hinders individuals’ ability to access accurate information and form reliable opinions, thus undermining their freedom of expression. When people are exposed to disinformation, they may unknowingly promote falsehoods, unknowingly contribute to the spread of disinformation, or self-censor out of fear of backlash for expressing dissenting views.
One of the most significant impacts of disinformation on human rights is its ability to create division and hostility among different groups in society. Disinformation campaigns often target vulnerable populations, such as ethnic or religious minorities, to fuel discrimination and prejudice. This can result in the erosion of the right to equality, as marginalized communities face increased marginalization and hostility.
Moreover, disinformation can also undermine freedom of expression and access to information. When false information is widely circulated, it becomes increasingly difficult for individuals to discern truth from fiction. This can lead to self-censorship and a reluctance to engage in open and honest discussions, ultimately restricting freedom of expression.
What is disinformation for the United Nations?
The United Nations reports verbatim that there is no universally accepted definition of disinformation. No one definition may be sufficient on its own, given the multiple and different contexts in which concerns over disinformation may arise, including with regard to issues as diverse as electoral process, public health, armed conflicts, or climate change. UNDP Europe and Central Asia, on the other hand, indicates various types of the concept of disinformation. The narratives, in fact, list the differences between: Disinformation, Misinformation, Malinformation and Hate speech.
What are the differences?
The disinformation concerns false information and deliberately created to harm a person, social group, organization, or country. Misinformation is, on the other hand, referred to false information, but not created with the intention of causing damage.
Malinformation is an information based on real facts, but manipulated to harm a person, organization, or country. And finally the Hate Speech is “any kind of communication in speech, writing or behaviour, that attacks or uses pejorative or discriminatory language about a person or a group based on who they are, in other words, based on their religion, ethnicity, nationality, race, colour, descent, gender or other identity factors. This is often rooted in prejudice, and generates intolerance and hatred and, in certain contexts, can be demeaning and divisive” and even lead to offline harm or violence.
What effects in war?
Misinformation, disinformation, and hate speech (MDH) can have significant harmful effects on populations affected by conflict and humanitarian operations. These forms of communication, often spread through social media and other online platforms, can exacerbate existing tensions, intensify violence, hinder peacebuilding efforts, and undermine humanitarian action.
One of the main ways MDH is harmful to these populations is by fueling and escalating conflicts. In conflict zones, false or misleading information can spread quickly, leading to a breakdown of trust and inciting violence between different groups. Disinformation campaigns can manipulate narratives and mislead people about the causes or perpetrators of the conflict, further polarizing communities and deepening divisions. This can make it more challenging for humanitarian organizations to provide assistance and protection to those in need.
MDH can also hinder peacebuilding efforts by spreading hatred and sowing discord among communities. Hate speech can further marginalize already vulnerable groups, leading to discrimination, exclusion, and even violence. It can amplify existing prejudices and stereotypes, making it harder for people to come together and find common ground for peaceful resolution of conflicts.
Furthermore, MDH can undermine humanitarian action by spreading false information about aid organizations, their intentions, and their activities. This can lead to mistrust and reluctance among affected populations to seek and accept assistance, creating barriers to delivering much-needed aid and support. Additionally, disinformation campaigns can spread rumors and misinformation about public health issues, vaccination campaigns, or other essential services, which can have detrimental effects on public health and exacerbate the humanitarian crisis.
To mitigate the harmful effects of MDH in conflict and humanitarian situations, it is crucial to promote media literacy and critical thinking skills among affected populations. Providing accurate and timely information through reliable and trusted sources can help counteract the spread of misinformation and disinformation. Collaborations between humanitarian organizations and local communities can also play a vital role in identifying and debunking false or harmful narratives.
Countering disinformation
Seventy-seventh session of the provisional agenda on “Promotion and protection of human rights: Human Rights questions, including alternative approaches for improving the effective enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms”,clearly indicates the current useful tools for countering disinformation for the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. One of the key paragraphs in the published report “State approaches to tackling disinformation”.
In this narrative it is literally reported that the States have a crucial role to play in combating the impacts of disinformation, both with regard to their own actions and relating to their duty to protect against human rights abuses by third parties, including business enterprises. Addressing the multifaceted phenomenon of disinformation is a complex task. Human rights and freedom of expression standards, developed over time, provide suitable guidance for the challenges raised by disinformation, establishing normative signposts for a well- informed citizenry to engage in democratic processes. By creating the conditions for human rights, pluralism and tolerance to flourish, States can help reduce the risks associated with disinformation.
An extremely necessary tool for the protection and safeguarding of human life and dignity that should be strengthened by governments to prevent targeted psy-operations from drag the world into a third world war
Four talented young musicians from Hungary took part in the Huygens Festival in Leidschendam-Voorburg from September 21st to 24th, 2023. This group traveled from both Szeged and Budapest and performed two times during the festival.
Their inaugural performance took place on September 21st at the Old Church in Voorburg during the opening concert. The musicians showcased their skills on the cello, violin, and harp, treating the audience to enchanting classical pieces. The Ambassador of Hungary H.E. Mr. András Kocsis graced the event with his presence and, in his speech, extended a warm welcome to the Hungarian participants. He also commended the festival’s emphasis on music as a universal language.
Following the opening concert, these Hungarian talents, in collaboration with other music ensembles from the Netherlands, Flanders, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia, engaged in a masterclass program. This preparation was aimed to prepare for a joint international performance at the closing concert of the festival on 24 September.
The Hungarian participation at the Huygens Festival was supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade of Hungary.
This article comprises an analysis of the influence / interference directly or indirectly wielded / carried out by a foreign government, with malign purposes, on Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) and research institutes of another country, affecting both individuals and organizations. This piece is the result of bibliographical research and of an exclusive interview with Professor Luís Ferreira, Rector of the University of Lisbon (UL)*. Located in Portugal’s capital, the UL has inherited an academic tradition dating back seven-plus centuries (About ULisboa). Currently, the UL is the largest Portuguese HEI, with 50,000 students (Welcome to ULisboa).
Within the context of this piece, foreign influence is considered to correspond to open and transparent actions, on the part of foreign states, aimed at influencing major decisions (Counter-Espionageand Foreign Interference). With regard to influence over said decisions, foreign interference entails covert activities and includes deception and corruption (Counter-Espionage and Foreign Interference). In principle, for governments, foreign interference is more worrisome than foreign influence (Defining Foreign Interference), although, in practice, it isn’t always possible to clearly distinguish both (Bauer, et alii October 2021). This difficulty in differentiating them is underscored by several experts (Berzina, Soula March 18, 2020, p. 8). This piece considers that the terms foreign influence and foreign interference can be synonymous (Foreign Interference and You, p. 2 / Homeland SecurityAdvisory Council Interim Report of the Countering Foreign Influence Subcommittee May 21, 2019, p. 11).
To the extent predictable, the topic of foreign influence / interference is increasingly important (Bauer, et alii October 2021). However, Long and O’Connell (2022, p. 16 / 35) maintain that policymakers and scholars urgently need to pay more attention to said topic, in relation to which little research has been conducted.
International academic cooperation
Historically, since their inception, HEIs have welcomed scholars from all over the world, for the purpose of engaging in information exchanges and collaboration in producing new knowledge (McLennan July 17, 2021). International contacts have increased over time, both in the field of teaching and in the sphere of research (McLennan July 17, 2021). As part of international relations, education can be regarded as a soft power tool.
On the one hand, international scientific exchanges are important for the success of academic research institutions and for scientific progress (Federal Focus on InappropriateForeign Influence on Research: Practical Considerations in Developing an Institutional Response August 18, 2021, p. 5). On the other hand, opening HEIs internationally renders them vulnerable to foreign entities that harbor malign purposes (Long, et alii Summer 2021, p. 8).
This reality needs to be properly managed, by taking full advantage of the positive aspects while resolutely minimizing negative ones. This minimization comprises various spheres, including risk management (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for CzechAcademic Sector, p.17). According to Professor Margaret Hyland, from Victoria University of Wellington (New Zealand), while international cooperation is necessary, we need to be aware of the risks related to it (Guarding Against International Threats April 28, 2021). The entry of foreign students and scholars in a given university, under international mobility programs, for instance, makes that institution more vulnerable to espionage (Damaging and Dangerous:Espionage and Proliferation in the Academic Community April 11, 2023). Still, most of the said students and scholars do not constitute a threat to institutions welcoming them (Folsom, Garretson May 4, 2020).
Academic espionage and Human Intelligence
HEIs are of interest to foreign powers, for several reasons, namely because they contain sensitive information and since they are attended by students that are part of the national elites, in a variety of spheres, such as cultural, social, business and political (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p.13). Generally speaking, HEIs are vital to nations (Foreign Interference and You, p. 3). According to Ali (May 5, 2021), said institutions should be regarded as critical infrastructures, given that they play a significant sociopolitical and economic role on the local and national scene.
This is why HEIs’ physical and virtual aspects need to be duly safeguarded, for example, by applying anti-phishing IT programs and controlling access to their premises (On Campus Pod-Cast – Critical Infrastructure and College Campuses July 19, 2023). In the U.S., recognizing HEIs as critical infrastructures enables them to receive funds earmarked for security training (On Campus Pod-Cast – Critical Infrastructure and College Campuses July 19, 2023). Though protecting HEIs against foreign powers’ possible hostile activities is important, this should be proportional to the risk (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 6 / Grubbs 2019, p. 259 / 265). Adopting balanced measures geared to countering foreign interference activities in an academic setting implies grasping the threats and risks (Governance and Risks Framework June 3, 2022).
For instance, HEIs in the U.S. are deemed to be top targets for foreign intelligence services (Folsom, Garretson May 4, 2020). In general, in several countries, foreign espionage, when looking for sensitive information at HEIs, involves technological means and Human Intelligence (HUMINT) (Consultation Document: Legislation to Counter State Threats(Accessible Version) July 12, 2022). This article focuses on HUMINT, including espionage, and on foreign influence / interference, chiefly through direct interpersonal contacts.
In academic and research settings, foreign intelligence activities, among several aspects, aim to access research projects and sensitive information, while seeking to steal and transfer know-how (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 10). Said activities also include gathering information concerning strengths and weaknesses of individual employees and the work atmosphere in diverse departments (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 10). In this context, an intelligence officer is someone working under the guise of a student or researcher, for example, using their relations with others to achieve their goals, while benefitting the Government for which they work (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 10). Foreign intelligence services can recruit students from their own country, when they are or will be studying abroad, as well as students of the country where such services are in operation (National Security Concerns for Study Abroad Students).
Intelligence service recruiters gather information on individuals targeted for recruitment, using a variety of means, such as, inter alia, social media, wiretapping and personal contacts forged with neighbors, friends and family of said individuals (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 35 / 43). Recruiters achieve initial contact with the targeted individuals only after having gathered enough information on them (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 36). When the person is actually recruited, they then consciously begin working for a foreign intelligence service. Another basic intelligence technique uses personal contacts and other means to cause the individual to provide information, without the latter being aware of that, let alone the fact that they are collaborating with a foreign information service (Counter Foreign Interference Manual for Czech Academic Sector, p. 40). This can occur via casual conversation (Foreign Interference and You, p. 4).
On top of students, faculty and researchers, foreign intelligence services have highly diversified targets, such as administrative and research support staff (Tackling R&I ForeignInterference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 20). Within this context, it’s also important that those operating covertly, that is, foreign intelligence service officers and their collaborators, be selected and placed in strategic positions at HEIs and research institutes (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 20). This entails influencing decisions with regard to selecting staff and promoting their academic career (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 19). In this regard, we need to pay attention to those occupying every position, from the lower echelons to the higher-ups at HEIs. All of them may be useful for intelligence services of adversarial powers.
In reality, foreign espionage on research institutes is on the rise, which is why research security becomes particularly necessary (Wilner, et alii August 11, 2022). (A Government can engage in espionage activities in both adversarial and friendly countries (Braw June 4, 2021)).
Peer review and corruption
Interference from foreign actors in academia and at research institutes also includes peer review processes (Foreign Interference and You, p. 4). In fact, there are programs created by foreign entities to influence peer reviewers, so that the latter, for instance, unduly share confidential information or tamper with assessments they conduct, to the detriment of scientific merit (ACD Working Group for Foreign Influences on Research Integrity December 2018, pp. 5-6). According to the Association of American Universities and the Association of Public & Lang-Grant Universities, interference from foreign governments can also include bribing the peer review process, (Principles and Values to Guide Actions Relevant toForeign Government Interference in University Research May 2021).
In order for a Government to attain its foreign policy goals, it can corrupt institutions in another country (MacLachlan 2019, p.19). Actually, corruption also affects academia (Camacho November 9, 2021 / Kulkarni December 13, 2016), in several domains, such as recruiting staff and professional promotion, where some play favorites (Albisu, Chêne 2017, p. 4 / Kyria 2019, p. 11). This corruption can result in what is known as brain drain, to the extent professors leave the institutions and even the country, to look for better working conditions and professional development (Albisu, Chêne 2017, p. 2). This way, the quality of the education sector diminishes (Albisu, Chêne 2017, p. 2), thereby benefitting the interests of (an) adversarial State(s). The risk of corruption is heightened when the academic autonomy denotes a lack of control and oversight (Camacho November 9, 2021, p.2).
The selection process is related to peer review, insofar as, through judgments and evaluations, peers decide, for instance, which research projects will be funded, which people will be hired, which professionals will be promoted or which scientific articles will be published (Forsberg, et alii 2022, pp. 7-8). Relative to this latter aspect, dishonesty can also be present in double-blind peer reviews (McDermott January 31, 2014).
Countermeasures
To combat situations of foreign influence / interference and espionage, such as the ones previously touched on, it’s possible to present some countermeasures, among others. From the outset, countering these situations should comprise raising the general public’s awareness to the importance of this topic; to such end, the media have a notable role to play, given their ability to disseminate the subject matter in question. In this respect, awareness-raising initiatives also need to be conducted, specifically geared to academic circles (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 33 / 41).
At HEIs and research centers, ideally with a strong governance system, foreign influence / interference and espionage need to be safeguarded against, both at individual and institutional level (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 35). In this context, the best defense comprises endowing potential targets with information, so that they can identify and report the situations at issue to the appropriate bodies (Countering Foreign Interference June 5, 2023). HEIs’ and research institutes’ cooperation with counterintelligence services is essential (Scholars or Spies: Foreign Plots Targeting America’s Research and Development April 11, 2018 / Subbaraman March 12, 2020). (At universities, covert activities can also be undertaken by domestic (counter)intelligence services (Strauss October 25, 2017)).
Obviously, to tackle the problem under analysis, the role of the law must not be disregarded (Toman, Famfollet 2022, p.11), as there is even a certain tendency to create new legislation (Long, O’Connell 2022, p. 35). HEIs and research centers can also create a Code of Conduct for Foreign Interference as well as a Foreign Interference Committee (Tackling R&I Foreign Interference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 42). All of this needs to be suited to each institution’s specific circumstances (Tackling R&I ForeignInterference. Staff Working Document January 14, 2022, p. 11).
Also as part of the countermeasures, screening and clearance processes can be added by the Government or by the HEIs and research centers themselves, with regard to foreign students, researchers, scholars and other kinds of staff seeking to be part of said institutions and centers (Mission Focused: Addressing the Threat Environment 2022 / ResearchSecurity Background Screening).
According to Kirya (2019, p. 31), corruption at HEIs is a global reality that is growing. This expert finds that corruption needs to be countered, firstly, by their intervening parties, such as the academic institution itself, higher education regulatory agencies, professional regulatory bodies and education ministry officials (Kirya 2019, p. 17). It should be added that civil society has a role to play in mitigating the situation at issue (Kirya 2019, p. 17). Everything becomes more difficult when corruption is present in various sectors of society (Kirya 2019, p. 4).
There are several measures to tackle corruption, such as the following, among others: university governance needs to base itself on the principles of transparency, accountability and participation; as part of its autonomy, each university should have a code of conduct and whistleblowers policies / procedures (Kirya 2019, p. 18).
The fight against foreign interference and academic espionage not only requires a great deal of time, attention and determination (Ziemnick June 21, 2022), but also depends on political will and decision-making. It may happen that, at a given point in time, a government decides to break a sort of tacit agreement (I’ll turn a blind eye to your spies and you do the same to mine) and to no longer tolerate certain espionage activities engaged in by other States, knowing that, with such a decision, it could suffer reciprocal retaliations (Martin March 28, 2018).
University of Lisbon, Portugal
In an exclusive interview for this piece, Professor Luís Ferreira, Rector of the University of Lisbon (UL), acknowledges that, in the context involving instances of potential foreign influence / academic espionage, there is a basic contradiction, perhaps even irreconcilable, between the principle of open science and the political constraints of the Nation-State, going by way of restrictions to the entry of persons and the disclosure of ideas from abroad, while justifying that national security and interests should prevail. This Rector considers that, on the one hand, universities need to allow international academic mobility, but, on the other hand, these institutions should bear in mind the political reality surrounding them. In this regard, Luís Ferreira maintains that universities have to make decisions that abide by the law, that are balanced and that amount to common sense.
The UL Rector feels that the Portuguese Government should not specifically legislate on the issue of foreign influence / interference at universities, since this would seriously counteract the basic principle of autonomy and academic freedom. This interviewee adds that the UL aims to go international and not have its own program intended to raise awareness to the national academic community regarding the possible dangers of foreign influence. The UL Rector recognizes that matters related to national security and interests can occasionally be the subject of reflections.
According to Luís Ferreira, the UL’s Code of Conduct and Best Practices does not involve students, faculty and staff, as the first line of defense, to be called upon to stay vigilant in relation to foreign activities. However, this interviewee states that members of the academic community, as citizens, need to remain attentive to the public interest and alert to possible dangers.
As concerns defending Portugal’s interests, Luís Ferreira acknowledges the importance of security services, underscoring that the activities of said services should not violate the principle of academic autonomy. With this in mind, the Rector finds it acceptable that security services, the Science, Technology and Higher Education Ministry and universities could engage in contacts among each other.
Luís Ferreira stresses the frequent link between scientific knowledge, chiefly in the field of natural sciences, and the military / defense sphere. From the UL Rector’s standpoint, even though social and human sciences, compared to natural sciences, do not comprise the same practical application potential to said sphere, they are also strategically important for outlining public policies.
Conclusion
Universities are vital institutions for a country: not only do they contain sensitive information, but they also comprise the current and future elites in the social, cultural, scientific, economic and political fields. At international level, with the aim of pursuing their interests, several States, through their intelligence services and other bodies, have many ways of spying and influencing / interfering, including HUMINT, at a variety of universities and research centers worldwide. As such, this reality largely exceeds the number of cases disseminated in the media, involving only a handful of countries. In defending national interests, countering said issue can include passing laws and putting in place countermeasures that, in a number of countries, some HEIs adopt and others reject, with the naysayers arguing in favor of university autonomy and the principles of open science and academic freedom. In this regard, the Government and HEIs need to make decisions with proportionality and a sense of responsibility. We need to bear in mind that, in reality, intelligence services, depending on what they wish to achieve, look abroad to try to find universities and research centers they deem to be easy targets.
The topic of influence / interference, espionage and corruption at HEIs, given its growing relevance, needs to be the subject of further research by academics and debated not only in closed circles, but also in society in general. This is a political issue.
About the authors:
Jorge Marinho
Jorge Marinho, PhD in Communication Sciences, BA in International Journalism
Júlio Ventura
Júlio Ventura
BA in Law, MA student in Political Science and International Relations at the Portuguese Catholic University (Lisbon, Portugal), member of the European Parliament trainee (Brussels, Belgium)
Forsberg, E., et alii (2022). Peer Review in Academia. In E. Forsberg, et alii (Eds.), Peer Review in an Era of Evaluation:Understanding the Practice of Gatekeeping in Academia. Palgrave Macmillan. Retrieved 28.8.2023 from https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-75263-7_1
Grubbs, E. (2019). Academic Espionage: Striking the Balance Between Open and Collaborative Universities and Protecting National Security. Retrieved 26.8.2023 from https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/346496971.pdf
Robotization is the final form of capitalist degeneration of humanity. Capitalism does not transform robots into humans, but humans into robots. Instead of human evolution having a historical character, it takes on a technocratic character. Capitalism destroys man’s personality and reduces him to a functional component of technical processes through which capitalism destroys the human and living world. Marx’s concept of “reification” (Verdinglichung) points to the prevailing tendency of world development. Capitalism abolishes man as a human and natural being and turns him into technical means for the development of capitalism
Robots are a projection of the capitalistically degenerated humanity. Capitalism abolishes interpersonal relationships and, in doing so, abolishes man as social being. Society becomes a crowd of atomized individuals reduced to a labor-consumer mass. People lose the need for human connection. Man no longer seeks humanity in another man, but in virtual worlds, pets and technological devices. Robots become a substitute for human beings.
Measured by capitalist criteria, one of the most significant advantages of robots over humans is that robots, as technical “beings,” can constantly be improved based on the productivity and efficiency. The rate of capital turnover is the driving force behind the robotization of humans and the technization of the world. In the end, the process of robotization comes down to the development of capitalism, which involves the increasingly intensive destruction of man as a human and life-creating being. Robotization indicates that there are no limits to the capitalist future.
This is especially significant when it comes to the “conquest of space.” The technocratic approach to space and to the cosmic future of humanity is conditioned by a dehumanized technocratic mind. Man is abolished as a historical being, and thereby as a unique and irreplaceable cosmic being. Rather than endeavoring to create a humane cosmos, man is instead, through technical means, abolished as a human and natural being and reduced to cosmic processes that have an energetic and mechanical character.
Robots are an organic part of the technical world, and their characteristics are conditioned by the nature of capitalism. They are mass-produced and, as such, disposable commodities. Robots are not social or historical beings; they lack emotions, mind, libertarian dignity, cultural and national self-awareness, moral criteria, rights, they don’t get sick, they work 24 hours a day as programmed, they are replaceable, and can be instantly turned off and destroyed…
Capitalists do not strive to create robots that are increasingly similar to humans in their qualities but rather humans who are increasingly similar to robots. Humans are not the role models for robots; robots are the role models for humans. Through the spectacular model of robots, capitalist propaganda machinery imposes on people the image of the capitalist man of the future. In reality, robots are surrogates of humans turned by capitalism into ideal slaves.
Sport is an area where the robotization of humans in the existing world has reached its highest level. The human body has become a technical means to achieve records, and the “quest for records” is based on a productivistic fanaticism with a technical and destructive character. This is what defines the personality of an athlete, as well as their relation to the world and the future.
Considering that capitalism is increasingly destroying the living conditions in which man as a natural and human being can survive, the distinctive ability of robots to function in environments that are deadly to humans becomes of paramount importance. The destruction of the living environment devalues man as a human and natural being and further encourages the process of robotization.
Robotization suggests that capitalism can survive without humans. In the capitalistically degenerated world, humanity is not just superfluous; it has become an impediment to “progress.” With the development of consumer society, which means capitalism’s becoming a totalitarian order of destruction, capitalism has come to the final reckoning with the living world and with man as a human and natural being. Man has become an “obsolete being” that is to conclude his cosmic odyssey in the capitalist landfill.
In a fluid global order, initiatives to articulate cooperation to its best mutual outcome, as for exchange of resources and synergies are relevant more than ever. The mighty Asian triangular format of RIC (Russia – India – China) is relatively well known although underreported in scholarly and popular writings. However, the triangulation between Russia, Iran and India – largely overlooked – is a fact and a pressing necessity, especially for Russia and Iran, the most sanctioned countries in the world.
The strengthening of the International North-South Transport Corridor could implement that new triangulation. The multimodal North-South corridor is 7,200 km long and makes it possible to reduce costs and times for transportation of goods, if contrasted and compared to the Suez Canal passage.
According to estimates, the North-South could double the volume of goods from the current 17 to 32 million tons. Furthermore, over the past year, the reveal of this corridor has grown. So, this Project brings numerous geopolitical and geo-economic opportunities and challenges, making Asia autonomous and (self-)integrated for the first time.
The advantages of the corridor in pills:
1. Reduction of dependence on Suez;
2. Time and cost reduction;
3. Alternative route for Indian goods to Central Asia (primarily Kazakhstan) by bypassing Pakistan;
4. Alternative route for Indian goods to Europe bypassing Red Sea, Africa, Bosporus and traditional key ports of Europe (such as Port Said, Tangier, Rotherham, Hamburg, Genoa, Trieste, Thessaloniki, and the like);
5. Pivoting Iran as a median crossroad, and hence further stabilising it;
6. Breaking the isolation, and consequent circumvention of sanctions of Russia, while arching this corridor to the Arctic bridge;
7. Complete integration of the littoral states’ region around the Caspian Sea as a new global hub.
Bandung (1956), Belgrade (1961), Johannesburg (2023): Materialisation of the Grand Visions
Rather recently, the Asia-based researcher Dr. Maria Smotrytska – while marking the 60th anniversary of the inaugural, Belgrade conference of the Non-aligned Movement (NaM) (Aug-Sep 1961), recalled the famous argument of prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic ‘No Asian century without pan-Asian multilateral settings’ which was prolifically published as policy paper and thoroughly debated among practitioners and academia in over 40 countries on all continents for the past 15 years. Then and there, Smotrytska was revisiting and rethinking the professor’s very argument, its validity and gravity in retrospect.
Hence, she noted “Today Eurasia is the axial continent of mankind, which is home to about 75% of the world’s population (see Map 1), produces 60% of world GDP (see Map 2) and stores three quarters of the world’s energy resources (see Map 3) [Shepard, 2016]. In these open spaces, two giant poles of modern geoeconomics are being formed: European and East Asian, which are tearing the canvas of the familiar geographical concept of “Eurasia” and at the same time providing opportunities for new synthesis through the construction and connection of transcontinental transport arteries.”
Past the historical Johannesburg gathering of BRICS, with the “unprecedented (post-) Maastricht-like deepening (institutions’ building) and widening (massive enlargement with 6 robust either demographics or/and economies – hence larger than any of the EU /or for that matter NATO/ enlargements ever) – this grouping is the best living example of the grand idea of Tito, Nehru and Nasser’s postulated active and peaceful coexistence that came to life in Yugoslavia in 1961” – as professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic commented the 15th BRICS Summit.
How the active and peaceful coexistence is materialising itself without confronting but rather by complimenting the existing world order?
The Global Disorder and the Euro-Asian Synchronization
Rise, decline, marginalization, or collapse are inevitable stages in the life cycle of empires as gravity centres. Political power always tries to amortise, even reverse the decline (if in a good time admitting it self), but power transfer is an unstoppable historical constant. The Power’s disappearance leads to the emergence of a challenger capable of (re-)organizing space. In the VI Canto of Paradise, the poet Dante – talking through Emperor Justinian – uses the metaphor of the eagle flying “against the course of heaven” to depict the transfer of power from Rome to Constantinople, to the “new Rome”.
Nowadays, an irreversible power relocation has begun, even if there is not a precise gravitational centre. Indeed, the global order is archipelagic and “fluid”, as even the western media recently admitted. Since the Russian special operation in Ukraine, a magmatic phase started, incentivizing new triangulations and alliances, sometimes alternatives to the West primacy. Of course, the United States remains the global technological and military pivot, and NATO remains the first military alliance, but it is undeniable that the balance is evolving.
The International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) involving Russia, India, and Iran (in total, 13 members) fits into this multipolar-evolving context. If integrally implemented according to plans, it would make it possible to reduce the supremacy of Suez, through which about 12% of global trade transits. This project will encourage a Euro-Asian synchronization and provide an alternative to the traditional Suez route exclusivity, reducing approximately 40% distance and costs by 30%, as claimed by Silk Road Briefings.
Infrastructures have a substantial role in the growth and decline of power. The case of the Suez Canal is emblematic: it interrupted the complex circumnavigations and restored the centrality of the Mediterranean. For this reason, powers aspiring for a hegemonic role invest in infrastructural networks: China with the “Belt and Road” Initiative – Research Fellow at IFIMES/DeSSA Dr Maria Smotrytska described the shifting-balance project in her detailed analysis – while Russia and Iran with the Corridor. As a result, the project is fraught with enormous geopolitical implications.
However, these are not the only initiatives. Having overcome the internal turmoil, Algeria (as a forthcoming BRICS member) has heavily invested in the new Trans-Sahara Highway Project, 5,000 kilometres long, from Algiers to Lagos. In this way, the “republican” Algeria hopes to bypass the “monarchical” Morocco and, finally, the Strait of Gibraltar. The name “African Unity Road” testifies to the socio-geo-political significance.
The World Island and Russian Scramble for Warm Seas
At the beginning of the twentieth century, the great Anglo-Saxon geopolitical strategists –Mackinder, Spykman, Lea – asked themselves the problem of how to counter the rise of the gigantic Euro-Asian empires located in the Heartland and their expansion to the critical fault line of the Rimland. In The Day of The Saxon (New York Harper, 1912), Homer Lea warns of the risks of integration between Euro-Asian powers, such as Russia and Germany, as evidenced by the Berlin-Baghdad railway project.
The Anglo-Saxon thalassocrat powers – the authors argued – could not withstand the impact of such vast empires, with young and numerous populations set off for industrial and infrastructural development as well as with boundless natural resources. For this, it is essential to control the Rimland and try to hold back the momentum of the empires, fighting one at a time: once Russia, once China. The containment policy against the Russian giant also derives from these reflections.
They were well-justified fears. At the time, Russia, which had already become a pivotal protagonist on the European scene since the Napoleonic wars, had expanded into the Caucasus and Central Asia. Soon after, that very theatre scored significant rates of economic and demographic growth, primarily thanks to the Trans-Siberian railway and the consequent colonization of Asian Russia. The Czars also aimed at the seas, the Indian Ocean, and the Mediterranean. For that same reason, Crimea has historically been crucial in Moscow’s strategies.
Analyzing the complex geographical composition of the Euro-Asian mass in The Geography of Peace (Harcourt, Brace, 1944), Spykman notes that the seas arranged in an arc all around has facilitated the development of the coastal areas, while the more inland areas have always remained disconnected and without reliable communication routes; this prevented full integration. As a result, communications almost always took place with sea routes. However, there are infrastructural interventions that can break the setback of geography.
Counter-balancing gravities of both West and China: The Russia-Iran-India Triangulation
An escalation of Ukrainian crisis led the Western world to (unfold already prepared: to) sever relations with Moscow. However, as evidenced by the growth of the European import of Russian LNG and ever better rankings of Russia on PPP (Purchasing Power Parity which now stands better than one of Germany), it is nearly impossible to disconnect Russia from a fully integrated global economic system. For example, during the Cold World, Charles Levinson in Vodka Cola (Gordon and Cremonesi, 1977) highlighted a similar situation: the interdependence between the two opposing blocks – he also envisaged a hybridization in a more authoritarian sense.
South Corridor / Source: INSTC Map
Nevertheless, compared to the twentieth century, Russia is no longer an “ideological lighthouse”, no longer commands the Warsaw block, and, after the dissolution, has been increasingly marginalized. Past the shock caused by the loss of its historical territories, that Eurasia giantis successfully pressing its peripheries, and knocking on the global doors. Even in the harsh circumstances (past the February 2022 calamity), Russia has found numerous and is developing effective alternative channels to come out of isolation.
First, the Russian-Chinese integration is already a reality: trade could reach a value of about 200 billion USD by the end of 2023. Furthermore, China is a privileged end market for Russian resources, but Russia is also a relevant market for China that could compensate for the loss of shares in Taiwan and the United States with Russia.
Similarly, trade between Russia and Iran quadrupled in 2022. Interestingly, trade between Iran and the Caspian littoral states amounts to 5.54 million tons worth $3.03 billion (according to MMag Mak A. Bajrektarevic’ book ‘Caspian: Status, Challenges, and Prospects’).
The North-South Corridor / Source: Public Domain
Last but not least, after a long period in which the mutual value trade has not exceeded 10 billion dollars, in just one year the exchange between Russia and India has reached a record high of 44.4 billion; as a result, Russia is now the fifth largest trading partner. Trade between India and Russia has grown in the last year thanks to the International North-South Transport Corridor, which makes it possible to reduce logistics times from around 40 days to about 25. So, India is investing a lot in the corridor and reached an agreement for the Iranian port of Chabahar. This port is located about 790 nautical miles from Nhava Sheva and Mumbai.
The Geo-Economical Relevance of the Project
A comparable and particularly profitable route already existed a while ago. The United States, United Kingdom and Canada created a corridor, the so-called “Persian Corridor”, during WWII to transfer military aid to the USSR: over 4 million tonnes of cargo passed through the forerunner of the North-South Corridor.
After the capitulation of the European powers in 1939 and 1940-41, the USSR had to withstand an overwhelming shock force and was initially forced to retreat. As the Soviet military and industrial complex came into full swing, the corridor, especially in its initial stages, had a greater importance than is generally attributed. The corridor was the only reliable channel to support the USSR as the Nordic and Arctic routes towards Murmansk and Archangel were controlled by the Nazis.
After decades, the project was relaunched in the early 2000s and is listed as a priority by the countries’ governments. The corridor responds to the needs of the three major players involved: access to the Indian Ocean and the Gulf for Russia interrupting isolation, internal infrastructural strengthening for Iran – the country will become a pivotal crossroads of rail, road, and sea routes – and projection towards Central Asia for India bypassing Pakistan, which has become a key-country for China.
In addition, the initiative also has beneficial effects for all the other regional players: the former Soviet republics, Azerbaijan – the port of Baku is becoming an increasingly important hub (over 6.3 million tonnes of cargo in 2022) – and Armenia, but also the GCC (Gulf states), which are now the protagonists of a cautious and attentive policy to redefining the global politico-military and energo-economic balance.
Current forecasts predict the doubling of freight volumes from 17 million tons per year to 32 million in 2030. The completion of the project would also lead to a shift of the trade and transit axis towards the heart of Central Asia.
Source: Smotrytska (2022), the pre-C-19 World’s Crude Shipments Levels (UCL Energy Institute, 2019)
Therefore, the North-South Corridor has enormous potential, but there are many unsolved problems. First, complete the infrastructural works in unison, modernize often-outdated infrastructure sections, and finally complete additional complementary interventions, as in the case of the Volga-Don Canal, which could strengthen trade between the Caspian Water Plateau and the Sea of Azov.
This canal is crucial in Russian Iranian commercial exchange: an estimated 35 merchant ships passed through the Volga-Don passages in 2021 (annual average), but this number grew to 50 in 2022 (42% more). However, despite the growing importance of global trade, the intermodal capacity of the ports on the Caspian Sea is still limited (Mak A. Bajrektarevic’ ‘Caspian: Status, Challenges, and Prospects’). At the same time, the interconnection between ports and railways in Iran is still lacking, but the two partners are willing to invest.
Finally, it is very complex to scratch the supremacy of Suez, especially after the doubling. The data show constant growth: from 2011 to 2016, over 16 thousand ships passed through Suez, while in 2021, over 20 thousand (more than 56 per day), as reported by the Suez Canal (SCA). In 2021, about 1.27 billion tons of cargo were shipped through the canal. Therefore, Suez and Panama remain the fundamental facilitators of modern navigation.
Nevertheless, besides Iran – pivotal for the Caspian corridor, Suez becomes ‘overcrowded’ by the new BRICS members: Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia and Egypt are practically Red Sea’s littoral states while the last one is the Canal’s (solo) proprietor.
Why does such analysis matter? “Geopolitics often follows laws of quantum mechanics: if we (only) analyse locality we lose a sight of a speed, if we focus on the speed we miss to understand interaction of the triggering protagonist/s. Center and periphery are relative (to say, reversible) to its speed and position” – as professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic vividly explains subtle interplays of events, (gravity of) theatres and its actors. Hence, this awareness energetically invites us to illuminate less explored and underreported trends and localities, and to extrapolate them with those we perceive as a main-stream and acknowledge as the established.
In an earlier mentioned The Geography of Peace, Spykman highlighted some gateways or obligatory passages – the so-called “Gates to the Heartland” – potentially dangerous for “world peace”, from which the Russian giant (be it of that time or present day) could try to get out. In his vision, the gates are the Arctic route (the ancient Pomor Trade), the Crimea, central European plains, Caucasian passes, or the Khyber Pass. Preventing access to Russia at these points is a guarantee of peace – actually of the British domination of that time.
The northern road remains accessible for Russia even if less safe after Finland entered NATO; precisely, the war against Finland (1939-1940) finished with the conquest of the Karelia region and the Rybačij Peninsula to protect Leningrad and Archangel port. The post-1989 NATO advance – past Gorbatchov’s unilateral retreat, has made Russian penetration towards central Europe almost impossible at this stage. Finally, Russia’s returned to the war to protect the Crimea and the Azov Sea (now its ‘inner sea’) as well as it (re-)appeared in Syria and the Sahel, past the West’s disastrous politico-military meddling in the MENA during its decades of ‘unipolar moment’.
By implementing the International North-South Transport Corridor, always following Spykman’s vision, which represents a route that crosses the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea, Russia is finding a way to break the isolation up, reaching the “gates”.
The International North-South Transport Corridor (and its linking with the Artic Bridge and Northern Sea Route – as professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic already indicated over decade ago, in his ground work ‘Arctic and Antarctic: Two Poles – Different Scores’) demonstrates, together with the initiatives of China and Algeria (to cheapen and fasten delivery by cutting off Morocco) as well as other related triangulations, that there is a definite will of the revisionist powers and emerging global players to become central on the global supply lanes or to want to build new trade routes. In conclusion, transport infrastructures are one of the main factors in shaping the geopolitics, socio-economics and consequently, our history. Panama and Suez made it possible, and the new corridors can do the same.
If this would be one of the world’s best concretisations of the grand Bandung and Belgrade visions of our times, the following years will certainly show us.
About the Author:
Lorenzo Somigli
Lorenzo Somigli is a columnist specialised in the EU and Euro-MED energy and geopolitics (publications in Italian and international media and magazine like leSfide and Transatlantic Policy Quarterly). In his native Italy, Somigli is actively involved in the State Parliament’s MPs advisory.
The post-pandemic world and the Russia-Ukraine war is upon us and how we manage from this point on will determine our success. This article proposes a cadre of ideas in a world that has completely changed. The crucial role in preparing an organization for the post-pandemic world and the Russia-Ukraine war is at the heart of business acumen today. A new definition of the role of corporate strategy in managing innovation is crucial for success. A world that we once knew no longer exists. What does exist is you reading this article. Congratulations on your successful survival of the worst war and pandemic since the turn of the century.
In the wake of the worst war and pandemic since the turn of the century, strategic formulation has developed into a worldwide phenomenon. As organizations begin to migrate back into the office, settling in has taken on a new sensation. “Sitting at his desk on a Monday morning after being home for two years working remotely, I felt surreal,” said Vic, in Manhattan, New York, as he reminisced his entire career in a moment. It was knowledge management and technology that kept the dialogue going via large platforms of remote use. Now, respect for these two factors removes the barriers to developing more supportive workplaces for in-organization stationed workers and remote workers.
In this article, we ask the question: How to adapt to the post-pandemic world and the Russia-Ukraine war in strategic management? Your answer is your own personal journey, but we can imagine a workplace that is not the same, and perhaps, never will be again.
Strategic Management in the Post-Pandemic World and the Russia-Ukraine War
The world went under an edict of quarantine for many months in 2020. At that time, the mole people were the predominant residents roaming the streets of Manhattan.
Viewed as pejorative by the very folk it denotes, the term “mole people” describes those who live in the tunnels under Manhattan’s Grand Central Station, Penn Station, Port Authority, and Riverside Park.
The mole people had no idea of what knowledge management and corporate strategy had to do with them. They embraced the wandering streets and endured as they always do, successful in any environment. They did not know that behind the scenes the COVID-19 recovery was going to usurp them once again. They survived many decades of crowded streets, and they know that they will prosper as the Island of Manhattan begins to populate with a cadre of commuters once again.
The tumultuous post-pandemic is a survival ground as concerts, Broadway plays, restaurants, and organizations open for business. We wondered if knowledge management is a precursor for the post-pandemic recovery. We answer, yes! A few decades ago, various prominent scholars shed light on the crucial role of the knowledge-based strategy. In particular, these scholars highlight organizations as communities that have been developed to create organizational competitiveness through using and generating knowledge and new ideas. Hence, the post-pandemic recovery requires that organizations determine strategic initiatives required so that they as a whole more effectively manage knowledge. Ergo, post-pandemic recovery is a success.
The post-pandemic recovery is contingent upon the strategic initiatives’ performance as the facilitator of competitive advantage. Two prominent scholars by the names of Charles Hofer and Dan Schendel see strategy as a “fundamental pattern of present and planned resource deployments and environmental interactions that indicates how the organization will achieve its objectives”.
In a post-pandemic world, executives strive to meet and exceed the strategic goals of both the stockholders and the employees. Goals are the keys to business success if they best fit the relationship between the two as the world manages the lingering effect of the pandemic. Therefore, the goal is to develop more effective corporate strategies to efficiently deploy organizational capabilities and better manage internal and external sources, aiming at increasing and building rapport with the business environment, inspiring employees, and increasing their satisfaction with their careers so that they can become engaged and productive. Enter the Ukraine invasion by Russia and we have more havoc as supply chains are affected by oil prices, transportation, and the rising cost of goods.
Two predominant strategies come out of strategic formulation, one being the analysis strategy, and the other being the pro-activeness strategy. Both are geared toward recovery, but they also are imperative for survival. When the post-pandemic world and the Russia-Ukraine war have surfaced, executives need to intervene in the system and exert effective change at the organizational level to set a more effective analysis strategy for their organizations to create better and more innovative solutions for business problems. Reactive response to develop an effective analysis strategy included:
Focusing on coordination as they respond to customer needs.
Focusing on the successful application of management information systems to support decision-making at all levels of the organization.
Focusing on the successful application of business-planning methods.
Focusing on the successful application of cost control methods.
Focusing on the successful application of management performance methods.
Focusing on the successful application of performance appraisal and manpower planning methods.
A pro-activeness strategy determines proactive approaches required so that the organization, as a whole, searches and prepares to be better positioned in the external business environment. Pro-activeness strategy is applied more often today as all levels of the organization change and prepare for the post-pandemic crisis. Pro-activeness strategic responses to develop an effective analysis strategy are:
Searching for viable businesses if expansion is the goal.
Tracking new trends to find niches worth developing.
Focusing on research and development for competitive edge.
Eliminating operations that are not required anymore for the product life-cycle stages.
Focusing on indicators used for operations forecast which generally reflect long-term considerations
In Conclusion
This article offers novel insights into the direct impact of organizational strategies for the pos-pandemic world and the Russian-Ukraine war. The key is to develop a solid foundation that can be built upon to secure a vast future that can withstand any tumultuous activity facing organizations. Organizational strategy and knowledge management could help organizations better perform in the post-pandemic world and the Russian-Ukraine War.
In a recent exclusive interview with Diplomat Magazine, the newly appointed Grand Chancellor of the Order of Malta, Riccardo Paternò di Montecupo, provided valuable insights into the Order’s mission, diplomatic efforts, and its commitment to promoting peace and humanitarian aid on the global stage.
Conveying a Message of Peace
During his address at the UN Security Council, Grand Chancellor Paternò di Montecupo emphasized the Order of Malta’s unwavering commitment to ending the tragic conflict in Ukraine. He stressed “The main message the Sovereign Order of Malta has been conveying since the very outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine is that we need to stop a war that it is causing tragic human suffering, heavy damage to infrastructures and huge costs to the world economy, especially with regard to the poorest countries and the most vulnerable groups”. The Order of Malta, through its organization Malteser Ukraine, has been actively involved in providing vital goods, medical and social assistance, and even prosthetic limbs through a clinic in Lviv for war wounded individuals in over 60 cities and towns.
Maintaining Neutrality in a Turbulent World
One of the hallmarks of the Sovereign Order of Malta is its steadfast commitment to neutrality, impartiality, and an apolitical stance. Grand Chancellor Paternò di Montecupo explained that these principles do not equate to turning a blind eye to global conflicts or crises. Rather, the Order advocates for the protection of civilians in conflict zones, adherence to International Humanitarian Law, and universal access to basic social services. “We approach conflicts from the perspective of the most vulnerable ones and those in need, irrespective of nationality, gender or religious belief.” He said.
A Dual Role in Promoting Peace
Historically, the Sovereign Order of Malta maintains a neutral stance in international politics. Grand Chancellor Paternò di Montecupo recently addressed the UN Security Council, marking the first time a Grand Chancellor from the Order of Malta has spoken at this prestigious forum. In this dual role of advocacy and humanitarian aid provision, the Order calls for peace, the safeguarding of human life, and adherence to humanitarian principles. Since the onset of the Ukrainian crisis, the Order has provided assistance to displaced people and refugees both within Ukraine and in neighboring European countries, making it one of the most extensive operations in the Order’s history since World War II.
Universal Access to Healthcare
Addressing universal access to healthcare, Grand Chancellor Paternò di Montecupo shared that “In several countries around the world the Order of Malta runs hospitals, health centers, mobile units with a view to ensuring access of the poorest groups to basic health services”. In regions such as Africa, the Middle East, including Lebanon and Palestine, the Order’s presence is felt through its commitment to promoting and supporting One Health, a holistic approach that seeks to align environmental, human, and animal health for the greater good.
Diplomatic Relationships and Humanitarian Efforts
The Sovereign Order of Malta maintains bilateral diplomatic relations with 113 countries, and its Embassies and Missions to the United Nations play a vital role in facilitating humanitarian activities. These diplomatic relationships help the Order navigate diplomatic channels and collaborate with respective countries of accreditation. This collaboration was particularly evident during the Ukrainian crisis, where the Order’s Embassy in Kiev facilitated – and still does – the delivery of goods, protection of humanitarian staff, and implementation of assistance projects within the country.
Challenges in Humanitarian Aid and Peace Promotion
Grand Chancellor Paternò di Montecupo acknowledged the significant challenges the Order of Malta faces in providing humanitarian aid, including violations of International Humanitarian Law and threats to the safety of humanitarian workers. Hospitals and clinics operated by the Order are also vulnerable to attacks, resulting in severe damage and destruction. Ultimately, these challenges disproportionately affect the most vulnerable, including the elderly, women, children, and people with disabilities.
Future Priorities and Goals
As the new Grand Chancellor, one of Paternò di Montecupo’s top priorities is to strengthen the Order’s relations with other states and international organizations. They aim to enhance the Order of Malta’s role and visibility within the global community while diversifying funding sources to increase the capacity to deliver aid where it is most needed.
Support from the International Community and Civil Society
Grand Chancellor Riccardo Paternò di Montecupo emphasized the importance of establishing and strengthening partnerships with the global and regional community to achieve humanitarian and diplomatic objectives. The Order also relies heavily on civil society, with numerous volunteer-based associations and relief corps actively engaging in humanitarian operations worldwide.
Grand Chancellor of the Order of Malta, Riccardo Paternò di Montecupo
Adaptability in a Changing World
Given the dynamic nature of global conflicts and health crises, the Sovereign Order of Malta remains committed to reviewing and updating its strategies continually. Its humanitarian activities have expanded to encompass a broader range of initiatives, including food security, vocational training, support for small farmers, and sustainable development, reflecting the organization’s adaptability to address evolving challenges effectively.
In closing, Grand Chancellor Riccardo Paternò di Montecupo’s insights shed light on the unwavering commitment of the Sovereign Order of Malta to promote peace, provide humanitarian aid, and advocate for the most vulnerable, even in the face of complex global challenges. The Order’s unique blend of diplomatic efforts and on-the-ground humanitarian assistance is poised to make a lasting impact on a world that desperately needs compassion and cooperation.
Human rights in the context of a Free-Trade Agreement
HRWF (19.09.2023) – 19 September, the DROI committee has held an exchange of views on the human rights dimension of the negotiations on an EU-India Free Trade Agreement. In preparation, the London Story Foundation has compiled an overview of evidence on human rights concerns associated with the India Free Trade Agreement, with accompanying recommendations.
The dossier compiles recommendations based on a comprehensive review of evidence from the Indian government itself, international lawyers, academic literature, and human rights reports. It incorporates inputs from various stakeholders, including human rights organisations and civil society, and draws from consultations and their outcomes like the EU-India People’s Roadmap. These recommendations aim to address human rights and human security concerns in the EU-India relationship, and more specifically, to issue recommendations within the context of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA).
The world is facing a multifaceted human rights crisis with concerns spanning from restrictions of freedom of expression, infringements of labour rights, restrictions of religious freedoms, to violations of indigenous rights. These all violate the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and other core human rights treaties. These concerns are prevalent in India, too, as reports by leading human rights organisations, international organisations, and UN Special Procedure experts highlight deteriorating freedoms.
Pre-existing human rights violations may be further exacerbated by the conclusion of a free trade and investment agreement between the EU and India. Labour rights as enshrined in International Labour Organisation Conventions are also under threat, with evidence of child and forced labour and suspension of core labour protection during the COVID-19 pandemic. Ongoing armed conflicts in resource-rich regions result in serious human rights violations, which may be further exacerbated by increased resource extraction. For example, in Chhattisgarh state, aerial bomb attacks on Adivasi communities have raised alarm about the right to life in violation not only of the ICCPR, but also the Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions.
Human rights defenders and civil society actors face persecution, exacerbating the challenges of upholding fundamental rights and seriously restricting the ability for human rights to be addressed during the negotiations for an FTA. Additionally, press freedom is deteriorating, as journalists face travel bans and harassment and India leads in blanket internet shutdowns, in violation of the ICCPR. The targeting of civil society actors who utilise the Right to Information Act (RTI) has resulted in numerous casualties, including killings, injuries, and harassment of RTI activists over the years. The country has also seen widespread targeted violence disproportionately affecting religious minorities, particularly Muslims, and with a significant increase in violence against Christians in recent years.
In light of these ongoing multifaceted crises to human rights, the EU and India should incorporate the following recommendations into their negotiations for free trade and investment agreement:
The EU and India should ensure that any trade liberalisation agreement thoroughly addresses concerns related to human rights, social, and environmental issues, rather than rushing into agreements for expediency.
The EU and India should postpone the 2024 deadline for negotiations to allow for a meaningful discussion of adverse impacts.
The EU and India should conduct Human Rights Impact Assessments, ensuring full civil society participation, and make the assessments publicly available within a defined time period.
The EU and India must fulfil their human rights commitments, as outlined in international agreements and the EU-India Strategic Partnership Roadmap, and convene the 2023 bilateral Human Rights Dialogue urgently.
In 2120, 20% of the land area in the Netherlands will consist of forest. This manifesto is a guide to a lively forest landscape and introduces a new basic attitude for this. For the near and distant future.
Many civilizations have been lost due to the massive clearing of forests. To create an action perspective on living in reciprocity with the forest and its ecosystem, a series of workshops took place in the Assembly of Trees installation during Festival Oerol 2022, Terschelling (NL). These workshops and the interaction with the public have been the inspiration for this manifesto.
The manifesto is partly derived from the rights-of-nature in the Constitution of Ecuador, including the precautionary principle3 and global indigenous wisdom.
For the Forest: Reciprocity of relationships, (material) use, and of rights; listening to each other with an open heart, as well as historical awareness of where we come from.
Let’s strive together for:
Recognizing the intrinsic value of the Forest;
Right to existence;
Respect for the web of life and diversity;
Repair and compensation in case of damage;
Recognition of connectedness and mutual nourishment;
Equality, dignity of all life and the precautionary principle.
Embrace the fundamental principles and petition with the Forest.
The Forest speaks
We the Forest
Holland, Holtland, Houtland, (Woodland), I feel dethroned. You named the land after our trees. But where are they? Economic gain. Only Ireland and Malta are poorer than me. I, the Forest, live in poverty, the poorest in the world. Will you restore us?
We are made of one essence, cut from the same cloth. Discovering the tree in ourselves, the human being in the tree. Where has our unity gone? Do you remember us?
Your parents, grandparents, children, family, ancestors, friends, what have you experienced with us the Forest? How did you grow with us? Our rings are your rings. Do you surround yourself with us?
Life is our birthright. Growth, flowering and dying characterize our existence, our natural cycle. I am in contact with all living beings around us. Together we form an indivisible ecosystem. The earth nourishes us, the air caresses us, the sun gives us strength, the water is our lifeblood. In return we share our shadow, scents, fruits and sometimes even tree parts of our existence. Do you smell us?
Respect the Web of Life, it is our brain. We, the Web, are also underground, we are subterranean and unfathomable. We Beings and non-Beings survive through each other. Together we are smart, we keep the ancestors alive and share our memories with you. We the Forest are your collective memory of all that was, is and will be. Our memory is vast. Your prehistoric internet. Do you see us?
Our existence is rich in variety. The animals are allowed to rest in our shade. We sisters and brothers are all different. The pine forest has orchids, the deciduous forest woodpeckers, mixed forests birds of prey. Up to the smallest creatures that hide and nest in us, fly and crawl around us. Do you protect us?
When we are damaged, we ask for our Honor to be restored. Compensation for the suffering that has been done to us, so that we can grow and prosper again and stay in balance. In our world there is no guilt, only action and reaction, cause and effect. We love all beings equally. Do you understand us?
All human beings may wallow in our presence and radiance to strengthen their own powers and to connect even more with all living things. We offer you relaxation, reflection, health. We help you come to yourself. We feel a deep connection with you. We, the web of life, communicate with humanity every day. Do you hear us?
We feed you with everything that lives here. Your human presence and care enhances our presence, diversity and biodiversity. Do you taste us?
We, the Forest, belong to ourselves, no one can own or claim us. Not only my trees, but also my trunks, juices, leaves and roots have rights. Our right to exist, our integrity, (equality) dignity and peaceful existence. Be friends with us!
We never have enough of you. Will you come to rest and play?
Harvest from us, but respect the other functions we perform. Also create and manage different types of forests: Wood forests and food forests to harvest, forests to be in, or a forest in which you can do everything at once. We greatly appreciate your attention, care and precaution, as well as your gratitude and inventiveness in coming up with solutions. Do you feel us?
What language should I speak as Forest so that you understand us? A language of science is too cold for us. A language of emotion is too sultry for us. A language of money is too cheap for us. A language of silence… Yes, a language of silence that fits our message very nicely. That message may seem a little disappointing to you humans at first, but it gradually gains momentum. Doyou hear us?
We speak at the time when you do not listen, when you do not measure and do not saw, when you do not know and do not grieve, when you do not run and do not ask. When you simply do in the Forest. When you lose your mind. Our bodies – bone, sap, wood. Mind zero, heart open. Let us be.
Once you were all Indigenous Peoples. For you the Forest was and is your Home, your Pharmacy, your Supermarket, your Museum and your School. You took no more than is necessary, for future generations, to enjoy as much as you do. You did not pollute that House and you certainly did not destroy it. That is ancient Wisdom. Do you honor us?
Your monocultures are suffocating our brains. Your plantations depress our existence. You isolate us into non-existence. We Forests are like gossiping people. We are talking about the polluted water, how the new arrivals have changed and destroyed the landscape. How we clean our brains again. Will you join the conversation?
About the author:
The forest has been composed by Dorine van Norren, diplomat, artist and writer. Associate researcher Leiden Law School on Ubuntu/Buen Vivir/Happiness. UN Harmony with Nature expert.
In association with
Chihiro Geuzebroek, multidisciplinary artist, writer, organizer, trainer in decolonial climate justice perspectives and practices.
Koen Arts, assistant professor (Wageningen University & Research), nature explorer and writer (including Wild Year, Polar bears with optimism, Rewilding in the Netherlands). He examines the relationship between man and nature in word and deed.
Elmo Vermijs, visual artist who works at the intersection of landscape, art and ecology. He is the initiator of the research project StagingWood.
Jessica den Outer, lawyer, writer and speaker on Rights for Nature. She is part of the United Nations Harmony with Nature Network as an Earth-centered Law Expert.
Raki Ap, spokesperson for the Free West Papua Campaign. He fights for an independent West Papua and its indigenous ways of life.
Remi Hougee, forester for Staatsbosbeheer on Terschelling. Staatsbosbeheer manages 9500 hectares of nature on Terschelling (approx. 80% of the island), of which approx. 750 hectares are forest.
After 40 years the Prime Minister of India visits Greece
It is the first time, after 40 years, that an Indian Prime Minister has visited Greece and as the Indian Prime Minister Mr. Modi emphasizes, his visit to Greece “opens a new chapter in the multifactorial relationship between the two countries”.
It is a visit with strong business interest, as the Indian Prime Minister was accompanied by top businessmen of the country, who held meetings with Greek businessmen. “Cooperation in various fields, such as trade and investment, defense and cultural and people-to-people contacts, have brought our two countries closer,” Mr. Modi emphasized.
It is noted that according to the relevant information note from the side of India, the two countries enjoy cultural ties, which have been strengthened in recent years through cooperation in areas such as maritime transport, defense, trade and investment, and people-to-people ties. .
Business relations are strengthened In recent years, the two countries have grown closer with the volume of bilateral trade set to increase by 58% in 2022 to €1.32 billion, the highest level in the last 5 years. At the same time, Greece and India have also become closer in the defense sector, with the reference point being the multinational air exercise HNIOHOS-23, led by the Greek Air Force, in which Su-30MKI fighter jets of the Indian Air Force participated for the first time. In the same mood, the Indian Navy’s warship INS Chennai recently arrived in Souda Bay, where it also conducted a transit exercise with the Greek warship Nikiforos Fokas. Apart from this, Greek fighter jets are expected to participate for the first time in the Indian exercise ‘Tarang Shakti’ in September.
At the same time, according to information from the Greek side, the discussions are expected to focus on workforce and technology issues, while the pharmaceutical sector may have a key role, as India is the largest manufacturer of generic drugs in the world, with the pharmaceutical sector covering more than 50% of global demand for vaccines.
It is worth noting that, after Brexit, India is looking for a stable ally that could be the gateway for Indian businesses to the EU. In this context, the port of Piraeus, the which could be used for the faster “importation” of Indian products to Europe.
A deeper analysis of the geopolitical game that just begins !!!
The geopolitical map of the wider region is expected to be changed in the near future by Cyprus and Greece, with Israel as the protagonist, which as the regional power drags the dance, seeking to have as co-protagonists other states that play a leading role in their neighborhood and internationally, as they are India and Saudi Arabia. As we are informed by government sources, during the last Tripartite, held in Cyprus last week, the following was said: First: Making final decisions by the end of the year. It has already been decided that a pipeline will pass through the Israeli fields in Cyprus. This is considered as the first leg of EastMed. Then there are two options. The first is the EastMed pipeline to Greece and from there to Italy and the rest of Europe. The second is that of LNG in Cyprus and its transport via ships to Alexandroupolis and in other directions. This appears to be more advantageous, writes Yannos Charalambidis in his analysis. As we are informed in this regard, the works will start as soon as the final decision is made, because everyone involved wants to seize the opportunity of the five years, as they say.
(Ξένη Δημοσίευση) Ο πρωθυπουργός Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης (Δ) με τον πρωθυπουργό της Ινδίας Ναρέντρα Μόντι (Α), κάνουν κοινές δηλώσεις μετά τη συνάντησή τους, στο Μέγαρο Μαξίμου, Αθήνα, Παρασκευή 25 Αυγούστου 2023. O πρωθυπουργός της Ινδίας, Narendra Modi πραγματοποιεί επίσημη επίσκεψη στην Αθήνα, η πρώτη επίσκεψη Ινδού πρωθυπουργού στην Ελλάδα τα τελευταία 40 χρόνια, από το 1983, όταν επισκέφθηκε τη χώρα μας η Ίντιρα Γκάντι. ΑΠΕ-ΜΠΕ/ΓΡΑΦΕΙΟ ΤΥΠΟΥ ΠΡΩΘΥΠΟΥΡΓΟΥ/ΔΗΜΗΤΡΗΣ ΠΑΠΑΜΗΤΣΟΣ
“EastMed via tanker”
One more thing is added to these developments: At the beginning of next year, it is expected that an agreement will be reached between Cyprus and Israel on the issue of percentages in part of the Aphrodite plot. The no-pipeline option to Greece is emerging as an “EastMed via tanker”, especially at a time when Europe is in need of energy due to the Ukrainian crisis. In addition, the first green energy milestone closes by 2030, so if the project in Cyprus ends in 2026, it will have four years to be very profitable. Then the issue depends on whether and how much the EU will limit its needs in natural gas and oil due to its transition to green energy. For Cyprus and Israel there are Asian markets outside of Europe. This project does not affect the choice of pipeline to Egypt. Second, the creation of a geopolitical and geostrategic arc with India, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Cyprus, Greece, which reaches the EU and includes:
It covers US gaps
A) States of different ethnicities and religions, which will coexist serving common interests. B) Economic, trade and energy cooperation. C) Defense cooperation in the logic of a security subsystem, which also favors the US, without excluding the participation of Jordan and Egypt. This design is estimated to fill gaps in the United States at the regional level and can work in parallel and in competition with the new Silk Road from China to Europe, in sea, land and even air space.
It works as a deterrent
However, by its very nature, such a geopolitical and geostrategic arc acts as a deterrent to states unfriendly to the West, which mainly the US considers as threats, such as Pakistan, and more recently Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq and Syria. However, the issue was discussed between the current president of the Republic of Cyprus, Nikos Christodoulides, when he was foreign minister, and his Indian counterpart. After Britain’s exit from the EU, Cyprus aspires to become India’s bridge with Brussels. It is estimated that further decisions will be taken in the first quarter of 2024 at a Summit, which will be held in Israel with the presence of India. Strategic compass
The question is how quickly can such a design be implemented and what reliability can it have? Government sources say that the involvement of Israel and Saudi Arabia – if it eventually becomes possible to participate – as well as India lends, along with Cyprus and Greece, as EU member states, other dimensions of allied confidence. It is estimated that Saudi Arabia has no reason to be negative. This double planning: 1) It reduces the chances of a pipeline from Israel to Turkey, because, among other things, the Israelis already have an agreement with Egypt as well, but without excluding anything as long as there are interests. 2) A related policy from Cyprus and Greece can be added to it, if a decision is made to implement the strategic compass, so that it is: A) The EU is present and already in practice through two of its own member states. B) NATO is present, which is connected to the defense and security of the EU, through Greece. As for Turkey, no participation requirement can be in the strategic compass if it does not proceed with the withdrawal of its troops from Cyprus and commits, on the one hand, to a complete withdrawal and, on the other hand, to an end to the climate of tension and respect for Greek sovereign rights in the Aegean through the dialogue with Greece. Turkish energy diplomacy and timelines
Tayyip Erdogan, however, continues the “pendulum” policy, , one with the USA and NATO and one with Russia. And this is because he behaves as a superpower leader. The other day he had contacts with Russian President Vladimir Putin and it is obvious that he wants to become Moscow’s energy exit from its blockade as a result of the war in Ukraine. As the Turkish president stated: “With our investments we will turn our country into an important natural gas base. We are getting closer to our goal of making Turkey the center of regional and later global energy… With the agreements in the natural gas sector, we are turning our country into an energy base.” And on top of that he added: “With the successes in energy diplomacy, we proved that in the Eastern Mediterranean no step can be taken without Turkey.” On the basis of this policy, it has announced that it plans to install another nuclear power plant in the Black Sea, namely in Sinop, after the one in Akugiou. In the deep waters of dialogue
At the same time, it is no coincidence that the EastMed pipeline, in addition to the economic sector, is probably shelved due to Turkish threats regarding the issues of EEZs and the continental shelf that Ankara has open with Cyprus and Greece, which do not want to come into confrontation with Turkey so as not to spoil the climate that is about to be created. Since the talk is about Greece, after the Gerapetritis-Fidan meeting last Tuesday, its relations with Turkey enter the deep waters of the dialogue, with the political will of the USA regarding the cohesion of NATO as a lifeline. The Greek-Turkish road map is related to the timetable, which was set in the relations between Greece, Cyprus and Israel. Greece and Turkey will have: A) The next appointment on September 18, when the Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis will meet with the Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan on the sidelines of the UN work (the article was written before the postponement of the meeting to the 20 -September 22 due to the floods in Greece). B) On October 17, when a meeting will be held at a political and technocratic level, which will include proposals for Confidence Building Measures (CBM) and the preparation for the Supreme Council of the two countries, which will take place in Thessaloniki around December, after seven years. The question and self-handicap
The new question that arises is as follows: How will such a dialogue proceed when Greece and Turkey claim to remain loyal to the red lines? The same is the case with the Cyprus issue. How will there be a result in the efforts of the president when the Turkish side insists on the two states with equal sovereignty? Of course, there is something else Erdogan is saying. That is, Turkey should also play a role in the exploitation of natural gas in the south-eastern Mediterranean. It is for this reason that the government should make it clear to our potential and existing allies, as well as to our partners in the EU, that Turkey can participate when it recognizes the Republic of Cyprus to define a continental shelf and EEZ between the two states on the basis of International Law, as long as what Protocol 10 and the counter-declaration of September 21, 2005 stipulate are respected. These positions are democratic and put Turkey in front of dilemmas, to which it must provide answers. Otherwise, any geopolitical planning between Greece, Cyprus and Israel is exposed and facilitated at the international, and especially the European, level. Of course, we’ve been selfish a few times.
